VIII. India

ALEXANDREIA [?] AT THE JUNCTION OF THE AKESINES AND INDUS

According to Arrian (6.15.2) in 325 B.C. Alexander ordered Philippos “to found a city there just at the meeting of the two rivers (i.e., the Akesines [modern Chenab] and Indus Rivers) . . . and dockyards to be built” (trans. Brunt).¹ Arrian says Alexander expected the city would become “great and famous.” Arrian does not give the name of the city. However, it is possibly the same Alexandreia as that mentioned by Curtius Rufus (9.8.8) and by Diodorus (17.102.4), which, the latter says, was initially populated by 10,000 settlers. The existence of this settlement has been questioned.² Assuming it was built, we do not know the exact location.³

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:684; Kaerst, Hellenismus 1:464; Berve, Alexanderreich 2:294; Tcherikover, HS 109; Eggermont, Punjab 106–10; A. B. Bosworth, CQ (1976) 130–32; Fraser, Cities 70–71.

1. On Philippos see, for example, Berve, Alexanderreich 2:384–85, no. 780; and Heckel, Marshals 331.

2. For doubts about the existence of this settlement see, for example, Woodcock, India 39; and Fraser, Cities 71 (“It is not clear that it was ever built, and some believe, perhaps with good reason, that it was not”); see also Tarn, Alexander 2:237.

Welles (note 2 to Loeb Diodorus 17.102.4) and Fraser (Cities 71 and n. 27) claimed that Arrian (6.15.2), Diodorus, and Curtius Rufus were all referring to the same city. However, Fraser did comment that “Diodorus’ narrative here bears little resemblance to that of Arrian, and he gives no clear geographical indication of the location.” Brunt (note to Loeb Arrian 6.15.2) was undecided as to whether or not the reference in Diodorus and Curtius Rufus was to this settlement or to the settlement mentioned at 6.15.4, i.e., ALEXANDREIA [?] of the Sogdoi. On the other hand, Tcherikover (HS 109), Kaerst (Hellenismus 1:464), Berve (Alexanderreich 2:294), and Heckel (Marshals 331 n. 40) believed Diodorus and Curtius Rufus meant the latter foundation. Droysen (Hist. 2:684) also associated the Curtius Rufus reference with ALEXANDREIA [?] of the Sogdoi.

Eggermont, writing in 1993 (Punjab 108–10), suggested that the information in Arrian 6.15.4 (“Here he had Craterus and the greater part of the army and the elephants ferried across to the left bank of the river Indus. . . . He himself sailed down toward the royal city of Sogdia. There he fortified the new city, and constructed new ship-stations and had his damaged boats refitted,” trans. Brunt) was a “doublet” of that contained in 6.15.2 and, therefore, that “the town of Sogdia [was] identical with Alexandria-Uch.” Surprisingly, in the course of his discussion Eggermont did not refer to the article “Errors in Arrian” that A. B. Bosworth had published in CQ in 1976. In that article Bosworth had first suggested there was a doublet in Arrian, i.e., with ALEXANDREIA [?] of the Sogdoi. Bosworth noted that after Arrian’s reference to the settlement at the confluence of the Akesines and the Indus “comes a reference to the arrival at the palace of the Sogdi. . . . Here too Alexander founds a city, again with dockyards, and again there is a reference to the fleet; the ships which had been damaged were refitted. Why, one asks, had that not been done at the confluence, where Alexander had deliberately lingered to concentrate his forces? Why also should a second Alexandria have been founded in such close proximity to the city at the confluence? There is no hint elsewhere of two foundations in this area and no trace of either city in later history. The difficulties evaporate if we assume a doublet in Arrian” (131).

3. Location. Cunningham (Geography 277–79; see also Eggermont, Punjab 109) suggested that the settlement was located at the site of Uch, which is in southern Punjab province in Pakistan. Uch, which is 112 km south-southwest of Multan and 72 km northeast of Mithankot, was formerly located at the confluence of the Indus and Chenab rivers (see map 1 on p. 6 in Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan; map 9 in Bosworth, Comment. 2:317; and map 46 in National Geographic Atlas²).

I should mention here IOMOUSA, which Ptolemy (7.1.46) included among the cities east of the Hydaspes (Jhelum) River. In GBI² 246–47 Tarn suggested the term was derived from Ἰὼ Μοῦσα, “Hail, O Muse,” and that “the words are the first words of a lyric addressed to the Muse whose name was the name of the city. . . . The name of the Muse and her eponymous city was no doubt Calliope.” Tarn also suggested that the colony was founded with settlers from KALLIOPE in Parthia; furthermore (if I understand Tarn correctly) “Kalliope” and “Iomousa” were nicknames for ALEXANDREIA [?] at the junction of the Akesines and Indus. Tarn’s reason for this identification was that Ptolemy’s coordinates placed Iomousa near the confluence of the Chenab and Indus rivers. Subsequently (Alexander 2:237) Tarn repudiated the equation for the following reasons: (a) although we know the town was ordered to be built, we do not know if it was ever finished, (b) its position is too far south for a genuine Greek city of the eastern Punjab, and (c) Ptolemy’s coordinates are not always reliable in the East. As a result, Tarn speculated that Iomousa was probably [ALEXANDREIA] on the Akesines. On the other hand, Eggermont (in Studia Naster 2:65–66) did not believe that Iomousa was a place-name. He suggested—not convincingly—that it was “the word ‘dachanos’ [i.e, “south” in the language of the natives, according to the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 50], which through the intermediary of a vast range of variant lectures occurring in the papyri of the classical antiquity itself eventually came to the notice of Ptolemaeus in the shape of a toponym.” One awaits the discovery of further information regarding Iomousa (and the hypothetical Kalliope in India).

ALEXANDREIA BY POROS

See NIKAIA in India.

ALEXANDREIA IN MAKARENE

Among the Alexandreias recorded by Stephanos is no. 13, ἐν Μακαρήνῃ, which he described as ἣν παραρρεῖ ποταμὸς Μαξάτης. The correctness of this information has long been doubted. In the late seventeenth century both Saumaise (Salmasius) and L. Holsten suggested emending the text. The former suggested that we read ἐν Σακαστήνῃ for ἐν Μακαρήνῃ and Ἰαξάρτης for Μαξάτης; the latter emended ἐν Μακαρήνῃ to ἐν Μαξαρήνῃ and Μαξάτης to Μαξάρης. This would place the settlement either in southeastern Iran or in the Caspian region. More recently, P. M. Fraser noted—perhaps too pessimistically—that Alexandreia in Makarene is nowhere else attested in the extant literature, and suggested the reference may be corrupt.¹

On the other hand, W. Tomaschek, in his RE article, suggested that Alexandreia in Makarene was located in eastern Gedrosia on the banks of the Mashkai/Maxates/Pao, a tributary of the Hingol/Nal River.² P. Goukowsky followed this suggestion and speculated further that the settlement was probably built by Leonnatos.³ W. W. Tarn also challenged the suggested emendations that had been proposed by Saumaise; he argued for the existence of an Alexandreia—also in eastern Gedrosia—and suggested it was identical with Alexandreia in the territory of the Oreitai, that is, Ora.⁴

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In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 10”; Tcherikover, HS 147; Goukowsky, Essai 2:99–100; Fraser, Cities 166 and n. 116.

1. Saumaise in the Dindorf edition of Stephanos (Leipzig, 1825), 2:54; he was followed by Tcherikover (HS 147; see also Droysen, Hist. 2:674–75). L. Holsten (in the Dindorf edition of Stephanos, 2:54), who also wrote in the last half of the seventeenth century, called attention to the Μaξῆραι (Ptol. 6.9.5), who lived on the Caspian Sea coast, and the Μαξήρας River (Ptol. 6.9.2); see further Weissbach, RE s.v. “Maxerai.” Pape-Benseler listed Makarene with a question mark (Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen³ s.v.). See also Fraser, Cities 166 n. 116.

2. Rivers in this region are frequently known by a number of names; see Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 58. On the identification of the Maskid and the Maxates see W. Tomaschek, SAWW 121.8 (1890) 33; Herzfeld, Empire 63, 335; see also A. Stein, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 43 (1931) 35 (Maskid). The Maskid/Maxates/Mashkai is called the Pao on the maps of A. Stein (GJ 102 [1943] 195) and Eggermont (Sind and Baluchistan 58; map 3, p. 56).

3. Goukowsky, Essai 2:99–100.

4. See Tarn, Alexander 2:249–50; and ALEXANDREIA Rhambakia. For locating Alexandreia in Makarene in Gedrosia see also Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 10”; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:295; and Goukowsky, Essai 2:99–100, 195 n. 83. For the term “Makran” in early Arab accounts of the region see Holdich, The Gates of India 284–324.

ALEXANDREIA ΚΑΤΑ ΤΟΝ ΜΕΛΑΝΑ ΚΟΛΠΟΝ

See ALEXANDREIA RHAMBAKIA, n. 6.

ALEXANDREIA OF THE OREITAI

See ALEXANDREIA RHAMBAKIA.

ALEXANDREIA [?] OF THE SOGDOI

According to Arrian (6.15.4), after Alexander founded ALEXANDREIA at the junction of the Akesines (modern Chenab) and Indus he sailed down to the βασίλειον of the Sogdoi.¹ There he fortified a city (καὶ ἐνταῦθα πόλιν τε ἐντείχιζεν ἄλλην), built new ship-stations, and refitted his damaged ships. Arrian does not give the name of the settlement. However, it has frequently been suggested that the Alexandreia mentioned by Diodorus (17.102.4) and Curtius Rufus (9.8.8) may refer to this settlement, rather than to ALEXANDREIA at the junction of the Akesines and Indus rivers.² The exact location is not definitely known.³

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In general see Wilson, Ariana 203; Droysen, Hist. 2:684; Cunningham, Geography 290–93; Wecker, RE s.v. “Sogdoi”; Kaerst, Hellenismus 1:464 and n. 6; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Tcherikover, HS 109.

1. On the term τὸ βασίλειον see SELEUKEIA in Pieria; and SELEUKEIA on the Tigris.

2. Diodorus (17.102.4, trans. Welles) says: “Next Alexander received the submission of those who dwelt on either side of the river; they were called Sodrae and Massani. Here he built a city Alexandria by the river and selected for it ten thousand inhabitants. Next he came to the country of King Musicanus.” Curtius Rufus (9.8.8, trans. Rolfe) says: “When these had been received in submission, Alexander came on the fourth day to another nation. . . . Accordingly, after founding a town there, which he ordered to be called Alexandria, he entered the territories of those who are called the Musicani.” Cunningham (Geography 290–91) suggested that the Sodrae of Diodorus and the Sogdoi of Appian were identical and that the same people were described by Curtius Rufus, though the latter did not mention their names. For scholars identifying the settlement recorded by these three authors see ALEXANDREIA [?] at the Junction of the Akesines and Indus, n. 2. Eggermont (Punjab 106–10) suggested that Alexandreia of the Sogdoi was identical with ALEXANDREIA [?] at the junction of the Akesines and Indus; see the latter entry, n. 2. For Bosworth’s suggestion that there was a doublet (of Alexandreia [?] of the Sogdoi and ALEXANDREIA [?] at the junction of the Akesines and Indus) in Arrian 6.15.2–4 see the latter entry, n. 2.

3. Location. Cunningham (Geography 292–94 and map IX opp. p. 284) suggested the settlement was located at Fazilpur; he also called attention to Bhatia between Multan and Alor, which the early Arab geographers described as a strong fort, and speculated that this might have been the site of Alexandreia of the Sogdoi (see Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 6, map 1). Kaerst (Hellenismus 1:464 n. 6, followed by Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294) suggested the settlement was above Bukkur; he also noted that the Arabic writers mentioned an Ashkandra or Sekandra between Multan and Alor (modern Sukkur) (see also Wilson, Ariana 203; and Lassen, Ind. Alter. 2:183 n. 2).

[ALEXANDREIA] ON THE AKESINES

According to Arrian (5.29.2–3), upon his return from the Hyphasis (modern Sutlej) River Alexander arrived at the Akesines (modern Chenab) River. He found the city already built that he had ordered Hephaistion to fortify.¹ He settled in it people from the area as well as mercenaries who were no longer fit for military service.² Arrian, who is our sole source of information about this settlement, does not give its name.³ We do not know the exact location.⁴

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In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 8”; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Tcherikover, HS 108–9; Tarn, Alexander 2:237; Fraser, Cities 70; Bosworth, Comment. 2:358.

1. For Alexander delegating the responsibility of founding a settlement to one of his commanders see, for example, BOUKEPHALA, SAMAREIA, and GERASA.

2. Bosworth (Comment. 2:358) called attention to the fact that Arrian did not mention the inclusion of Macedonians among the settlers. He suggested this was not fortuitous and probably reflected Alexander’s disinclination to settle Macedonians in such a distant area, where the prospect of returning home was very small.

