SSI OFFICES
“The meeting will come to order.”
Derringer convened the board of directors the morning after his meeting with SSI’s department heads. Mrs. Springer noted the attendees and double-checked each item on the agenda. Thomas Varlowe represented the advisory board, though he was entered in the minutes as Lieutenant General Varlowe.
Strategic Solutions, Incorporated, was structured like many PMCs. The directors all had personal interest in the firm’s success, and in fact most of them had been selected with finances in mind. Several were contributors to the start-up process; most were astute businessmen; all were connected militarily and/or politically. All were approximately patriotic; most fell somewhere between jaundiced and cynical. None would be described as naïve.
As president and senior vice president, Marsh Wilmont and George Ferraro already were familiar with the topic at hand. Derringer already had their support and had obtained the proxy of another director, retired Colonel Samuel A. Small, formerly of Air Force Systems Command.
“Let the record show that we have a quorum. Colonel Small is in Europe but he faxed me his proxy. Dr. Craven is attending a conference in Hawaii and could not be reached in time.”
Derringer continued. “Gentlemen—and ladies—we will dispense with old business until a pressing matter is addressed. In fact, I would hope for a fast decision on an opportunity that has come our way. I refer you to the first information sheet in your meeting folders.
“As you see, the State Department has offered us first refusal on a training contract in Chad. The briefing paper describes the background to the situation: the U.N. peacekeeping force is being withdrawn after prolonged conflict among the government and warring factions. The French will send a sizable contingent independent of the U.N., which probably means a more effective presence in the country. Our role will be training selected units of the Chadian Army in counterinsurgency warfare.”
He looked around the room. “Any comments or questions?”
Harrison E. Rowell was a retired brigadier general with excellent connections on the Hill. It was hardly surprising, considering his lengthy service in the Army’s congressional affairs office. “Mike, the paper doesn’t mention the duration of the contract, though the monthly fee looks good enough. How long are we talking here?”
“It’s more or less open-ended, Harry. We didn’t try to estimate the length of the project because State still doesn’t have a handle on that. My guess is that it’ll be at least as long as the French need to stabilize things. Several months, anyway. Likely over a year.”
“Can we sustain enough instructors in a place like that, more or less indefinitely?”
Derringer nodded. “I discussed the salient details with operations and training yesterday. Frank and Omar believe we can recruit enough people with the military and language skills necessary. Matt Finch and his personnel office are already at work. They’re coordinating with our DoD liaison officer as well.”
Reuben J. Frisch, a Ph.D. in international relations, was a notable pragmatist in a crowd of pragmatists. “Admiral, I admit that this looks good on paper—low investment, potentially a nice yield. So I have to wonder: what’s the down side? Other than the obvious, that is.”
“I understand your concern, Doctor. That’s one of the reasons I convened a premature department head meeting yesterday. Marsh and George and I thought that we needed to hear the views of the people who’ll get their hands dirty over there. Colonel Leopole in operations and Dr. Mohammed in training, with some of their subordinates, all agree that we can provide the service requested. If necessary, we can rotate training teams in and out of the country so nobody has to stay for too long at a time.”
Frisch nodded his balding head and adjusted his glasses. “But there are other aspects…”
“Yes, there are. Frankly, one or two of our senior people expressed doubt about being seen as supporting a corrupt, even brutal government. It’s important enough to bring to a vote, which is why I bumped it to the top of today’s agenda. But I’d point out that we’re acting on behalf of the U.S. Government, and we can truthfully say that we’re working with military forces, not the national police.”
“Excuse me, gentlemen. I’d like to clarify something.” Major General Richard D. Jonas had made his reputation in the Air Force’s electronic warfare community. His post-retirement fortune had been made in defense electronics. “I admit that I don’t know much about Chad or the situation there. Just how bad is it? For instance, would our training team likely be in danger?”
Derringer swiveled his chair toward Thomas Varlowe. “The head of our advisory committee is well informed on that situation.”
Varlowe had the facts at the tips of his manicured fingers. “As far as the current situation, the U.N. peacekeeping force is pretty typical: a hodgepodge with a few troops from several countries with at least as many observers as active ‘peacekeepers.’” With his fingers he etched quote marks around “peacekeepers.”
“There’s troops from Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh, Egypt, France, Ghana, Greece, Italy, Kenya, Nigeria, Pakistan, Poland, and Russia. I’m told that some of those like Argentina, Greece, Italy, and Poland only have a few observers just to run up the numbers for PR purposes. The ones doing most of the patrolling and getting shot at are Muslims and other Africans: Egyptians, Kenyans, Nigerians, and Pakistanis. However, Italy’s and Poland’s contingents have taken casualties and they’re already pulling out.” He shrugged. “And you heard about the Australians. They had a light armored outfit shot up pretty badly the other day.
“Now, the other player is the African Union, which draws on a lot of the same sources as the U.N. for peacekeepers. It’s not terribly effective, and probably will withdraw before the French move in. Consequently, there’s a growing power vacuum. Some areas are more secure than others, and some are under control of various rebel factions.
