NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1.Roger Coke, A Discourse of Trade (London, 1670), 7; William Petyt, Britannia languens, or a Discourse of Trade (London, 1680), 154.
2.George Louis Beer, The Old Colonial System, 1660–1754, Part I: The Establishment of the System, 1660–1688, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1912), 1:vii; Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1934–1938), vol. 4, England’s Commercial and Colonial Policy, 2–3.
3.Stanley L. Engerman, “British Imperialism in a Mercantilist Age, 1492–1849: Conceptual Issues and Empirical Problems,” Revista de Historia Económica 15 (1998): 195–234; Nuala Zahedieh, “Making Mercantilism Work: London Merchants and Atlantic Trade in the Seventeenth Century,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 9 (1999): 143–158; Kenneth Morgan, “Mercantilism and the British Empire, 1688–1815,” in The Political Economy of British Historical Experience, 1688–1914, ed. Donald Winch and Patrick K. O’Brien (Oxford: British Academy, 2002), 165–191; Nuala Zahedieh, The Capital and the Colonies: London and the Atlantic Economy, 1660–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 35–54. For recent discussions of the usefulness of mercantilism as an interpretive method of understanding the early modern British empire, see Steve Pincus, “Rethinking Mercantilism: Political Economy, the British Empire, and the Atlantic World in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 69, no. 1 (Jan. 2012): 3–34; Philip Stern and Carl Wennerlind, “Introduction,” in Mercantilism Reimagined: Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire, ed. Philip Stern and Carl Wennerlind (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 3–22.
4.Michael Kammen, Empire and Interest: The American Colonies and the Politics of Mercantilism (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1970), 4; Andrews, Colonial Period, vol. 4, England’s Commercial and Colonial Policy, 328; Edgar Furniss, The Position of the Laborer in a System of Nationalism: A Study in the Labor Theories of the Later English Mercantilists (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1920), 7–8; D. C. Coleman, “Labour in the English Economy of the Seventeenth Century,” Economic History Review, n.s., 8, no. 3 (1956): 295; Richard Wiles, “Mercantilism and the Idea of Progress,” Eighteenth-Century Studies, no. 1 (Autumn 1974): 56–74; Andrea Finkelstein, Harmony and the Balance: An Intellectual History of Seventeenth-Century English Economic Thought (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), 251; Joyce Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978).
5.David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), intro.; Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors General: The English Army and the Definition of Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), xvi–xviii; Stephen Saunders Webb, “Army and Empire: English Garrison Government in Britain and America, 1569–1763,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 34, no. 1 (1977): 2–3.
6.This stands in contrast to the work of Armitage, Ideological Origins, chaps. 5 and 6.
7.Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), xxiii, 335. For a similar emphasis on colonial labor demand in the transition to slavery, see Edmund Morgan, “The First American Boom: Virginia 1618 to 1630,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 28, no. 2 (Apr. 1971): 169–198; Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975); Russell Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 31, 44.
8.Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery 1944, repr. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 19; Winthrop Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1969), chaps. 1 and 2; David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), chaps. 3, 4, and 5.
9.David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 58, 65, 55; Susan Dwyer Amussen, Caribbean Exchanges: Slavery and the Transformation of English Society, 1640–1700 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 144.
10.Stephanie Smallwood, Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007); Trevor Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 269–270.
11.Jack P. Greene, “Liberty, Slavery, and the Transformation of British Identity in the Eighteenth-Century West Indies,” Slavery and Abolition 21, no. 1 (Apr. 2000): 1–31; Jack P. Greene, “The Jamaica Privilege Controversy, 1764–1766: An Episode in the Process of Constitutional Definition in the Early Modern British Empire,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 22, no. 1 (1994): 16–53.
12.Christopher L. Brown, “The Politics of Slavery,” in The British Atlantic World, ed. David Armitage and Michael Braddick (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 214–232.
13.This model of understanding England’s early modern empire has been promoted especially by Atlantic World scholarship. See Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560–1660 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 7, 10–11; J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), xiv–xvii; April Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia: Intercolonial Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Christian Koot, Empire at the Periphery: British Colonists, Anglo-Dutch Trade, and the Development of the British Atlantic, 1621–1713 (New York: New York University Press, 2011); Kristen Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012).