3. Tcherikover (HS 108–9) and Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Alexandreia 8”) referred to the settlement as Alexandreia on the Akesines. For Tarn’s suggested identification of this Alexandreia with Iomousa (Ptol. 7.1.46), see ALEXANDREIA [?] at the Junction of the Akesines and Indus.

4. Location. Lassen (Ind. Alter. 2:165) and Droysen (Hist. 2:684; see also Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294) suggested that Wazirabad (on the Chenab River 100 km north of Lahore in northeastern Pakistan) was the site of the ancient settlement; see map 24 in National Geographic Atlas². For the Chenab River see, for example, maps in Bosworth, Comment. 2:317, 339.

ALEXANDREIA ΠΑΡΑ ΣΩΡΙΑΝΟΙΣ

According to Stephanos (s.v. “Alexandreia 14”), there was an Alexandreia παρὰ Σωριανοῖς; he describes the latter as an Indian ethnos. We do not know who these people were or the exact location of the settlement. J.-G. Droysen identified this settlement with PATALA.¹ A. Cunningham suggested this Alexandreia was located on the site of the ruins of Shorkot.²

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:684; Cunningham, Geography 236–37; Tcherikover, HS 109; Tarn, Alexander 2:241.

1. Hist. 2:684.

2. Geography 235–37 and map VI opp. p. 120. Cunningham suggested that Philip—who was put in charge of the Oxydrakai and Malloi by Alexander—enlarged and strengthened Shorkot. Furthermore, Cunningham identified Shorkot with the city of the Malloi, which Alexander captured (Diod. 17.98.1–6). For the campaign against the city of the Malloi see also Hammond, Sources 265–69.

ALEXANDREIA RHAMBAKIA

According to Arrian (6.21.5), during his return march from India in 325 B.C. Alexander arrived at Rhambakia, the largest village of the Oreitai. He was favorably impressed with the site and believed that it would become a great and prosperous city if people were settled there. He left Hephaistion there to oversee this. Subsequently he ordered Leonnatos to provide settlers for the city (καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξυνοικίζειν, 6.22.3). Arrian does not give the name of the foundation. However, Diodorus (17.104.8, trans. Welles), says: “Alexander wanted to found a city by the sea. He found a sheltered harbour with suitable terrain near by (πλησίον), and established there a city called Alexandria”; and Curtius Rufus (9.10.7) tells us that Alexander founded a city in this region and populated it with Arachosii.¹ Pliny (NH 6.97) mentions “Alexandria, founded in the territory of this race by Leonnatus at the order of Alexander; Argenus, with a serviceable harbour” (trans. Rackham).² Finally, Stephanos refers to Alexandreia no. 4 (s.v.) as a πόλις Ὠριτῶν, ἔθνους Ἰχθυοφάγων, κατὰ τὸν περίπλουν τῆς Ἰνδικῆς.³ The land of the Ichthyophagoi was on the coast, west of the mouth of the Hingol River in the region between Cape Malan and Cape Jask.⁴ Presumably these latter authors were all referring to the settlement at Rhambakia recorded by Arrian.⁵

We do not know the location of this settlement.⁶

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In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 9”; Kiessling, RE s.v. “Rhambakia”; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:295; Tcherikover, HS 110; Tarn, Alexander 2:249–53; J. R . Hamilton, Historia 21 (1972) 603–8; André and Filliozat, Pline VI (2) 127–29; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 91–96; Goukowsky, Essai 2:95–100; Fraser, Cities 71–73, 164–66.

1. Despite Pliny’s notice about the population of the settlement, Fraser suggested (Cities 72 n. 31) that the synoecism was made up largely of local Oreitai tribesmen.

For Alexander’s commanders founding settlements on his orders see, for example, SAMAREIA, GERASA, and BOUKEPHALA.

2. The fact that Diodorus referred to Alexandreia’s harbor and Pliny mentioned Alexandreia and Argenus, “with a serviceable harbor,” indicates that there was a harbor at or near this Alexandreia. According to Arrian (Ind. 23.4) Cocala was an anchorage where Nearchos stopped and met Leonnatos. We do not know the precise location of Cocala. Tomaschek (SAWW 121.8 [1890] 20) searched for it at the mouth of the Phor River. In connection with this, Tomaschek called attention to Julius Valerius, who included an Alexandria “apud Origala” in his list of Alexander foundations (60, ed. Kuebler); Tomaschek corrected Alexandreia “apud Origala” to Alexandreia “apud Cocala.” Tarn (Alexander 2:253) suggested Cocala was at or near the mouth of the Porali River, which today reaches the sea via the Miani Hor lagoon. He also believed that Leonnatos settled both the harbor town (i.e., Cocala) and the city (i.e., Alexandreia mentioned by Diodorus and Pliny). Goukowsky (Essai 2:96–98) also hypothesized that Cocala was the harbor for Alexandreia. The latter he believed was at Kaiara Kot; the former he identified with Argenus and, following Tomaschek, placed at the mouth of the Phor River (see below, n. 5). Eggermont (Sind and Baluchistan 73), imaginatively but unconvincingly, identified Alexandreia “apud Origala” with Alexandreia and Argenus mentioned by Pliny (the eparchy name, Oritene-> Origene->Orgene->Argene->Argenus; the Doric pronounciation of the eparchy name, Oritana->Origana->Origala).

3. Regarding Stephanos’s reference to Alexandreia no. 4 as a πόλις Ὠριτῶν, the MSS actually have Νεαρτῶν. However, this was corrected by Meineke in his edition of Stephanos to Ὠριτῶν, and this has been generally accepted; see, for example, Tarn, Alexander 2:241–42; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 71; and Fraser, Cities 165 n. 115; similarly Diod. 17.104.5, 105.1.

4. For the land of the Ichthyophagoi see, for example, Strabo 15.2.2–3; Diod. 3.15.1; Arr. Ind. 26.2; see also Tkac, RE s.v. “Ichthyophagoi”; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 168–69; Biffi, Indike 199.

5. In earlier discussions scholars usually assumed that there were two settlements founded in the territory of the Oreitai, one at Rhambakia built by Hephaistion and a second at an unknown site by Leonnatos; see, for example, Droysen, Hist. 2:686–87 (who questioned whether we are dealing with one or two cities and opted for the latter); Berve, Alexanderreich 1:295 (“Alexandreia in Oreitenlande I,” possibly at Somniani; “Alexandreia in Oreitenlande II,” possibly identical with Rhambakia). Subsequently, Tarn (Alexander 2:249–53) suggested that only one city was founded—by Leonnatos at Ora—and that Hephaistion did not, in fact, build a settlement at Rhambakia. Furthermore, Tarn called attention to Alexandreia in Makarene recorded by Stephanos (no. 13; Stephanos adds ἣν παραρρεῖ ποταμὸς Μαξάτης). Tarn argued (Alexander 2:249–50) that this city is identical with Alexandreia in the territory of the Oreitai, i.e., with Ora. On the other hand, Tomaschek suggested (RE s.v. “Alexandreia 10”) that Alexandreia in Makarene was a separate foundation in Gedrosia, located on the banks of the Maskid (Maxates), a tributary of the Hingol/Nal River; see further ALEXANDREIA in Makarene. Tarn’s suggestion that there was only one Alexandreia has been generally accepted; at the same time, debate has continued regarding the identification of the settlement. Thus, Hamilton (Historia 21 [1972] 603–7) argued there was one Alexandreia in the territory of the Oreitai, but it was located at Rhambakia, not Ora. Fraser (Cities 166 n. 116) also claimed there was only one settlement but suggested it was at or near Rhambakia and that Ora was simply an alternative name for it; see also Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 94–95. On Alexander in the land of the Oreitai see also Strabo 15.2.7.

6. The literary evidence for the location of Alexandreia Rhambakia provides apparently conflicting information. Assuming they were both talking about the same settlement, we may note that Arrian gives no indication that the settlement was on the coast, while Diodorus says it had a harbor. Fraser (Cities 165 n. 115) dismissed the problem by noting that the latter could not be trusted on the question of the exact location. However, the information given by Pliny and Stephanos also points to a settlement on/near the coast. As a result, there are two schools of thought regarding the possible location of Alexandreia Rhambakia: inland or on/near the coast.

A. Stein (GJ 102 [1943] 215; map on p. 195; followed, e.g., by H. T. Lambrick, Sind [Hyderabad, 1964] 125; Fraser, Cities 165 n. 115) searched inland for Alexandreia Rhambakia at Welpat, in the vicinity of the present Bela (see map 3, p. 56 in Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan); he noted that at “Bela itself the height and extent of the mound on which the town is built, distinctly suggests considerable antiquity. . . . But I was unable to trace any definite archaeological evidence as to the earliest period to which the formation of the great mound may date back” and concluded that “no definite location is at present possible” (Stein [216] and Goukowsky [Essai 2:192 n. 47], incidentally, dismissed Cunningham’s identification [Geography 354] of Rhambakia with Rambagh).

We may also note that in his enumeration of Alexandreias, Stephanos (s.v. “Alexandreia 16”) records one, κατὰ τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον. The identification—and the location—of this settlement is not securely fixed. Speculation about a possible site has focused on two widely separated regions: Thrace and Asia. In favor of Thrace is the (weak) argument that the only “Black Gulf” known to us is in the area of the Thracian Chersonese. As a result, Meineke suggested the city was the Alexandreia in Thrace mentioned by Stephanos (s.v., no. 3), which, in turn, is undoubtedly identical with ALEXANDROPOLIS in Thrace recorded by Plutarch (Alex. 9; see Tarn, Alexander 2:248–49; Fraser, Cities 26–27, 29). Stephanos mentions Alexandreia κατὰ τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον between Alexandreia among the Arachotoi (15) and Alexandreia in Sogdiana (17); this, it has been suggested, points to a possible location in Asia. (In total, Stephanos lists eighteen Alexandreias. The first three are Alexandreia in Egypt, Troas, and Thrace; these are followed [nos. 4–7] by settlements in India; then follows [nos. 8–10] Alexandreia in Cilicia, the problematic Alexandreia in Cyprus [on which see ALEXANDREIA on the Tigris], then Alexandreia in Caria. Nos. 11–15 and 17–18 all appear to be in Asia; hence the argument that no. 16 was also in this region.) Cunningham (Geography 353–54) suggested that Alexandreia κατὰ τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον was identical with Alexandreia Rhambakia. He pointed out that, according to Arrian (Ind. 25.1), the western limit of the territory of the Oreitai was called Malana. Cunningham identified this with the Bay of Malan east of Ras (Cape) Malan (“Mons Maleus” in Pliny NH 2.184; see further Eggermont, Sind and Babluchistan 78–79 and map 3 on p. 56), 30 km west of the Aghor River (see Stein, GJ 102 [1943] 204). Fraser (Cities 166 n.116) granted that the “location in very general terms would suit that Alexandria . . . for it comes in Stephanus’ list after Ἀλ. παρὰ τοῖς Ἀραχώτοις,” but objected that “even if there were any evidence that Alexander built a further, otherwise unrecorded, city in this area, the great bare headland . . . could not be the potential site of a ‘large and prosperous city’ .” See also Tarn (Alexander 2:253–54), who rejected the melana-Malana equation. He was undoubtedly correct when he described Alexandreia κατὰ τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον as “irrecoverable” (242).

ALEXANDROPOLIS

Among the foundations of Seleukos I Nikator, Appian (Syr. 57) mentions Alexandropolis in India. It would appear that Appian is our only extant source of information about this settlement.¹ The precise identification of this settlement is not known. Tcherikover suggested the reference was to a foundation in India of Alexander that Seleukos had restored.² On the other hand, P. Goukowsky identified the settlement with ALEXANDREIA in Arachosia.³

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 111, 166; Brodersen, Komment. 161.

1. In A5 of the Cosmographia Honorius lists the “provinciae oceani orientalis” (ed. A. Riese); he begins with India and then proceeds in a generally northwestward direction through the Middle East. In the following section (A6) he provides a list of the “oppida oceani orientalis.” Again, he moves in a generally northwestward (and rather circular) direction. Early in his list he includes an “Alexandropolis.” Widemann included this Alexandropolis in the list of settlements he attributed to Alexander (Les successeurs 32). Nevertheless, the existence of this settlement is highly doubtful. Note Fraser’s comments: “Oriental Alexandropolises raise insoluble problems. . . . The cities given by Pliny and Honorius seem quite unreal . . . while the long and monotonous list of oppida in Honorius is so full of geographical nonsense that we may jettison it without qualms” (Cities 29; see also ALEXANDROPOLIS in Parthia and HEKATOMPYLOS).

2. Tcherikover, HS 111. On Seleukos in India and Bactria see, for example, Brodersen, Comment. 127; Mehl, Seleukos 1:156–91.

3. Goukowsky, Essai 1:329 n. 198. For the difficulties with the ALEXANDROPOLIS settlements—in Thrace, Parthia, Sakastane, Arachosia (see ALEXANDREIA), and at HEKATOMPYLOS—see ALEXANDROPOLIS in Parthia and Fraser, Cities 29–30. In his discussion Fraser did not mention Alexandropolis in India.