“Dick, to answer your question more specifically: our teams should operate in fairly secure areas. After all, they can’t do much training if they’re being shot at very often.”
“General Varlowe, does that mean the advisory committee recommends approving the contract?” Beverly Ann Shumard, who knew her way around a boardroom, also knew the value of consensus building. She had learned that as a four-term congresswoman from Pennsylvania.
Varlowe glanced at Derringer, who nodded. “Yes, ma’am,” the general replied. “Of the members I polled, it was six to two.”
“What were the objections, if I may ask?”
“One member was queasy about working with the Chad Government. The other was worried about the military situation, but that was before the U.N. announced its pullout in favor of the French.”
Beverly Shumard immediately went on point. “Uh, when did you ask the board members, General? I mean, we only just learned of the situation this morning.”
“Last week. We…”
“Beverly, that was my doing,” Derringer interjected. “We got a heads-up from our liaison at State. I thought it advisable to start contingency planning in case the contract materialized, but I didn’t expect it this soon.”
Shumard leaned back, tapping her polished nails on the table. “All right.” The tone of her voice was flat, noncommittal.
Rowell sensed a growing tension in the room and decided to deflate it. “If I may, I’d like to address a couple of other matters. First, what’s the down side to this contract? I don’t mean risk to our people, but potential harm to SSI.”
Derringer was about to speak when Wilmont intervened. “That’s a legitimate concern, Harry. We’ve already assessed the corporate prospects, and as you’ll note in the briefing paper, we believe that the risk is minimal while the downstream benefits could be substantial. Worst case: something goes wrong while our team’s over there and we’re implicated in some wrongdoing by the Chad regime. Frankly, and I don’t want this repeated, that would be worse than having some of our men killed. The State Department could fall over itself backpedaling away from having issued us the contract. Consequently, we might have trouble getting more work in Africa.”
“But we’re not doing much there right now,” Derringer interjected. “That’s one of the reasons for taking this job. Not only does it open the door for other work in the region, but it actually enhances our reputation at the same time. If we have to spin the contract to Congress or the public, we can always hang it on the antiterrorism hook. It wouldn’t be hard to justify our work as fighting local terrorists, some of whom certainly have radical Islamic contacts.”
“Okay,” Rowell said. “Second question. What plans are there for extracting our people if things go south?”
“As a matter of course, we always have two contingencies for getting SSI personnel out of a trouble spot.” Wilmont was warming to his subject, glad to have something substantive to discuss for a change.“The first is usually priority airline scheduling. With minimal notice, our teams can get aboard most government transportation, and that’s especially so in this case because we’re working for the State Department. The backup plan is having our own assets standing by elsewhere in the region. We don’t have details yet but I’d guess in Egypt; possibly Niger. That’s expensive, but it’s always part of our planning.” He looked around the room, making eye contact with each person. “We have never yet left anyone behind.”
Sensing that the board was swinging his way, Derringer risked a question. “Very well. I think we’re about finished. Any other points of discussion?” He looked at Shumard. “Beverly?”
Dr. Shumard bit her lip—she rarely wore lipstick—obviously unconvinced. “Well, I don’t … no! There is one thing.” Her hazel eyes locked on to Derringer’s. “I’d like to see the contract written so we can withdraw over matters of ethics. I mean, if some of the troops we’re training are involved in abusing people, we should pull out, with no penalty to us.”
Derringer spread his hands, palms up. “I see no problem with that. But we’d have to specify who makes the decision. Presumably it would be this board, but realize that State will have a voice in the matter. After all, we’re working for them. Do we need a vote on Beverly’s motion? Any objections?”
No one spoke; clearly most were disinterested.
“Excuse me,” Varlowe said.
“Yes, General.”
“I don’t want to seem cynical, but I think you should consider something. Let’s face it: the U.S. Government is unlikely to invoke sanctions against a black nation because of the domestic political fallout.” He paused for a moment, emphasizing his point. “Assuming that some of our clients get out of line, how is State going to adopt an ethical standard in Chad that it ignores in Zimbabwe or Sudan or Angola or several other places? They’re also among the most corrupt on earth but they still receive millions in foreign aid, and who knows where the money really goes?”
Shumard was an intuitive counterpuncher, and she replied in kind. “General, no one has ever accused me of being naïve, but let’s face facts. If we withheld aid from every corrupt government in Africa or anywhere else, we’d just about isolate ourselves from the human race.”
Varlowe conceded the point with a graceful dip of his head. “Indeed we would, ma’am. Indeed we would.” The tone in his voice said, Not a bad idea, toots. “I’m only suggesting that the board considers the problems inherent in a double standard before concluding this contract.”
“Very well,” Derringer said. “Mrs. Singer, please note Dr. Shumard’s concern. We’ll revisit the subject in our next meeting, before concluding the contract.”
Hardly missing a beat, Derringer picked up the agenda. “Now, under old business, we have the proposal to expand our electronic warfare support program…”