14.As K. G. Davies writes, “it is safe to say that in no instance was the identification between the royal family and a trading monopoly so close as in the African Companies.” K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 103.
1. UNFREE LABOR AND THE ORIGINS OF EMPIRE
1.Meeting of the King-in-Council, 1 June 1677, The National Archives (TNA), Colonial Office (CO) 153/2, pp. 219–222.
2.Lords of Trade to the king, 25 April 1678, TNA, CO 153/2, p. 281; Council of Saint Christopher to the Lords of Trade, 12 July 1680, CO 153/2, p. 449; Lords of Trade to William Stapleton, 5 March 1681/2, CO 153/3, p. 36; Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 18 July 1682, CO 153/3, pp. 52–54; Col. Thomas Hill to the Lords of Trade, 13 February 1683/4, CO 153/3, pp. 134–136.
3.George Louis Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, 1578–1660 (New York: Macmillan, 1908), chap. 2; Paul Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London: Longman, 1988), especially chap. 2; Joyce Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), 29.
4.Richard Hakluyt, Discourse of Western Planting, ed. David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn (London: Hakluyt Society, 1993), 120.
5.Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (London: Felix Kyngston, 1609), B3v; William Symonds, Virginia: A Sermon Preached at White-Chapel (London: I. Windet, 1609), 19; Ralph Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia, and the successe of the affaires there till the 18 of June, 1614 (London: John Beale, 1615), 19; W. Crashaw, A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea (London: William Welby, 1610), E4v–F1r; Nova Britannia: Offering Most Excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia (London: Samuel Macham, 1609), D1r., D1v; R. Rich, The lost Flocke Triumphant (London: Edw. Allde, 1610), B3r.
6.J. M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England, 1660–1800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), chap. 9; J. M. Beattie, Policing and Punishment in London, 1660–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), chaps. 6 and 9; A. Roger Ekirch, Bound for America: The Transportation of British Convicts to the Colonies, 1718–1775 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 3, 19, 44; Joanna Innes, “The Role of Transportation in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century English Penal Practice,” in New Perspectives in Australian History, ed. Carl Bridge (London: Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, 1990), 1–24; Cynthia Herrup, “Punishing Pardon: Some Thoughts on the Origins of Penal Transportation,” in Penal Practice and Culture, 1500–1900: Punishing the English, ed. Simon Devereax and Paul Griffiths (New York: Palgrave, 2004), 121–137; Richard B. Morris, Government and Labor in Early America (New York: Harper & Row, 1965); Abbot Emerson Smith, Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607–1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1947).
7.Richard Hakluyt, Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America and the Ilands adiacent, in Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, ed. John Winter Jones, vol. 7 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1850), 8–9; Sir Thomas Dale to Lord Treasurer Salisbury, 17 August 1611, Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton (London: Routledge, 2000), CD-ROM, 1:11–12. Quote from James I from Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 93.
8.Mildred Campbell, “’Of People either too Few or too Many’: The Conflict of Opinion on Population and Its Relation to Emigration,” in Conflict in Stuart England, ed. William Appleton Aiken and Basil Duke Henning (London: Jonathan Cape, 1960), 179. For the traditional view she is criticizing, see Beer, Origins, chap. 2.
9.Ted McCormick, “Population: Modes of Seventeenth-Century Demographic Thought,” in Mercantilism Reimagined: Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire, ed. Philip Stern and Carl Wennerlind (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 25–45.
10.Edmund Morgan, “The Labor Problem at Jamestown, 1607–1618,” American Historical Review 73, no. 3 (June 1971): 595, 607–608; Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560–1660 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 127–131; Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (London: Verso, 2003), 145.
11.Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company: The Failure of a Colonial Experiment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1932), 94–96; Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (London: Verso, 1997), 227, 233; Robert C. Johnson, “The Transportation of Vagrant Children from London to Virginia, 1618–1622,” in Early Stuart Studies, ed. Howard S. Reinmuth, Jr. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1970), 137–151; Sir Edwin Sandys to Sir Robert Norton, 28 January 1619/20, in Records of the Virginia Company of London, ed. Susan Myra Kingsbury (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1906–1935), 3:259.