ANTIOCH THARMATA

Antioch Tharmata is mentioned in two extant sources: the Tabula Peutingeriana (XI.5) records an Antio[c]hia Tharmata, a city near or on the coast of India, between the mouths of the Ganges and Patleris rivers; the Ravenna Geographer mentioned Antiochia and Tarmata (2.1.14–15, ed. Schnetz) in India. Tomaschek identified it with Harmata, an Indian city mentioned by Stephanos (s.v. “Harma”), and suggested it was located southwest of the Ganges Delta.¹ He also speculated that Greeks may have landed here during the reign of either Antiochos II or III. One awaits further information before coming to any conclusions about Antio[c]h Tharmata.²

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:752; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Antiocheia 13”; Miller, Itineraria 798, 846; Tcherikover, HS 111; P. Leriche, JHPCS 27 (1994/2010) 153–90, esp. 185–88; Rapin in Afghanistan ancien carrefour 153–54 and n. 45; Leriche and Pidaev, Termez 31–33.

1. On Harma/Harmata see Tarn (GBI² 525), who observed that Stephanos’s Harmata had nothing do with Tarmita (on Tarmita see below and ALEXANDREIA OXEIANA, n. 3); rather, he identified it with Harmateleia, which is mentioned in Diodorus 17.103.1 and which is called Harmata in two MSS; followed by Leriche in La Bactriane 79. Eggermont (Sind and Baluchistan 129–33) suggested—unconvincingly—that Harma is an “intermediary” form between Ramba and Ora and posited—also unconvincingly—the equation Harma (Harmatelia) = Ramba (Rambacia) = Cocala. See also ALEXANDREIA Rhambakia.

2. In the modern scholarly literature the identification and suggested location of Antioch Tharmata has had an interesting history. Droysen (Hist. 2:752), who referred only to the Tabula Peutingeriana and did not mention the Ravenna Geographer, was rightly skeptical about an Antioch located on the eastern coast of India. On the other hand, Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Antiocheia 13”) was willing to consider the possibility that under the Seleucids (possibly Antiochos II or III?) Greek merchants might have been conducting business in the area of the Ganges. Tcherikover (HS 111) agreed with Droysen’s skepticism but, nevertheless, located it southwest of the Ganges Delta. On the other hand, Miller (Itineraria Romana 795, 798) located it at Merv.

Scholarly speculation also began focusing on a location in Bactria/Sogdiana; this was based primarily on the assumption that Tharmata/Tarmata was located at the site of Termez on the Oxus River. In 1915 P. Cordier called attention to the first colophon of the Tibetan translation of a lost Sanskrit work, which mentioned Dharmamitra and Tar-mi-ta (Catalogue du Fonds Tibétain de la Bibliothèque Nationale III Index du Bstan-Hgyur [Paris, 1915] 408). In the catalogue Cordier had written the following brief note: “Dharmamitra ( . . . originaire de Tarmita [?], au bord du fleuve Paksu [cor. Vaksu = l’Oxus, ou Amou-daria]).” Subsequently, P. Pelliot identified the toponym Tarmita as the old form of Termez (“Termez dans les texts chinois et tibétains,” Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Sciences de l’URSS [1929] 297–98), which was also known in Chinese (Hsüan-Tsang either in Beal, trans., Buddhist Records 1:38 or Watters, trans., Yuan Chwang’s Travel 1:105). In 1933 S. Lévi (JA 222 [1933] 27 n. 1) observed that Tarmita was “évidemment Termed (Termez) sur l’Oxus” and “Paksu” was a Sanskrit form for the name Oxus.

In 1938 Tarn wrote (GBI² 118–19; see also JHS 60 [1940] 84–94; Alexander 2:234–35): “It is . . . tolerably certain that Demetrius founded a name-city Demetrias in Sogdiana, for a Sanskrit work, existing only in a Thibetan translation, recorded a city Dharmamitra and Dharmamitra is the (Prakrit) form given to Demetrius’ name in the Yuga-purana. The Thibetan translator has added that this name was the original of Tarmita which is Termedh, represented by the modern Termez, on the north bank of the Oxus.”

Subsequently, Tarn’s claim that Dharmamitra was a toponym was refuted by R. B. Whitehead (NC [1947] 36) and H. W. Bailey (BOAS 13 [1950] 400–403; see also Narain, Indo-Greeks 39–41). Both scholars demonstrated conclusively that Dharmamitra was the name of a person—rather than of a place—who came from Tarmita (accepted by Tarn, GBI² 525).

There the matter stood until 1998, when F. Grenet and C. Rapin revived Tarn’s hypothesis (BAI 12 [1998] 83–84). Among other things, they also called attention to a fragmentary Middle Persian graffito found at Kara Tepe, in the northern part of Termez, probably dating from the end of the third century A.D., that W. B. Henning restored as [‘](n)tywk (in a letter to V. G. Lukonin in B. I. Stavinskij, ed., Kara-tepe [Moscow, 1969] 2:46 n. 24 [N.V.]). Nota bene that the reprinting of Henning’s letter in Kara-tepe remains—as far as I know—the only public notification regarding this graffito. To date, there has been no formal publication; see Leriche and Pidaev, Termez 32. This, of course, would raise the possibility that the graffito could be read as “Antioch” and would support the identification of Termez with Antioch Tharmata. And, in fact, Bernard pointed to the graffito as demonstrating that Termez had been renamed Antioch by Antiochos I (JS [1982] 236 and n. 54). However, Leriche correctly objected (JA 290 [2002] 414) that it is not clear whether the restored name is a toponym (i.e., “Antiocheia”) or a homonym (i.e., “Antiochos”). In an article published in 2010 Leriche expressed concern that the reading was based on a photograph in a private letter; in fact it had never been published or confirmed (Leriche, JHPCS 27 [1994/2010] 187). Given these uncertainties, Grenet and Rapin’s conjecture should be held in abeyance until we have firm and unequivocal evidence for the occurrence of “Antioch” as a toponym and for its referring specifically to Termez.

Separate from—but related to—the question of the identification of Termez with Antioch Tharmata/Tarmata mentioned in the Tab. Peut. and by the Ravenna Geographer is whether or not Termez was the site of an Alexandreia, and, if so, which one. There was a tradition that Termez was the site of an Alexandrine foundation. This tradition is mentioned, for example, by the Persian historians al-Tabari (ninth century) and Hafiz-i Abru (early fifteenth century); see V. Minorsky, BSOAS 30 (1967) 46; Leriche in La Bactriane 80 n. 20; and Leriche and Pidaev in After Alexander 181 n. 4. Tarn claimed (GBI² 118–19; JHS 60 [1940] 89–91; Alexander 2:235) that ALEXANDREIA Oxeiana mentioned by Ptolemy (6.12.6) was identical with ALEXANDREIA in Sogdiana recorded by Stephanos (“Alexandreia 17”). Tarn also said that Alexandreia Oxeiana in Sogdiana was located on the north bank of the Oxus. Furthermore, he said (with admirable self-assurance!): “There can be no reasonable doubt that it stood at Tarmita . . . now Termez . . . , for it could not have stood anywhere else”; followed by P. Goukowsky (Diodore 236–37; Essai 1:158–59, 215–17; in Mélanges Lévêque 245–66) and C. Rapin (in Afghanistan ancien carrefour 164). Note, however, P. Bernard (JS [1982] 217–42; see also Fraser, Cities 141 n. 69; 154 and n. 97), who argued against Goukowsky’s claim that Alexandreia Oxeiana was located at Termez (for further discussion see ALEXANDREIA Oxeiana, n. 3). Bernard concluded (JS [1982] 236): “Mais présence grecque n’est pas forcément synonyme de fondation d’Alexandre et il n’y a rien dans tout cela qui puisse établir de façon péremptoire que Termez occupe le site de l’ancienne Alexandrie Oxienne.” In 2001 C. [S.] Pidaev (in La Bactriane 54) observed: “Ainsi, nous possédons aujourd’hui à la fois des renseignements archéologiques et des informations provenant de sources écrites qui, bien qu’indirectes, permettent de penser que l’établissement initial de l’ancienne Termez s’était fait avant la conquête d’Alexandre. Plus tard, en 327 av. n.è., quand ce dernier conquit le territoire, il apprécia l’importance de cet endroit pour la défense de son empire et fonda, probablement à l’emplacement du site déjà existant, une des nombreuses villes qui portaient le nom d’Alexandrie. Selon Diodore (XVII, 83,1) et Ptolémée (VI,12,5), une de ces villes a été fondée sur l’Oxus et nommée Alexandrie de l’Oxus. Par la suite, d’après certains savants, cette ville fut détruite par les nomades puis restaurée autour de 293–290 av. n.è. par le roi séleucide Antiochos I^er qui la renomma Antioche.” Finally, in 2002 P. Leriche, who directs the archaeological excavations at Termez, noted, among other things, that remains found at the citadel of ancient Termez were too sparse for the period in question to have justified an attack or siege by Alexander. He also observed that that region of Termez was quite infertile and has not yielded evidence for intensive habitation and cultivation. Leriche concluded by leaving open the identification of the site of ancient Termez (JS 290 [2002] 411–15; and in La Bactriane 80, 95). In 2007 Leriche and Pidaev wrote (in After Alexander 181): “We have no unquestionable attestation of any Alexandria or Demetrias that can be identified with Termez. Of course this does not mean that Termez did not exist in Hellenistic times. Let us cite here the example of the two Hellenistic sites of Ai Khanum and Kampyr Tepe, the names of which are still unkown.” In an accompanying note (4) Leriche and Pidaev remarked: “According to At-Tabari (ninth-century), Termez was founded by the Sassanian king Kavadh (489–581), but the same author cites Termez among the twelve cities built by Alexander. Similarly Hafiz-I Abru (Bart’old, Al Muzaffarti, 20) attributes the foundation of Termez to Zul’Karnaïn, i.e. Alexander.” Finally, in 2010 Leriche observed (JHPCS 27 [1994/2010] 187): “Jusqu’ici, la céramique grecque trouvée à Termez n’est pas antérieure à l’époque séleucide et aucune trace matérielle ne permet de supposer que Termez ait pu être cette Alexandrie de l’Oxus”; and (157): “Il s’agit donc d’une petite fondation séleucide [i.e., at the site of Termez], semblable à celle découverte à Kampyr Tepe.” See, in addition, Leriche and Pidaev, Termez 31, 33 and n. 1: “Il existe bien une implantation grecque sur la citadelle de Termez, mais celle-ci est tres limitée et n’est apparemment pas due à Alexandre mais à ses successeurs.” In the accompanying note they write: “Ceci est le point de vue de l’un des auteurs, l’autre restant fidèle à l’ιdentification de Termez-Alexandrie de l’Oxus.” See also KAMPYR TEPE.

On ancient Termez see also Kara-Tepe [in Russian] (Moscow, 1964); the collection of essays in La Bactriane 37–159; Leriche and Pidaev, Termez 9–81; Leriche and Pidaev in After Alexander 179–211; Leriche, JHPCS 27 (1994/2010) 153–87.

I should emphasize that the issue under consideration is not whether Termez was once earlier known as Tarmita. The question before us is whether the Tarmita (Termez) on the Paksu/Oxus River in Sogdiana that is recorded in the first colophon of the Tibetan translation of the lost Sanskrit work should be identified with the Tharmata/Tarmata that is recorded in the Tab. Peut. and by the Ravenna Geographer. Here the evidence becomes murky. If these two latter citations do refer to a town (somewhere) in India, then clearly there were (at least) two settlements named Tarmita/Tharmata in the region—one in Sogdiana and one in India. That being the case, we also would lose support for the renaming of Tarmita in Sogdiana as an Antioch.

ARBIS

Curtius Rufus called attention to the fact that Alexander founded a number of cities in the Indus River delta (9.10.3), but does not provide specific information regarding their names or locations.

Ptolemy (6.21.5), for example, mentions an Arbis, which he identifies as a polis of Gedrosia. This is possibly identical with the town named Arbis (?; the MS tradition is defective) that, according to Pliny (NH 6.97), was founded by Nearchos on the coast of India in the area of the mouth of the Indus (“Haec tamen digna memoratu produntur: Arbis oppidum a Nearcho conditum in navigatione et flumen Arbium navium capax”).¹ Finally, Strabo (15.2.1) refers to the Arbies, a people whose name was like the Arbis River; according to Strabo, the Arbis River formed the boundary between them and the next tribe, the Oreitai.² Strabo added that the Arbies had a seacoast of 1,000 stadia in length.

Tcherikover and Berve suggested that the “Alexander’s Harbor” mentioned by Arrian (Ind. 21.10) should be identified with this settlement.³

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In general see Berve, Alexanderreich 1:295; Tcherikover, HS 110; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 136; André and Filliozat, Pline VI.2 127–28; Biffi, Indiké 188.

1. The reading “Arbis” was suggested by J. Hardouin (see, for example, the Leipzig 1778 and Zweibrücken 1783 editions of Pliny). The various MSS have “ab iis,” “ab his,” or “abies.” In support of the MS reading “ab iis,” André and Filliozat (Pline VI.2 127–28) noted that Arrian and Curtius Rufus frequently referred to the founding of settlements without specifying their names. In that connection note that the name of the river, i.e., “Arbim,” is also an emendation; it was suggested by Detlefsen (Berlin, 1866). Another suggested reading, by Mayhoff (Leipzig 1906) was Arbium. The MSS have “nabrum” or “nabrim.” On the Arbius, Arbis, or Arabis River see Pliny NH 6.96 and 109; Strabo 15.2.1; Arr. Ind. 21.8.

Elsewhere (NH 6.110) Pliny says that some placed the Arbii between the Carmanians and the Harmozaei (“a promunturio Carmanis iunguntur Harmozaei; quidam interponunt Arbios CCCXXI p. toto litore. ibi Portus Macedonum et Arae Alexandri in promunturio”). As Eggermont has noted (Sind and Baluchistan 136), this is incorrect. The Arbii lived in the area of the Indus Delta, not in the region between Carmania and the Harmozaei (Hormuz). The location of Portus Mace donum is not definitely known. Eggermont claimed (Sind and Baluchistan 136) that since (a) Pliny mentioned the Port of the Macedonians in connection with the territory of the Arbii and (b) their territory was located in the area of the Indus Delta, this demonstrated that PORTUS MACEDONUM = Alexander’s Harbor = Barbarikon = BARKE. I would point out, however, that (a) Eggermont’s identification of Portus Macedonum with Barbarikon and Barke is not convincing, and (b) Pliny’s remark, “Quidam interponunt Arbios CCCXXI p. toto litore,” is probably parenthetical; i.e., “ibi Portus Macedonum et Arae Alexandri in promunturio” refers back to “a promunturio Carmanis iunguntur Harmozaei” (see also Tarn, GBI² 481 and map 1 at end). If that is so, we should not search for the PORTUS MACEDONUM in the area of the Indus Delta, but rather on the Iranian coast of the Strait of Hormuz and the ALTARS OF ALEXANDER, just beyond at Cape Jask; see also R. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67–68.

2. See map 2 at the end of Tarn, GBI².

3. Alexander’s Harbor has been identified by various scholars with a number of different settlements. Tcherikover (HS 110) and Berve (Alexanderreich 1:295) suggested identifying Arbis with Alexander’s Harbor. Cf. Eggermont who posited a four-part equation: PORTUS MACEDONUM = Alexander’s Harbor (Arr. Ind. 21.11) = Barbarikon = BARKE (Sind and Baluchistan 134, 136, and map 2 on p. 30; see also OLP 1 [1970] 75–82). See further BARKE, n. 1. And Treidler (RE s.v. “Xylinepolis”) suggested identifying Alexander’s Harbor with XYLINEPOLIS.

As regards the location of Alexander’s Harbor see, in general, Biffi, Indiké 188. Tomaschek (Erläuterung 7–8, 12; and RE s.v. “Alexandrou Limen”) suggested it was located at the site of Karachi. In this he was followed by, among others, Tarn (Alexander 1:106) and M. R . Haig (Delta 12–13); see also M. Neubert, PGM 74 (1928) 139. Contra: Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 33–34, 55. H. T. Lambrick (Sind 117–19 and map opp. p. 98) suggested that Alexander’s Harbor was near the present village of Gujo. M. Kervran (CRAI [1995] 295–300, 304–5, and maps on pp. 291–92, 292–93) speculated that it could have been at Tharro Hill.

ASTEROUSIA

According to Stephanos (s.v. “Asterousia”) Asterousia was a polis in the region of the Caucasus. Stephanos adds that it was an apoikia of Cretans that took its name from a mountain in Crete.¹ He adds that the inhabitants were known as Ἀστερουσιανοί, Ἀστερουσιεῖς, and Ἀστερούσιοι. The precise location of the settlement is not known.²

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In general see Lassen, Ind. Alter. 2:122; Droysen, Hist. 2:678; Oberhummer, RE s.v. “Asterusia 1”; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Asterusia 2”; Tcherikover, HS 104; Tarn, GBI² 99, 250.

1. See also Eustathius Commentary on the Iliad (332.20, ed. Van der Valk).

2. Location. Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Asterusia 2”), following Stephanos, suggested it was at the foot of the south side of the Indian Caucasus. Woodcock (India 111) placed Asterousia in the Kabul valley.

BARKE

According to Justin, Alexander founded Barke (12.10.6: “Ibi in monumenta a se rerum gestarum urbem Barcem condidit,” ed. Semi). Assuming the text of Justin is correct and there was, in fact, a city of this name, we do not know the precise location.¹

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In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Barke 3”; Tcherikover, HS 109; Tarn, GBI² 244 and n. 8; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 40–41, 132–37.

1. Droysen (Hist. 2:685) suspected the text of Justin and followed the emendation to “arcem.” Tarn (GBI² 244) remarked: “Justin’s Barce . . . is not worth a thought, as the number of different MS readings shows.” The different MS readings—e.g., “barcem,” “parcem,” “bartem”—clearly indicate a difficulty in the tradition.

On the other hand, Cunningham (Geography 339–40 and map IX on p. 285) identified the settlement with the ruins at Bambhura. The latter he also identified with (a) the Barbarei of Ptolemy (7.1.59) and (b) the coastal emporium Barbarikon/Barbarike of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (38, 39). Bambhura is located near the coast at the head of the Ghara River (which apparently was the most westerly branch of the Indus until the mid-nineteenth century). Contra: for example, M. R. Haig (Delta 31 and map), who suggested Barbarikon was located near Shah Bandar. Note, too, Casson (Periplus 188), who observed that “a plethora of locations have been offered for the port (i.e., Barbarikon/Barbarike), no two alike”; see also Smith (Early History 245), who, because of the changes in the rivers of Sind over the centuries, despaired of identifying Barbarikon. Finally, Eggermont identified Barke with Barbarikon as well as with PORTUS MACEDONUM and Alexander’s Harbor (Sind and Baluchistan 136 and map on p. 30); for problems with the identification and location of PORTUS MACEDONUM see that entry; and ARBIS in India, n. 1); for Alexander’s Harbor see ARBIS, n. 3.

BAZIRA

See ORA in India.

BOUKEPHALA

According to Arrian (5.19.4), after the battle of the Hydaspes River Alexander founded two cities, one where the battle was fought and one at the crossing of the Hydaspes; one was called NIKAIA from the victory, and the other Boukephala in memory of his horse, which had died of old age and the heat (῞Ινα δὲ ἡ μάχη ξυνέβη καὶ ἔνθεν ὁρμηθεὶς ἐπέρασε τὸν Ὑδάσπην ποταμὸν πόλεις ἔκτισεν Ἀλέξανδρος. καὶ τὴν μὲν Νίκαιαν τῆς νίκης τῆς κατ᾽ ᾽Ινδῶν ἐπώνυμον ὠνόμασε, τὴν δὲ Βουκεφάλαν ἐς τοῦ ἵππου τοῦ Βουκεφάλα τὴν μνήμην).¹ A number of other sources also provide accounts of the founding.² Arrian also says that Alexander placed Krateros in charge of the actual construction and fortification of the settlements (5.20.1).³ Diodorus adds (17.89.6) that the settlements were built quickly because there were plenty of workers available. After Alexander left the region and marched eastward both cities were damaged by rain; upon his return he repaired them (Arr. 5.29.5). Interestingly, Plutarch specifically says (Alex. 61.1) that Boukephalos died “not at once [i.e., after the battle] but some time afterwards” (trans. Perrin). Now Diodorus separated the founding of Boukephala and Nikaia from the naming by an interval of time (17.89.6, 95.5; see also Curtius Rufus [9.1.6, 3.23], who likewise appears to have separated the two events). According to him, it was only after Alexander founded the settlement and departed eastward from the Hydaspes that Boukephalos died (i.e., the horse did not die at the time of the battle but afterward, during Alexander’s absence). It was when the king returned to the region that he actually named the two settlements.⁴

Aelian (NA 16.3) mentions the fact that there were Macedonians settled in Boukephala. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (47) refers to Boukephalos Alexandreia, an indication that it still existed in the first century A.D.⁵

Most of the ancient authors refer to this settlement either as “Boukephala” or, less frequently, “Boukephaleia”; beginning with the first century a.d. and continuing into the Byzantine period one also encounters “Alexandreia Boukephalos” and in one case, simply “Alexandreia.”⁶

The exact location of Boukephala and Nikaia was already a matter of dispute in antiquity. The same is true today; we do not know the location of either, other than that they were built on the banks of the Jhelum (Hydaspes) River, opposite each other.⁷ Most likely Boukephala was 40 kilometers south of the city of Jhelum on the west bank of the Jhelum River, at the site of the modern Jalalpur.⁸

* * * *

In general, see Tomaschek, RE s.vv. “Alexandreia 8,” “Bukephala 1”; Droysen, Hist. 2:683–84; Tcherikover, HS 108; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Tarn, GBI² 245–46; id., Alexander 2:236–37; G. Radet, REA 43 (1941) 33–41; P. H. L. Eggermont in Studia Naster 2:53–68; Hamilton, Comment. 169–70; Hammond, Sources 110–12; Bosworth, Comment. 2:311–13; Fraser, Cities 69–70, 161–62.

1. Bosworth (Comment. 2:311–12) remarked: “Arrian makes two distinct statements, one about the location and one about the nomenclature of Alexander’s cities. They were founded at the battle site and at his crossingpoint on the west bank of the Hydaspes . . . one was named Nicaea in honour of his victory, the other Bucephala in memory of his deceased stallion. The separation of the two clauses is annoying and makes it practically impossible to determine which city was founded on which side of the Hydaspes. The consensus of critical opinion (e.g., Radet, REA 43 [1941] 34; Hammond, Sources 1101–2) is that Arrian’s τὴν μέν means ‘the former’ and that consequently Nicaea was founded on the battle site. That is a possibility, but hardly certain. Arrian can use μέν to refer to the second, not the first item of a pair . . . and τὴν μέν could here mean ‘the latter’. Quite possibly Arrian himself had no idea which site was which.” Hamilton (Comment. 170) suggested that Nikaia was the site of the battlefield.

2. For other accounts of the founding of Boukephala and Nikaia see, for example, Diod. 17.89.6, 95.5 (“Boukephala”); Strabo 15.1.29 (“Boukephalia”); Plut. Alex. 62 and De Fort. Alex. 328F (“Boukephalia”); Curtius Rufus 9.1.6, 3.23 (“Bucephala”); Stephanos s.vv. “Boos Kephalai” (“Boukephala”) and “Boukephaleia” (“Boukephaleia”); and below, note 6. After describing the circumstances of the founding of the settlement, Plutarch added (Alex. 61) “it is said” that when a dog named Peritas that belonged to Alexander died, the king founded a city and gave it the dog’s name! On Peritas see Droysen, Hist. 2:685; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294.

3. Cf. ARIGAION , which was built by Krateros on Alexander’s orders; see also GERASA and SAMAREIA, which may have been founded by Perdikkas at the command of Alexander.

4. For the interval between the founding and the naming see, for example, Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Hammond, Sources 110–12.

5. Fraser (Cities 162 n. 111) correctly called Narain to task for doubting whether Boukephala still existed at the time of Menander (in Indo-Greeks 81). As Fraser noted, the reference to it in the Periplus answers the question. Note also the references to Boukephala in other (later) ancient and the Byzantine sources as well as in Yakut (below, n. 6).

6. For other literary sources that mention Boukephala see, for example, Pliny (NH 6.77: “Bucephala”), who noted that the Asini inhabited three cities and that the chief (caput) one was Boukephala; Gell. 5.2.5 (“Bucephalon”); Ptol. 7.1.46, 8.26.8 (“Boukephala”); Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 47 (“Boukephalos Alexandreia”); Justin 12.8.8 (“Bucephale”); Orosius 3.19.4 (“Bucefale”); Solinus 45.9 (“Bucephala,” ed. Mommsen); Metz Epitome 62 (“Bucephala”); Geog. Rav. 2.1 (p. 16, “Alexandria Bucefalos,” ed. Schnetz); Tab. Peut. XI.3 (“Alexandria Bucefalos”); Greek Alexander Romance A (Ἀλεχάνδρειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Βουκεφάλῳ ἵππῳ; also Β [ed. Bergson] and Γ [ed. Parthe]); Syriac 3:24 (“Alexandria which was built after the name of the horse called Bucephalus, the interpretation of which is Bull-headed,” trans. Wallis Budge); and Lagarde, Analecta Syriaca 207; translated into English by Wallis Budge in his English translation of the Syriac version of the Romance, p. 161, “Alexandria Bucephalus”; Armenian 285 (“Alexandria, which he built on the bull-headed horse,” trans. Wolohojian); Hebrew 130 (“Bucephalus after the name of the horse,” trans. Kazis); Julius Valerius 3.35 (“Alexandria quae condita est nomine Bucephali equi,” ed. Rosellini); Scholia in Nubes 23 (“Alexandreia,” ed. Holwerda); Hesychios s.v. “Boukephalos”; Eustathius (Comment. ad Iliadem 1:479, l. 25, ed. Van der Valk [ = 309, 12], “Boukephala”); Yakut (Mushtarik p. 23; see Fraser, Cities 55); see also above, n. 2. For the evolution of other toponyms or ethnics cf., for example, ANTIOCH near Daphne and SELEUKEIA in Pieria.