12.Edmund Morgan, “The First American Boom: Virginia 1618 to 1630,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 28, no. 2 (Apr. 1971): 170–171, 183, 195–198; Hilary McD. Beckles, White Servitude and Black Slavery in Barbados, 1627–1715 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), 5; Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company, 96; David Souden, “’Rogues, Whores and Vagabonds’? Indentured Servant Emigrants to North America, and the Case of Mid-Seventeenth-Century Bristol,” Social History 3, no. 1 (Jan. 1978): 151.
13.Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company, chap. 10; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 93–102; David Souden, “English Indentured Servants and the Transatlantic Colonial Economy,” in International Labour Migration: Historical Perspectives, ed. Shula Marks and Peter Richardson (Hounslow, Middlesex, UK: Institute of Commonwealth Studies, 1984), 23, 29; Souden, “Rogues, Whores,” 160, 166–167. Souden and others have shown how the emigration of indentured servants to the American colonies fit into broader patterns of migration within England. Souden, “Rogues, Whores,” 151, 156; Souden, “English Indentured Servants,” 27–28; Alison Games, “Migration,” in The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 31–50. For more on “vagrant” as a socioeconomic and legal category, see Paul Slack, “Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598–1664,” in Migration and Society in Early Modern England, ed. Peter Clark and David Souden (London: Hutchinson Education, 1987), 49–76.
14.E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England, 1541–1870 (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), 208–209 (table 7.8); Roger Finlay, Population and Metropolis: The Demography of London, 1580–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 51; Keith Wrightson, Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000), chaps. 5 and 6; Patrick Copland, Virginia’s God be Thanked, or A Sermon of Thanksgiving for the Happie Successe of the Affayres in Virginia this Last Yeare (London: J. D., 1622), 31. The growth of London played a central role in shaping migration patterns within England, Britain, and across the Atlantic. See Games, “Migration,” 35; John Wareing, “Migration to London and transatlantic emigration of indentured servants, 1683–1775,” Journal of Historical Geography, 7, no. 4 (1981): 356–378.
15.Hilary McD. Beckles, “The ‘Hub of Empire’: The Caribbean and Britain in the Seventeenth Century,” in Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 1, The Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 223; Beckles, White Servitude, 15–16, 34 (table 1.6), 35–37; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 49, 56 (table 1); Vincent T. Harlow, A History of Barbados, 1625–1685 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), 9–13; Blackburn, Making of New World Slavery, 225, 231.
16.Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (London, 1673), (originally published in 1657); James Hay, second Earl of Carlisle, A Declaration by James Earl of Carlile, Lord of the Caribee Islands, or Province of Cariola (London, 1647); Beckles, White Servitude, 17 (table 1.1); Gary A. Puckrein, Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics, 1627–1700 (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 72.
17.Michael Craton, “Reluctant Creoles: The Planters’ World in the British West Indies,” in Strangers within the Realm, ed. Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 315; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, chap. 6; David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 52.
18.Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 115–166, 173–181; Blackburn, Making of New World Slavery, 231; Russell Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 25 (table 4), 52, 54, 59; J. E. Farnell, “The Navigation Act of 1651, the First Dutch War, and the London Merchant Community,” Economic History Review, n.s., 16, no. 3 (1964): 443–444; Puckrein, Little England, 72.
19.Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 19–20; Harlow, History of Barbados, 24; Blackburn, Making of New World Slavery, 230–231; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 586; Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 25 (table 4). On Dutch success in the Caribbean carrying trade and slave trade, see Jonathan Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 239–244; Johannes Menne Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 17–21 (especially table 1.1). Traditionally, scholars have maintained that it was because of an influx of Dutch capital during the 1640s that English planters made the transition to sugar cultivation and began relying more heavily on the labor of enslaved Africans. Menard has questioned the role of the Dutch in financing the transition to sugar and slavery in Barbados and instead emphasizes English planter and merchant success with tobacco, indigo, and cotton, which helped finance the “sugar boom.” Menard, Sweet Negotiations, chaps. 1–3.
20.James Horn and Philip D. Morgan, “Settlers and Slaves: European and African Migrations to Early Modern British America,” in The Creation of the British Atlantic World, ed. Elizabeth Mancke and Carole Shammas (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 23; Games, “Migration,” 32–33; Souden, “English Indentured Servants,” 22; Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 44; Beckles, White Servitude, 123. Seventy thousand is an approximate total for all Europeans, but the vast majority would have come from England during this decade. Russell Menard has estimated that nearly thirty thousand European migrants, the bulk of whom were English, came to Barbados in the decade around 1650. Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 42, 114–115.
21.Richard S. Dunn, “Servants and Slaves: The Recruitment and Employment of Labor,” in Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era, ed. Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 159–160; David Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America: An Economic Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 124 (table 8.6), 125 (table 8.7).
22.Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 45; Betty Wood, The Origins of American Slavery: Freedom and Bondage in the English Colonies (New York: Hill and Wang, 1997), 55; Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 207–215, 208–209 (table 7.8; total calculation mine); Wrightson, Earthly Necessities, 164–166, 235–236; Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 44–47; Beckles, “’Hub of Empire,”’ 232.
23.Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 50–52; Richard Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, 1623–1775 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 236; Beckles, White Servitude, 46, 49; Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 44–45.
24.Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 156; Beckles, White Servitude, 53–54; Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 73; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London: Longmans, 1882), 1 March 1654/5, 7:62; 30 March 1655, 7:107; 30 March 1655, 7:107–108; “For the Council of Scotland,” 1655, in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Esq., 7 vols. (London, 1742): 3:497; “A Proposition for the Erecting of a West India Company, and the better securing the Interests of this Commonwealth in America,” probably 1657, British Library (BL) Egerton 2395, fols. 87–88; Carla Gardina Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 185–190.
25.Beattie, Policing and Punishment, 291–292; A Great Plot Discovered (London: Printed for G. Horton, 1661); Webb, Governors-General, 84–86; Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 175; Beckles, White Servitude, 54; Peter Earle, Monmouth’s Rebels: The Road to Sedgemoor 1685 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1978). Some transported political prisoners protested their situation. See England’s Slavery, or Barbados Merchandize (London, 1659), 10.
26.Webb, Governors-General, 85; Herrup, “Punishing Pardon,” 122–123, 132–133; Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 50 (table 2.2). This table calculates numbers collected by Peter Wilson Coldham and estimates that approximately 8,282 prisoners, including both convicts and prisoners of war, were sent to the English colonies from 1650 to 1699. Eltis, however, thinks this probably did not account for all war prisoners sent. Peter Wilson Coldham, The Complete Book of Emigrants in Bondage, 1614–1775 (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing, 1988). For contemporary evidence of the increased use of the royal pardon for transportation, see His Majesties Most Gracious Pardon, to the Poor Prisoners in Newgate, on Friday the 26th of February. 1685/6 (London: E. Mallet, 1686).
27.Natalie Zacek, Settler Society in the English Leeward Islands, 1670–1776 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 18, 48–49.
28.Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 17 March 1674/5, TNA, CO 153/2, pp. 8–9; Petition from the Leeward Islands Assembly to Charles II, 26 March 1674, CO 1/31, no. 29; Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 22 November 1676, CO 153/2, pp. 137–190 (esp. 181); Jeaffreson to Col. George Gamiell, 12 May 1677, and Jeaffreson to William Poyntz, 11 May 1677, in A Young Squire of the Seventeenth Century, ed. John Cordy Jeaffreson (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1858), 1:211–215, 207–209; William Freeman to Col. Philip Warner, 28 September 1678, in The Letters of William Freeman, London Merchant, 1678–1685, ed. David Hancock (London: London Record Society, 2002), 38.
29.Journal of the Lords of Trade, 14 June 1681 and 17 September 1681, TNA, CO 391/3, pp. 267, 283; Journal of the Lords of Trade, 30 September 1682, CO 391/4, pp. 62–63; Petition of Jeaffreson to the Lords of Trade [18 November 1682], CO 1/49, no. 107; Journal of the Lords of Trade, 18 November 1682, CO 391/4, p. 81; Jeaffreson to Edward Thorn, 25 November 1682, A Young Squire, 2:6.
30.Jeaffreson to Capt. Willet, 2 December 1682, A Young Squire, 2:13–14; Jeaffreson to Hill, 15 March 1682/3, A Young Squire, 2:44–48; Journal of the Lords of Trade, 17 April 1683, TNA, CO 391/4, pp. 139–140; Jeaffreson to Stapleton, 13 September 1683, A Young Squire, 2:73. William Freeman was of the opinion that prisoners were hardly worth the hassle and costs, “there being seldome above 4 or 5 [available] att a time.” Freeman to Sir William Stapleton, 20 August 1678, Letters of William Freeman, 19.