Arrian twice mentions Boukephala, at 5.19.4 (Alexander καὶ τὴν μὲν Νίκαιαν τῆς νίκης τῆς κατ᾽ ᾽Ινδῶν ἐπώνυμον ὠνόμασε, τὴν δὲ Βουκεφάλαν ἐς τοῦ ἵππου τοῦ Βουκεφάλα τὴν μνήμην) and at 5.29.5 (Alexander καὶ τὸν Ἀκεσίνην αὖ διαβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑδάσπην ἧκεν, ἵνα καὶ τῶν πόλεων τῆς τε Νικαίας καὶ τῶν Βουκεφάλων). The first occurrence is clearly a feminine singular. The question relates to the second. Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Bukephala”) understood this to be a neuter plural. In this he was followed by Radet (REA 43 [1941] 33 n. 4), Hamilton (Comment. 169), and Bosworth (Comment. 2:312–13). The latter noted the discrepancy; he correctly dismissed the probability of corruption in either passage and suggested that Arrian simply failed to reconcile the differing nomenclatures of his sources. This is, of course, possible. Note, however, that Stephanos (s.v. “Boos Kephalai”) says that the inhabitants of Boukephala were called Βουκεφαλεῖς. Admittedly Stephanos is not always the most reliable source. If, however, the information he is providing is valid, then it may be that at 5.29.5 Arrian was referring to the city by its ethnic rather than by its toponym. The occurrence of the toponym in the Latin sources (see above) also exhibits some diversity.

Under “Boukephaleia” Stephanos gives the ethnic as Βουκεφαλῖται.

7. For the settlements being opposite each other see, for example, (1) Arrian (5.19.4), who said Alexander founded cities (a) where the battle was fought and (b) at the place from which he set out to cross the Hydaspes; (2) Diodorus (17.89.6), who claimed Alexander founded two cities, (a) one beyond the river where he crossed and (b) one at the place where he defeated Poros; (3) Strabo (15.1.29), who said Alexander founded cities on either side of the Hydaspes, where (a) having crossed the river, (b) he conquered Poros; (4) Stephanos (s.v. “Boos Kephalai”), who noted that Alexander founded cities on both sides of the Hydaspes, Nikaia [and] Boukephala, (a) where he had crossed and (b) where the battle was fought and his horse died; i.e., he placed Boukephala on the east bank (see below, n. 8). Aulus Gellius (5.2.5) located it “in isdem locis,” and the Metz Epitome (62) “in eo loco” (i.e., where the battle had been fought). See further, for example, E. Lamotte, BEFEO 44 (1947–1950) 150, 157; Hammond, Sources 110–12; Hamilton, Comment. 169–70; Bosworth, Comment. 2:311–12.

8. For the location of Boukephala see the discussions of Aurel Stein (GJ 80 [1932] 44; Indian Antiquary 61 (1932) 185; and Archaeological Reconnaisances 32), who suggested Jalalpur in the Punjab as the site; followed by, for example, Fraser, Cities 161 and n. 108; see also Radet, REA 37 (1935) 349–56; id., REA 43 (1941) 33–40. See earlier Cunningham (Geography 202–4), who also opted for Jalalpur or, less probably, Dilawar. For Jhelum as the possible site see, for example, Smith, Early History 74–75; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Errington, OCD³ s.v. “Bucephalas.” Tarn’s claim (Alexander 2:236–37) that Boukephala was located on the east bank of the Hydaspes (modern Jhelum) River and Nikaia on the west bank is not convincing; contra: for example, Radet, REA 43 (1941) 35–39; Hamilton, Comment. 169–70 (map on p. 168); Bosworth, Comment. 2:312; Fraser, Cities 162 n. 111.

Tarn also argued that Boukephala was the capital of the Indo-Greek king, Hippostratos (GBI² 326–27). In support of this he pointed to the “City” silver issues of the latter, which he claimed were minted at Boukephala (for silver coins of Hippostratos see Bopearachchi, Monnaies 356–58). However, R. B. Whitehead objected (NC [1940] 110; see also Narain, Indo-Greeks 149–50) that if these coins were minted at Boukephala, we should expect that they would have been found in the area east of the Jhelum or in the vicinity (where Tarn would place Boukephala). This, however, is not the case, which is noted (and apparently accepted) by Tarn (Alexander 2:236, 451). See also Fraser, Cities 162 n. 111. In a personal communication, O. D . Hoover informs me that the coins of Hippostratos seem to be found in the western Punjab.

BYZANTION

Among the coastal cities of India was one called Byzantion.¹ Byzantion, was, of course, a Greek toponym. However, it has been reasonably suggested that Byzantion in India was probably a distortion of an Indian name;² hence, the name cannot be used as evidence for the existence of a Greek settlement. Byzantion was located on the west coast of India, probably at the site of the modern Vijayadurg.³

* * * *

In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Byzantion 2”; Tcherikover, HS 110.

1. For literary references to Byzantion see, for example, Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 53; Stephanos, s.v. “Byzantion”; Ptol. 7.1.7; Anon. [Aethicus] Cosmographia I.6 (in A. Reise, Geographi Latini Minores [Heilbronn, 1878] p. 74; on the [unknown] authorship of this treatise see C. Nicolet, JS [1986] 160–63 and n. 10). Tomaschek suggested that Pisauta in the Tab. Peut. (XI.5) should be identified with Byzantion.

2. For the likely suggestion that the name Byzantion was probably the distortion of a native name see, for example, E. Warmington, Commerce 68 (“It is a mistake to suppose that places like Byzantion on the Indian coast were Greek settlements or factories, for the distortion of Indian names accounts for these apparent settlements of Roman subjects”); followed by P. Meile, JA 232 (1940) 119. See also L. Casson (Periplus 216), who remarked: “The suggestion that, because of its name, this was a Greek colony is totally without validity.” For the suggestion that Byzantion represented a Greek colony see, for example, Vidal de la Blache, CRAI (1896) 462 n. 1; K. N . Sivaraja Pillai, Tamils 117, 174; G. Fiaccadori, PdP 213 (1983) 444 (and additional references).

3. For the location of Vijayadurg see Casson, Periplus 297 and map 17. For the identification of Byzantion with Vijayadurg see, for example, Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Byzantion 2”; Sircar, Cosmography 116.

CHARIS

The possibility that there was a Charis in India is suggested by the appearance of the personal name Charisios in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas (82, 87, etc.).¹

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1. For Charisios in the Acts of Thomas see H. J. W. Drijvers in W. Schneemelcher, ed., New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge and Louisville, 1992) 2:371ff. See also A. von Sallet, ZfN 6 (1879) 300; Brodersen, Komment. 160; CHARIS in Parthia. Charis is also attested as a personal name; see the LGPN.

DAIDALA

There are two extant references to Daidala in India: Ptolemy (7.1.49) and Stephanos (s.v. “Daidala”).¹

There was a chorion called Daidala in the Rhodian Peraia (Strabo 14.2.2). Stephanos (s.v. “Daidala”) says Daidala in the Rhodian Peraia was either a polis or a chorion. Daidala was also the name of a mountain in Lycia (Stephanos s.v. “Daidala”; Ptolemy 5.3.2). In addition there was probably a city of this name in Crete (Stephanos s.v. “Daidala”). And in the Parapamisadai the name was apparently given both to a district (Curtius Rufus 8.10.19) and to the mountains there (Justin 12.7.9; Orosius 3.19.1).² We do not know whether the settlers living at Daidala in India originated in Crete, Asia Minor, or the Parapamisadai.³

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In general, see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Daidala 1 and 2”; Bürchner, RE s.v. “Daidala 3”; Ruge, RE s.v. “Daidala 4 and 5”; Tcherikover, HS 110; Tarn, GBI² 249–50; W. Heckel, Justin Commentary 240.

1. Meineke in his edition punctuated the text of Stephanos as follows: ἔστι καὶ Ἰνδικῆς. καὶ Κρήτης ἄλλη (followed by Billerbeck and Zubler in their edition). Dindorf punctuated it ἔστι καὶ Ἰνδικῆς καὶ Κρήτης ἄλλη. Tarn (GBI² 250 and n. 2) followed Dindorf’s reading and remarked (not convincingly): “This does not mean one in India and one in Crete, but ‘there is another Daedala Indian and Cretan’, i.e., Indo-Cretan, a Cretan community in India.” For Daidala in the Rhodian Peraia see Radt, Kommentar 8:66 and references cited there.

2. In the Loeb edition J. C. Rolfe remarked: “See montes Daedalos, Justin xii.7; otherwise unknown” with reference to Curtius Rufus 8.10.19.

3. For other colonies in Asia (some of whose) settlers may have originated in Asia Minor (rather than on the Greek mainland) see, for example, RAS IBN HANI on the Mediterranean coast in Syria, AMPELON E on the Arabian Red Sea coast, and TRAPEZOUS in the Persian Gulf region.

DEMETRIAS IN SIND

In the first edition of the GBI Tarn claimed that the town Dattamitri mentioned in a scholion to the grammarian Patanjali (and in the Mahabharata) referred to a Demetrias in Sind in the lower Indus valley; furthermore, he claimed this Demetrias was the refounded port city of PATALA.¹ E. H. Johnston argued decisively against the Dattamitri = Demetrias equation;² in the second edition of the GBI Tarn accepted the refutation.³

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1. GBI² 142.

2. JRAS (1939) 217–40; JRAS (1940) 189–93; followed by Narain, Indo-Greeks 39–40. Cf. Tarn, JRAS (1940) 179–89.

3. GBI² 526 (“It must now be taken that the Mahabharata does not mention Demetrias”).

IOMOUSA

See ALEXANDREIA [?] at the Junction of the Akesines and Indus, n. 3.

KALLIOPE

See ALEXANDREIA [?] at the Junction of the Akesines and Indus, n. 3.

LEUKE

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (53) and Ptolemy (7.1.95) mention Leuke, an island off the southwest coast of India. Most scholars assume that the references are to the same place and identify this either with Pigeon Island, south of Karwar, or with Angedive Island, further south.¹ The name calls to mind various places, such as LEUKE KOME on the Red Sea coast, LEUKE KOME and LEUKAS BALANAIA on the Phoenican coast, and places in Greece. Nevertheless, there is no extant information to indicate this was a Hellenistic settlement.

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In general see Fabricius Periplus 159; Wecker, RE s.v. “Leuke 3”; Tcherikover, HS 110; Berthelot, Asie 356; Casson, Periplus 217.

1. For the location of Leuke at Pigeon Island see, for example, Warmington, Commerce 57; Schoff, Periplus 203; Casson, Periplus 217, 297 and map 17 on p. 295; see also Huntingford, Periplus 115 (“perhaps Hog Island or Pigeon Island”). Cf. Müller, GGM 1:296, followed by Lassen, Ind. Alter. 3.166; Fabricius Periplus 159; Wecker, RE s.v. “Leuke 3,” who identified Leuke with Angedive Island.

Berthelot (Asie 355–56 and map 12 facing p. 328) claimed the Leuke mentioned by Ptolemy and the Periplus were two distinct places. He pointed out that Ptolemy’s Leuke was, according to his coordinates, 400 km from Angedive Island. Note, however, that (a) Ptolemy’s information is not always reliable (see Casson, Periplus 294: “Ptolemy is of scant help, since his sites often do not coincide and, in addition, he omits some of the Periplus’ listings [or gives them different names] and shifts the position of others”) and (b) the identification of Leuke with Angedive is not definite.

MASSAGA

See ORA in India.

[CHIEF CITY OF] MUSIK ANO S/OI

According to Arrian (6.15.7, 17.1) and Curtius Rufus (9.8.8–10) Alexander ordered Krateros to fortify the citadel in Musikanos’s city and to place a garrison there. Subsequently, Musikanos revolted; as a result Alexander moved against the rebellious cities and fortified and garrisoned some of them. There is no indication in the extant sources that Alexander founded a settlement there.

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:684; Cunningham, Geography 294–95; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:272; Tcherikover, HS 109; Eggermont, Punjab 110.

NAGARA DIONYSOPOLIS

Among the cities of India Ptolemy (7.1.43) records a “Nagara which is [also known as] Dionysopolis.” Presumably the latter toponym indicates the presence of Greek colonists at the town.¹ W. W. Tarn suggested that nickel and bronze coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon bearing a portrait of Dionysos on the obverse should be assigned to this settlement.²

Nagara was probably located in Gandhara near Jalalabad at the site of the modern Nagarahara.³

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In general see Lassen, Ind. Alter. 2:335, 3:137; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Dionysopolis 3”; Cunningham, Geography 53–54; Tcherikover, HS 107; Tarn, GBI² 158–59, 244.

1. Tarn has suggested (GBI² 11, 159; see also Alexander 2:249) that the form of the toponym Dionysopolis—like Alexandropolis and Macedonopolis—indicates it was a Greek military colony; contra: R. Burn, JRAS (1941) 68. Tarn’s rejoinder (Alexander 2:249 n. 2) is weak: “A reviewer of Bactria and India . . . took me to task for saying that the name Alexandropolis meant a military colony. There is no explicit statement, as I have said. But the evidence here given for Alexandropolis in Thrace is, to any one who understands the Hellenistic world, conclusive that it could not have been a polis; it was therefore a military colony, as indeed Plutarch implies, there being no third possibility. The other two places follow.”

2. Tarn, GBI² 158. For coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon with Dionysos on the obverse and panther on the reverse see, for example, BMC Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India 9–11, nos. 1–2, 6–8; SNG (Cop) Parthia-India 266; Mitchiner, Indo-Greek Coinage 1:84, no. 160; O. Bopearachchi, Monnaies gréco-bactriennes series 5 (pp. 173–74), series 4–5 (pp. 181–82); SNG ANS 9:233–38, 262–63; R. Audoin and P. Bernard, RN (1974) 30; and Lévêque in Inde 134–35. On Dionysos in India see Dihle in India 47–57; and Lévêque in Inde 125–37; for Dionysiac motifs in the art of Bactria and Sogdiana see Abdullaev in Afghanistan ancien carrefour 227–40. In general see Tarn, GBI² 158–59.

In 1879 P. Gardner suggested that the monograms , , , , etc. on coins found in the Oxus hoard could be read to indicate the mint of Dionysopolis, which he equated with NYSA (NC [1879] 12; noted earlier by Lassen, Ind. Alter. 2:335; Cunningham, NC [1868] 199; id., Geography 54; for the suggested identification of Dionysopolis with NYSA in India see that entry). On the other hand, H. Howorth located the mint at Nissa (i.e., NISAIA) in Parthia (NC [1888] 293–99). Finally, Narain suggested that these coins were minted at AÏ KHANOUM , which, he believed, bore the name Dionysopolis or Diodoteia or Diodotopolis (CAH² 8:395–96; see AI KHANOUM, n. 29; and Bopearachchi in Travaux Le Rider 80–81).

3. For the location of Nagara at Nagarahara see Lassen, Ind. Alter. 3:137 and n. 5; see also Cunningham, Geography 53–54. On Nagarahara see, for example, Hiuen Tsiang, Buddhist Records 1:91, trans. Beal; Foucher, CRAI (1927) 119–21; id. in Etudes asiatiques 1:276–80; Grousset, Buddha 95–96; Tarn, GBI² 159, 244, and map 3 at end.

NIKAIA

According to Arrian (5.19.4), after the battle of the Hydaspes River Alexander founded two cities, one where the battle was fought and one at the crossing of the Hydaspes; one was called Nikaia from the victory, and the other BOUKEPHALA in memory of his horse.¹ Alexander apparently established the cities, then marched eastward. Upon his return he actually named them.² No coinage survives that can definitely be ascribed to Nikaia.³ Although the exact location of Nikaia is still not known, most scholars suggest it was on the east bank of the Jhelum (Hydaspes) River, and Boukephala on the west.⁴

* * * *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:683–84; Stein, RE s.v. “Nikaia 9”; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Tcherikover, HS 108; Foucher, Vieille Route 205 and map on 204; R. Audoin and P. Bernard, RN (1974) 30; Bosworth, Comment. 2:311–13; Fraser, Cities 70, 161; see also the discussion and literature in the entry BOUKEPHALA.

1. For other literary sources that mention Nikaia see, for example, Diod. 17.95.5; Strabo 15.1.29; Curtius Rufus 9.3.23; Justin 12.8.8; Orosius 3.19.4; Stephanos, s.vv. “Boos Kephalai” and “Nikaia 4”; Itinerarium Alexandri 104 (ed. Hausmann); see also BOUKEPHALA, nn. 2 and 6.

While BOUKEPHALA frequently appears in the list of foundations attributed to Alexander found at the end of (most recensions of) the Alexander Romance and the later tradition, Nikaia does not. On the other hand, Alexandreia by Poros is attested, for example, in the Greek A recension (3.35, ed. Kroll), the Β recension (3.35, ed. Bergson), Julius Valerius (3.35, ed. Rosellini), the Chronicon Paschale (p. 321, ed. Dindorf), as well as Lagarde, Analecta Syriaca 207 (“which is in the country of king Porus,” trans. Wallis Budge in his English translation of the Syriac version of the Romance, p. 161) and Armenian versions (286, “Alexandria for Poros,” trans. Wolohojian). In the Greek Β recension and in the Chronicon Paschale, Alexandreia by Poros follows immediately after Alexandreia Boukephala. Surprisingly, most scholars do not mention Alexandreia by Poros. However, Tarn—who made use of the list at the end of the Alexander Romance—assumed that Alexandreia by Poros should be equated with Nikaia (Alexander 2:243).

2. For the discussion and sources regarding the interval between the founding and the naming of both Boukephala and Nikaia see BOUKEPHALA.

3. Stein (RE s.v. “Nikaia 9”) rejected the suggestion of E. J. Rapson (in CHI 1:551, 553, 556, 588) that restruck coins of Strato with Nike on the reverse (e.g., Mitchiner, Indo-Greek Coinage 2:180, no. 333; Bopearachchi, Monnaies 263–64) should be ascribed to this Nikaia, and those with the ox head to BOUKEPHALA.

4. For the probable location of Nikaia on the east bank of the Jhelum see BOUKEPHALA, n. 8. Cunningham (Geography 204–5, map on p. 182) suggested it was located 10 km east of Jalalpur at Mong; Berve (Alexanderreich 1:294) followed Smith’s suggestion that it was in the region of Sukchainpur (Early History 75 and map on p. 71). On the commercial importance of the site see A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI (1970) 158–73; R. Audoin and P. Bernard, RN (1974) 30 n. 7.

On the other hand, note A. Stein, GJ 80 (1932) 43–44; id., Indian Antiquary 61 (1932) 185; in the latter he concluded it was “impossible to indicate the site of Nikaia.”

NYSA

Arrian mentions the city of Nysa between the Kophen and Indus rivers and says it was founded by Dionysos (5.1.1).¹ There is no scholarly agreement as to the identification of the site of Nysa.² Despite the prominence of Nysa in Greek mythology and the connection with Dionysos, there is no substantive evidence that Nysa in India was a Hellenistic settlement.

* * * *

In general see, for example, Tcherikover, HS 107; Narain, Indo-Greeks 2; Bosworth, Comment. 2:160–61, 198–207.

1. On Dionysos in India see, for example, Dihle in India 47–57; Lévêque in Inde 125–37. On Alexander at Nysa see also Arr. Ind. 1.5; Curtius Rufus 8.10.7–18; Metz Epitome 36 (ed. Thomas); Bosworth, Arrian 69–70; id., Comment. 2:198–99 (bibliography on p. 199); Goukowsky, Essai 2:21–33.

2. On the difficulty of identifying the site of Nysa see Bosworth, Comment. 2:160–61, 200–201. Cunningham suggested identifying Nysa with NAGARA DIONYSOPOLIS and locating it at Begram (Geography 53–54); followed by P. Gardner (NC [1879] 12); Tcherikover (HS 107); Newell, ESM 228; and H. P. Ray (in Memory as History 113). Contra: H. H. Howorth (NC [1888] 294–95, 297–99), who—less convincingly—equated it with Nissa in Parthia.

ORA, MASSAGA, AND BAZIRA

According to Arrian (4.28.4) Alexander made Ora and Massaga into fortresses for the region and fortified Bazira as a polis.¹ There is nothing in the extant evidence to indicate that Alexander founded settlements at any of these cities.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 107; Eggermont, OLP 1 (1970) 66–68; Bosworth, Comment. 2:169–70, 176–77.

1. The text regarding Bazira reads: τὰ Βάζιρα δὲ πόλιν ἐξετείχισε. In the Teubner edition Roos added <τὴν> before πόλιν.

OROBATIS

According to Arrian (4.28.5), Hephaistion and Perdikkas built a wall around the city of Orobatis and left a garrison there. There is no indication that they actually founded a settlement there.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 107; Stein, RE s.v. “Orobatis”; Eggermont, OLP 1 (1970) 71–74; id., Punjab 23; Bosworth, Comment. 2:182–83.

PANTIPOLIS

Ptolemy (7.1.86) includes Pantipolis among the cities in the area of the mouth of the Ganges. There is no other extant information about Pantipolis.

* * * *

In general see Tcherikover, HS 110; Kanakasabhai, The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago 17.

PATALA

According to Arrian (6.18.1, 20.1) Alexander ordered Hephaistion to fortify the citadel and naval station at Patala and to build dockyards there.¹ Diodorus (3.47.9 = Agatharchides 105b [Burstein]) mentions Potana, a city built by Alexander on the Indus because he wanted to have a naval station on the seashore. J.-G. Droysen identified Potana with Patala.² The exact site of Patala is not known; most likely it was located in the area between Hyderabad and the Bahmanabad.³

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In general see Tomaschek, Erläuterung 6–8; Smith, Early History 106–9; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:297; Renou, Ptolémée 85 (Greek and Latin sources); Tcherikover, HS 109; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 27–29, 37–38, 189–90, et passim; Burstein, Agatharchides 169 n. 3; Bosworth, Conquest 249; Fraser, Cities 71, 73.

1. In his short entry on Patala, Berve (Alexanderreich 1:297) adds: “cf. Justin 12.10.6.” Justin there says: “Ibi in monumenta a se rerum gestarum urbem Barcem condidit arasque statuit relicto ex numero amicorum litoralibus Indis praefecto” (ed. Semi). The reading “Barcem” is suspect; presumably Berve did not accept it. See also BARKE, n. 1.

2. Droysen, Hist. 2:685 and n. 5, followed by Burstein, Agatharchides 169 n. 3. In the first edition of GBI (142) Tarn postulated the existence of a DEMETRIAS in Sind, which he also suggested was the refounded Patala. He withdrew this suggestion in the second edition (526). Note, however, that Fraser (Alexandria 1:181, 184) subscribed to the Demetrias-Patala identification.

3. On the location of Patala see, in general, M. Kervran, CRAI (1995) 283–84. Cunningham (Geography 320), Warmington (Commerce 55), and Kervran (CRAI [1995] 284–86) placed Patala at or near the site of Hyderabad. Haig (Delta 18–19) suggested it was located near a spot 56 km southeast of Hyderabad. H. H. Wilson (Ariana 211 and map facing p. 214) and V. A. Smith (Early History 106) put it at or near Bahmanabad (i.e., 76 km northeast of Hyderabad and 21 km southeast of Shahdadpur). Eggermont (Sind and Baluchistan 27, 189–90, and map 2 on p. 30) located it south of Bahmanabad and northeast of Nasarpur.

As regards the relationship of Patala to XYLINEPOLIS, in a personal communication (January 12, 2011), A. B. Bosworth writes: “My feeling (now) is that two separate foundations are at issue. Xylinepolis is described as the first staging point on the voyage to the west, which was founded by Leonnatus on Alexander’s instructions. Patala was at a significant distance from the delta, and it could have been exploited as a source of native labour (Arr. Anab. 6.18,1). I would place Patala at the confluence some way above the coast, and then Xylinepolis at the crossing of the river Hab. Alexandria itself was duly established by Alexander and Leonnatus, again to the west.” See, earlier, Bosworth, Conquest 249.

PENTAPOLIS

Ptolemy (7.2.2) is our only extant source for Pentapolis; he includes it among the cities at the mouth of the Ganges. It is quite possible that the toponym Pentapolis is simply the translation or the “imitative rendering” (so Gerini) of a native name. That possibility and its location on the east (rather than the west) coast of India renders it unlikely that Pentapolis originated as a Hellenistic settlement.¹

* * * *

In general, see Gerini, Researches² 35–36; Stein, RE s.v. “Pentapolis.”

1. Berthlolet (Asie 379 and map 9 bis opp. p. 296) identified Pentapolis with the modern Chittagong (the main seaport of Bangladesh); Sircar (Cosmography 137) identified it with Panchibi in the Bogra district (in northern Bangladesh).

PUSHKALAVATI

The site of Pushkalavati has been identified with a series of mounds near Charsada in the Peshawar plain, 5 kilometers from the present junction of the Swat and Kabul rivers and 30 kilometers northeast of Peshawar.¹ The highest mound, Bala Hisar, was occupied as early as the sixth century B.C. Approximately 1 kilometer northeast of Bala Hisar is another mound, Shaikhan. Aerial photographs of the latter revealed the existence of a grid plan with a series of parallel streets, mainly 36 meters apart.² In short, the photographs indicated that it was, according to M. Wheeler, “an Indo-Greek city with the characteristically Hellenistic features of its kind.”³ Three coin hoards have been found. Coins from one of the hoards included those of Indo-Greek rulers of the mid-second to the mid-first century B.C. A little terra-cotta putto of classical type was also found in the Hellenistic level.⁴

Thus, it appears that in the second or first century B.C. Pushkalavati was removed from its older location at Bala Hisar to a new site at Shaikhan (cf. the similar situation at TAXILA).⁵ It is not clear to what degree the city was laid out by the Indo-Greeks or by the Indo-Parthians who succeeded them.⁶ Nevertheless, the likelihood is strong that the settlement at Shaikhan was originally established by one of the later Indo-Greek rulers. By whom we do not know.⁷

The Greek name of Pushkalavati was Peukelaotis.⁸ Peukelaos is attested as the name of two (and possibly three) Macedonians as well as of an Indo-Greek king. However, it is more likely that the toponym represented the Hellenization of Pushkalavati than that it was derived from the name of the Macedonians or the king.⁹

* * * *

In general see Cunningham, Geography 56–59; Rapson in CHI 1:557–58; Stein, RE s.v. “Peukelaotis”; J. Marquart, Untersuchungen 2:179; id., Eranshahr 241; Tarn, GBI² 136, 237 n. 5, 244–45; Narain, Indo-Greeks 151; M. Wheeler, Charsada (Oxford, 1962), esp. 1–5; id., Persepolis 98–102; Schwarz, KP s.v. “Peukelaotis”; Caroe, Pathans 48–49; Treidler, RE s.v. “Proklais 1 and 2”; Eggermont, OLP 1 (1970) 107 and n. 168; id., Punjab 57; André and Filliozat, Pline VI. 2 90; Bosworth, Comment. 2:149–50, 183–84.

For the results of the archaeological excavation see Wheeler, Charsada 9–127; A. H. Dani, Ancient Pakistan 2 (1965–1966) 17–214; R. Coningham and I. Ali, Charsadda (Oxford, 2007); and http://www.arch.cam.ac.uk/pushkalavati; Mairs, Hellenistic Far East 37.

1. For the location of Pushkalavati see Cunningham, Geography 56–58; Foucher, Vieille Route 41–43 and 206 (map); Tarn, GBI² 136 and map 3 at end. On Pushkalavati see, for example, Wheeler, Charsada 1–15 and maps on pp. 2 and 4 (for a plan of the excavation site see p. 11); Puri, Cities 90–92.

2. For the mound of Shaikhan see Wheeler, Charsada 16–17 and pls. XIV-XVI; Dani, Rehman, and Fidaullah, Ancient Pakistan 2 (1966) 17–214.

3. Wheeler, Persepolis 101.

4. For the coins discovered at Shaikhan see, for example, H. L. Haughton, NC (1940) 123–26; Wheeler, Charsada 17. According to Haughton, who secured twenty-one coins from the first hoard and recorded others, there were coins of Menander, Strato with Agathokleia, Amyntas, Diomedes, Philoxenos, Hermaios, Hermaios with Kalliope, Antialkidas, and Antimachos Nikephoros. Thus the hoard covers the mid-second to the mid-first century B.C. Haughton also called attention to a second hoard that was apparently also Indo-Greek. In the course of his excavation at Shaikhan, Dani discovered as many as 475 coins (Ancient Pakistan [1965–1966] 35–38); among these were coins of Agathokles, Menander, Apollodotos, Antialkidas, Heliokles, Lysias, Telephos, and Philoxenos. A third, small find—probably from a hoard—was also discovered, apparently in the neighborhood of Charsada (H. Bivar, NC [1965] 71–79). It included coins of Menander, Antimachos, Nikephoros, Zoilos, Lysias, and Antialkidas.

Tarn, writing before the discovery of the settlement at Shaikhan, claimed that Pushkalavati became a Greek polis (GBI² 135–37, 336). In support, he called attention to the appearance of the Fortune of the city on kings’ coins and a single gold coin of the city itself (Obv., r. Pakhalavadi devada; l. illegible Kharoshthi legend, city goddess wearing a mural crown and holding a lotus in her right hand; Rev., humped bull and the legend ΤΑΥΡΟΣ and a Kharoshthi word [BMC Indian Coins p. 162 = Rapson in CHI 1:587]). Note, however, that the latter coin is undated; furthermore, O. D . Hoover informs me that there is some question about the authenticity of the coin.

For the terra-cotta putto see Wheeler, Persepolis 101–2.

5. Wheeler (Charsada 13–14) called attention to the analogous history of Pushkalavati and TAXILA.

6. Wheeler, Charsada 16–17.

7. Founder. Dani (Ancient Pakistan [1965–1966] 23) suggested the settlement was founded by Menander in the mid-second century B.C.

8. Peukelaotis is mentioned in the following Greek and Latin sources (I have not given the variant spellings attested in the MSS):

Strabo 15.1.27: ἤδη δὲ πρὸς τῷ Ἰνδῷ πάλιν ἄλλη πόλις Πευκολαῗτις, πρὸς ᾗ ζεῦγμα κτλ.

Arrian Anab. 4.22.7: ἐς τὴν Πευκελαῶτιν χώραν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰνδὸν ποταμόν

Arrian Anab. 4.28.6: καὶ πόλιν τε Πευκελαῶτιν οὐ πόρρω τοῦ Ἰνδοῦ ᾠκισμένην

Arrian Ind. 1.8: ἄλλη πόλις Πευκελαῗτις, μεγάλη καὶ αὐτή, οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ Ἰνδοῦ

Arrian Ind. 4.11: Κωφὴν δὲ ἐν Πευκελαΐτιδι

Pliny NH 6.62: “ad flumen Copheta et oppidum Indorum Peucolatim”

Pliny NH 6.78: ‘Peucolitae”

Pliny NH 6.94: “oppida Peucolis”

Ptolemy 7.1.44: Ποκλαίς (Ποκλάεις)

Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 47, 48: Προκλ<α>ΐδος

It is possible that there were two cities of the same name: (a) the capital of Gandhara near Charsada (the present Pushkalavati) that is mentioned in the Indian and Arabic as well as some of the Greek and Latin sources (on this see Stein, RE s.v. “Peukelaotis”) and (b) another city (exact location unknown) near the Indus that is mentioned only by Arrian (Anab. 4.28.6 and Ind. 1.8) and Strabo (15.1.27); see further Bosworth, Comment. 2:183–84.

For Alexander at Peukelaotis see E. Badian, CQ (1987) 117–28.

9. Curtius Rufus (6.7.15, 9.5; 7.10.10) mentions two Macedonians named Peukolaos. A third (fictional?) Peukolaos is mentioned in Alexander Romance 3.32. See Berve, Alexanderreich 2:319, nos. 636–38; and Heckel, Who’s Who 205–6. The LGPN lists twelve persons with this name.

The Indo-Greek king Peukolaos is known from coins; see, for example, Bopearachchi, Monnaies 106, 309. Cf. Tarn’s reservations (GBI² 245).

SAGALA EUTHYMEDIA

According to Ptolemy (7.1.46) Sagala was also known as Euthymedia. In 1738 T. Bayer suggested emending the text to Euthydemia.¹ On this reading, the settlement would have been named in honor of Euthydemos. This attractive emendation found considerable—though not universal—acceptance. Thus, W. W. Tarn challenged the emendation and convincingly demonstrated that the modification to Euthydemia was unwarranted and that the real name was, in fact, Euthymedia.² Sagala was probably located east of the Akesines (Chenab) River in the northern Punjab at the site of the modern Pakistani city of Sialkot.³

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1. T. Bayer, Historia Regni Graecorum Bactriani (St. Petersburg, 1738) 84–85; followed, for example, by Droysen, Hist. 2:752 n. 2; Kiessling, RE s.v.”Euthydemeia”; Herrmann, RE s.v. “Sagala 1”; Tcherikover, HS 108; Renou Ptolémée 21; Foucher, Vieille Route 2:274–75; Berthelot, Asie 286 (and map 8 facing p. 264); Stückelberger and Grasshoff in their edition of Ptolemy (see also 2:710 n. 52). Accepted with reservations by MacDonald in CHI 446. Cf. the reading “Marganiam” in Curtius Rufus 7.10.15. This was emended to “Margianam” as far back as the sixteenth century; the emendation has been accepted in most—though not all—modern editions. Cf. A. B. Bosworth, JHS 101 (1981) 23–26; see also ALEXANDREIA/ANTIOCH in Margiana, n. 2.

2. Tarn, GBI² 247–49, 486–87; followed, for example, by Narain, Indo-Greeks 81; see also Eggermont in Studia Naster 2:66–67.

3. For the location see, for example, Smith, Early History 78 n. 2; A. Foucher, Vieille Route 2:274, 398; Tarn, GBI² 247; cf. Narain (Indo-Greeks 81), who reserved judgment on the identification of Sagala and Euthydemia/ Euthymedia and its location at Sialkot.

SALAGISSA

Ptolemy (7.1.48) includes Salagissa in his list of cities in India. According to Strabo (12.6.5), Sagalassos in Pisidia was also known by the alternative name, Selgessos.¹ The latter form of the toponym suggests that the town in India may have been a colony of Pisidian settlers, named for their original home. We do not know the exact location.²

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In general see Herrmann, RE s.v. “Salagissa”; Tarn, GBI² 250–51.

1. On Pisidia and Sagalassos in the Hellenistic period see H. Bracke and M. Waelkens in Waelkens, ed., Sagalassos (Leuven, 1993) 1:15–29, 37–45.

2. Herrmann (RE s.v. “Salagissa”) suggested Salagissa was located in the eastern Punjab.

TAXILA

Taxila (Takshasila), one of the largest and most important cities of ancient India, was located 35 kilometers west of Rawalpindi.¹ The city occupied a number of sites in succession. It was originally located on the Bhir Mound. This was undoubtedly the site that Alexander visited and where he left infirm soldiers (Arr. 5.8.3).² Around the beginning of the second century B.C. the city was moved to Sirkap, northeast of the Bhir Mound.³ In contrast to “the crooked streets and haphazard planning” of the settlements of the Bhir Mound, the settlement at Sirkap was laid out—like PUSHKALAVATI at Shaikhan—on a typical, Hellenistic grid pattern.⁴ Furthermore, various Graeco-Roman objects have been found at Sirkap and in the surrounding region.⁵ In addition, among other temples found in the vicinity, a large one of semiclassical design has been discovered near Sirkap.⁶ There was a major Indo-Greek royal mint at Taxila.⁷ Furthermore, Philostratus observed: “Taxila, they tell us, is about as big as Nineveh and was fortified fairly well after the manner of Greek cities” (Life of Apollonius 2.20).⁸

All of this, of course, may reflect to a greater or lesser degree, Hellenistic and Graeco-Roman influences on Taxila. It does not, however, prove there was actually an organized, Hellenistic settlement at Taxila.⁹

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 107–8; Herrmann, RE s.v. “Taxila”; Renou, Ptolémée 88 (Greek and Latin sources); Tarn, GBI² 137, 179, 245; Narain, Indo-Greeks 31 et passim; Wheeler, Persepolis 103–20; Marshall, A Guide to Taxila; Dar, Ta hellēnistika stoicheia and English summary in id., Taxila and Hellenism; B. Rowland Jr., AJA 39 (1935) 489–96; Brunt, Arrian 2:471–72; Puri, Cities 113–17; Dani, Historic City of Taxila; Bosworth, Comment. 2:221–22; André and Filliozat, Pline VI.2 90; K. Karttunen, Arctos 24 (1990) 85–96; F. Canali de Rossi, I. Estremo Oriente pp. 234–35; P. Bernard in Coins 51–98; Falk, Asokan Sites 252–53.

For the results of archaeological excavations at Taxila see Marshall, Taxila; A. Ghosh (postscript by R. E. M. Wheeler), Ancient India, Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India 4 (1944–1945) 41–84; Kenoyer in Between the Empires 39–40; Mairs, Hellenistic Far East 36.

1. For the location of Taxila see Marshall, Taxila 1:1–8; and map IV in Cunningham, Geography 55. For a map, plans, and photographs of the site see Marshall, Taxila vol. 3. For the topography and history of the site see Marshall, Taxila 1:1–78.

2. On the Bhir Mound see Marshall, Taxila 1:87–111; id., Guide to Taxila 47–59; Wheeler, Persepolis 102–11; Dani, Historic City of Taxila 81–88. Marshall identified stratum III (c. fourth century B.C.) at the Bhir Mound with the period of Alexander’s visit (Taxila 1:103; Guide to Taxila 47); cf. Dani (Historic City of Taxila 48), who suggested this stratum belonged to the Mauryan period and claimed that the remains of the time of Alexander have not yet been discovered.

For a dedication made by Alexander at or near Taxila see Philostratus Life of Apollonius 2.12 ( = I. Estremo Oriente 400^L).

3. On Sirkap see Marshall, Taxila 1:112–213; id., Guide to Taxila 60–84; Wheeler, Persepolis 112–15; Dani, Historic City of Taxila 88–108.

4. See, for example, Wheeler, Persepolis 133; Marshall, Taxila 1:113; Dar, Ta hellēnistika stoicheia 73–89; id., Taxila and Hellenism 6–7.

5. For Graeco-Roman objects found at Sirkap and vicinity see, for example, J. Marshall, JRAS (1947) 3–32; id., Taxila 2:451, 512, 532, 565, 605, 607, 616, 641; B. Rowland Jr., ArtB 31 (1949) 1–10; Nehru, Gandharan Style 70, 94–97; Dani, Taxila 95.

6. For the semiclassical temple, located approximately 630 meters north of the northern gate of Sirkap at Jandial, see, for example, Marshall, Taxila 1:222–30; id., Guide to Taxila 85–89; Wheeler, Persepolis 115–17 (plan on p. 116); Dar, Ta hellēnistika stoicheia 105–19; id., Taxila and Hellenism 9; id., JCA 3 (1980) 93–102; Dani, Historic City of Taxila 112–13; Bernard in Coins 70–74. According to Marshall (Taxila 1:222 and pl. 44), “Its plan is unlike that of any temple yet known to us in India, but its resemblance to the classical temples of Greece is striking.” The plan was basically that of a Greek temple, with a pronaos, a naos, and at the rear an opisthodomos. Two features distinguished it from prototypical Greek temples: (a) the normal peristyle was replaced by a wall with large windows, and (b) between the naos and the opisthodomos was a solid mass of masonry—with a foundation of more than 20 feet below the temple floor—that was clearly designed to support a heavy superstructure; the mass was ascended by flights of broad stairs. This solid mass of masonry prompted Marshall to suggest its purpose was to serve as a foundation for a ziggurat and that it was designed for Magian or Zoroastrian worship. Marshall also noted the presence of Ionic columns (Taxila 1:223 and pl. 44; for a photograph see also Rowland, AJA 39 [1935] 492). In any event, the temple cannot be precisely dated. Marshall vacillated. In the text of Taxila (1:225) he inclined—hesitantly—to the view that both the Jandial temple and the Mohra Maliara building (see below) were built under the Sakas in the first century B.C. rather in the second century B.C. under the Greeks. But in a postscript written in 1951 he concluded that the Jandial temple dated to the “Greek period” (Taxila 1:229). Marshall identified this temple with the one described by Philostratus in his Life of Apollonius 2.20; contra: P. Bernard (in Coins 70–74), who argued convincingly against any resemblance between the temple described by Philostratus and the building at Jandial.

Five hundred meters west of Sirkap, at Mohra Maliar, portions of Ionic capitals were discovered at a building that probably dated to the latter half of the first century B.C. (see, for example, Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India: Report for the Year 1872–73 5 [1875; repr., 1966] 69–72; Wheeler, Persepolis 117; Rowland, AJA 39 [1935] 495 [with photograph]; Dar, Ta hellēnistika stoicheia 119–25; id., Taxila and Hellenism 10; id., JCA [1980] 106–11; Dar believed it was a Parthian temple; Dani, Historic City of Taxila 114–15, identified it as a Greek temple of “new design”).

With the Ionic capitals found at Taxila compare the fragments of an Ionic capital found at AÏ KHANOUM (n. 14) and the Ionic columns found at KHURHA.

7. For the mint at Taxila see R. Audoin and P. Bernard, RN (1974) 23–30. More than 12,000 coins (including coins of various Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kings) were found by Marshall in the course of his excavation; see Marshall, R. B. Whitehead, E. H. C. Walsh, and J. Allan in Taxila 2:751–863 and especially 763–69 (chart of Greek coins found in Sirkap on 766–67). See also Dani, Historic City of Taxila 55, 59–66.

8. Bernard correctly dismissed the probative value of Philostratus’s description of the city and fortifications of Taxila: “These two features (i.e., its large size and the fortifications) are not particularly distinctive. The first is intended to bring to mind one of the preconceived ideas of the Greeks about the Orient, namely the colossal size of everything pertaining to it, the second to emphasize the Hellenic superiority over everything oriental” (in Coins 74).

9. On the absence of evidence for a permanent Greek settlement see, for example, Dani, Historic City of Taxila 92 (“The planning at Sirkap is certainly borrowed from the west, but it is strange that within the city no Greek temple, palace or theatre, or any other buildings associated particularly with the Greeks has so far been found. By contrast, each rectangular block contains houses planned in the oriental style and they are interspersed with Buddhist stupas and shrines”); see also Narain, Indo-Greeks 31 and n. 8.

Tarn suggested (GBI² 179) it was Demetrios I who transferred the population of the old Taxila to Sirkap; he described the new Taxila as “a strange foundation to be made by a Greek king, for what Demetrius built was not a Greek city but an Indian one, and an Indian city it remained; there is no indication that it ever became a Greek polis or bore Demetrius’ name.” See also Karttunen (Arctos [1990] 96): “Taxila was probably never a Greek polis in the proper meaning of the word, it was and remained in the first place an Indian town.” On the other hand, Dar (Taxila and Hellenism 6–7) claimed—less convincingly—that the settlement at Taxila was a Greek polis and that it was founded by Menander.

THEOPHILA

Ptolemy (7.1.60) is our only extant source for the existence of Theophila, apparently east of the Indus Delta.¹ There have been two suggestions regarding the toponym: (a) it is a translation of the Sanskrit Suradara, that is, the love/veneration of the god and can therefore be seen as having the same meaning as Theophila,² or (b) it honored Theophila, the mother (?) of Demetrios and Apollodotos.³

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In general see Herrmann, RE s.v. “Theophila”; Tarn, GBI² 147, 234–35, 526; Narain, Indo-Greeks 94.

1. For a map demonstrating the possible location of Theophila see Berthelot, Asie map 11, opp. p. 312.

2. For the suggestion that Theophila is a translation of a Sanskrit word see Lassen, Ind. Alter. 3:143. Lassen also suggested it was located at the site of the modern Surdhaur.

3. For the hypothesis that the settlement was named for Theophila see Tarn, GBI² 147. Cf. Narain (Indo-Greeks 94), who was skeptical of Tarn’s claim and questioned whether Theophila was a Greek city. Narain noted, correctly, that (a) the possibility that this settlement was “named after a supposed mother of Demetrius I and the hypothetical Apollodotus I lacks proof,” (b) there is no reason to believe that Demetrios and Apollodotos were brothers born of the same mother, and (c) we do not definitely know if her name was Theophila.

One might object that in the Hellenistic period a settlement toponym that was derived from a personal name usually took an adjectival form of the latter; thus, for example, Alexandreia was the toponym for settlements honoring Alexander, Kassandreia for Kassandros, Lysimacheia for Lysimachos, Antiocheia for Antiochos, Philetaireia for Philetairos, Attaleia for Attalos, Apameia for Apama, Seleukeia for Seleukos, Laodikeia for Laodike, Stratonikeia for Stratonike; note, however, Agathokleia, which was both a personal name and may also have been a place-name; see AGATHOKLEIA in Mysia. On the other hand, we do encounter, for example, Thessalonike, Philotera, Arsinoe, Berenike, and Nikaia as both personal names and place-names. In short, Theophila could be both a personal name and a toponym.

XOANA

Among the cities of India Ptolemy (7.1.61) mentions Xoana. Tcherikover included it in his list of Hellenistic settlements in India. Xoanon was, of course, a Greek term for “an image of deities.” Nevertheless, we should need additional information before designating Xoana as such.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 110; Treidler, RE s.v. “Xoana”; Olshausen, BNP s.v. “Xoana”; Neudecker, BNP s.v. “Xoanon.”

XYLINEPOLIS

Pliny (NH 6.96), who is our sole source of information about Xylinepolis, says it was founded by Alexander.¹ He remarks that he does not have sufficient information about the exact location or the river on which it stood, but adds that it was the embarkation point for the voyage of Onesikratos and Nearchos.² The toponym most probably is the Greek ξυλίνη πόλις, namely, “Timber Town” or “Wooden Town.”³ According to Curtius Rufus (9.10.3), Alexander built many cities in the region of the Indus Delta. Furthermore, Arrian (Ind. 10.2) says that in India cities on rivers or the coast were built of wood. He explained that if they had been built of brick they would not have lasted because of the humidity and the flooding. It is possible that Xylinepolis was one of these.⁴

We do not know precisely where this settlement was located.

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In general see Pape and Benseler, Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen s.v. “Xylinepolis”; Droysen, Hist. 2:687; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:294; Tomaschek, Erläuterung 10–11; Tcherikover, HS 109; Tarn, GBI² 244; id., Alexander 2:239; H. Schiwek, BJ 162 (1962) 37; Treidler, RE s.v. “Xylinepolis”; J. Filliozat, JA (1977) 414; André and Filliozat, Pline VI.2 127; Karttunen, BNP s.v. “Xylinepolis”; Biffi, Indiké 188.

1. The MSS have the following variants: “xilenepolis,” “exilenaepolis,” “exilenepolis.”

2. Tarn dismissed Pliny’s information (GBI² 244: “It was not founded by Alexander or by anyone else; it is merely one of Pliny’s so common mistakes in transliteration and in his original source was only ξυλίνη πόλις, ‘a wooden town’, some native place built of wood instead of brick as was the Indian custom if the place was liable to be flooded”). Tarn also called attention (GBI² 530) to Stephanos’s note on the Morieis (s.v.); Stephanos described them as an Indian ethnos who lived in wooden houses; see also Tarn (GBI² 244 n. 6) on Livy 38.15.7 (“postero ad Xylinen quam vocant Comen posuit castra”), which he cited as a parallel to Xylinepolis.

The fact that in some Indian cities the buildings were constructed of wood in the late fourth century B.C. suggests there were timber forests in the region. Toponyms derived from tree names are frequently found in the ancient world. For example, Homer (Il. 2.829) mentions Pityeia (pitys = pine tree) on the south coast of the Propontis between Parion and Priapos; Strabo (13.1.15) tells us that there were pines in the vicinity. A small island off the coast of Troezen was called Pityoussa (Paus. 2.34.8; in the same region, incidentally, was another island, Halioussa, i.e., “Salt”); Meiggs remarked that a pine wreath was the prize at the nearby Isthmian games and noted that the Aleppo pine stills grows in the region (Trees 35). Furthermore, Pliny (4.35) and Ptolemy (3.12.33) both mention a Xylopolis in Macedonian Mygdonia, which, Meiggs noted, is “well wooded.” And Ptolemy (5.6.6) records a Xyline in Cappadocia. In general see Meiggs, Trees 35–36; and Appendix VIII (toponyms in the United States that reflect a local resource).

Interestingly, the one fact that Pliny adds regarding Xylinepolis is that it was the departure place for Onesikratos and Nearchos. It is certainly conceivable, therefore, that Xylinepolis was a real toponym, derived from a nearby source of timber (rather than from building material used in the construction of houses, etc., in the town) and that Onesikratos and Nearchos used the wood from the surrounding region to build or repair their ships; see also André and Filliozat, Pline VI.2 127.

Treidler (RE s.v. “Xylinepolis”) identified Xylinepolis with “Alexander’s Harbor” (Arr. Ind. 21.¹1). For the various suggested identifications of Alexander’s Harbor see ARBIS in India, n. 3.

3. It is possible—though unlikely—that the toponym is simply the Hellenization of a native name. Of course, that would render moot any discussion relating Xylinepolis to the building materials for this town or the natural resources in the surrounding region. Against this possibility, however, Arrian’s observation (Ind. 10.², on which see Biffi, Indiké 151–52) about the Indian practice of using wood for constructing buildings in coastal and riverine towns is compelling (see above, n. 2: Stephanos’s observation that the Morieis—an Indian ethnos—lived in wooden houses). In any event, Eggermont’s suggestion (Sind and Baluchistan 34–36) that “Xiline” (in Xilene-polis) is a variant reading of Kanthi (the result of a series of copyists’ mistakes), which is mentioned by Ptolemy (7.1.2: ἐν κολπῳ καλουμένῳ Κάνθι Ναύσταθμοs ὅρμοs), and that Kanthi should be identified with Xylinepolis is unconvincing; cf. André and Filliozat, Pline VI.2 127; and Filliozat JA (1977) 414.

4. At 6.20.5 Arrian says that Alexander “sailed once more [from PATALA] down to the lake, and built another ship-station (ναύσταθμοs) and other dock yards there” (trans. Brunt). W. Heckel (Justin Commentary 1:266) has suggested that Arrian was perhaps referring to Xylinepolis. And this is certainly possible. One should, however, bear in mind Curtius Rufus’s observation (see above) that Alexander built many cities in the region of the Indus Delta. And, also as noted above, Ptolemy (7.1.2) used the very same term (ναύσταθμοs) to describe a ship station either at Kanthi or in the bay called Kanthi. On the suggested relationship of Xylinepolis to Patala see Bosworth, who speculated in a personal communication that they were separate settlements (see PATALA, n. 3).