31.Petition of Jeaffreson to the Lords of Trade, with List of Prisoners annexed, 4 June 1684, TNA, CO 1/54, nos. 119 and 119I; Journal of the Lords of Trade, 4 June 1684, CO 391/4, p. 304; Order of the King-in-Council, 13 June 1684, CO 153/3, pp. 162–163. Jeaffreson has been pressured by the Secretary of the Lords of Trade, William Blathwayt, to cease insisting on only transporting male prisoners. Jeaffreson to Hill, 12 February 1683/4, A Young Squire, 2:102.
32.Jeaffreson to Phipps, 30 June 1684, A Young Squire, 2:116; Jeaffreson to Hill, 25 August 1684, A Young Squire, 2:118–119; Letter to the Sheriffs of London from the King, 4 August 1684, TNA, CO 153/3, pp. 163–165; Jeaffreson to Hill, 8 September 1684, A Young Squire, 2:123–127; Richard S. Kay, “Jenner, Sir Thomas (1638–1707),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14753?docPos=3 (accessed 9 May 2014).
33.Jeaffreson to Hill, 28 March 1685, 22 April 1685, 9 December 1685; 2 March 1685/6; [spring 1686]; 4 June 1686, A Young Squire, 2:185; 2:194–201; 2:241–245; 2:271–276; 2:279–283; 2:292–299.
34.Beattie, Policing and Punishment, 290–297, 471; Beattie, Crime and the Courts, 479.
35.Beckles, White Servitude, 50–52; Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 67–69. John Wareing has found “only 238 spiriting cases from all London sources during the period 1642–1718.” Wareing, “’Violently taken away or cheatingly duckoyed’: The Illicit Recruitment in London of Indentured Servants for the American Colonies, 1645–1718,” London Journal 26, no. 2 (2001): 9.
36.Journal of the Lords of Trade, 18 November 1682, TNA, CO 391/4, pp. 79–81; Jeaffreson to Phipps, 15 November 1682, A Young Squire, 1:318–319.
37.Petition of Edward Thompson to William III, 1 April 1689, TNA, CO 1/67, no. 68I; Petition of Edward Thompson to the Lords of Trade, April 1689, CO 1/67, no. 73; Attorney General’s opinion read to King-in-Council, 21 November 1689, CO 323/1, no. 4; Christopher Guise to the Lords of the Treasury, 20 October 1690, CO 323/1, no. 5. For a history of servants’ registries, see John Wareing, “Preventative and Punitive Regulation in Seventeenth-Century Social Policy: Conflicts of Interest and the Failure to Make ‘Stealing and Transporting Children, and Other Persons,’ a Felony, 1645–73,” Social History 27, no. 3 (Oct. 2002): 288–308.
38.Smith, Colonists in Bondage, 70, 83–84; David Harris Sacks, The Widening Gate: Bristol and the Atlantic Economy, 1450–1700 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 255, 301–302. Sacks has shown that this coincided with increased persecution of Quakers and other nonconformists in Bristol.
39.Dalby Thomas, An Historical Account of the Rise and Growth of the West-India Collonies (London: Jo. Hindmarsh, 1690), 41; Beattie, Policing and Punishment, 429–431; Souden, “English Indentured Servants,” 31; Ekirch, Bound for America, 1; Coldham, Complete Book of Emigrants, ix. On some of the consequences of the Transportation Act of 1718/19, see Gwenda Morgan and Peter Rushton, Eighteenth-Century Criminal Transportation: The Formation of the Criminal Atlantic (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
40.Proposals from Captain Jeaffreson, [December?] 1684, TNA, CO 1/55, no. 141; Jeaffreson to Stapleton, 6 December 1684, A Young Squire, 2:158; Jeaffreson to Hill, 17 January 1684/5, A Young Squire, 2:164; A List of the Names of all the Adventurers of the Royal African Company of England (London, 1681); K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 65–66.
41.Slack, Poverty and Policy, 30–31; Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology, chap. 6; D. C. Coleman, “Labour in the English Economy of the Seventeenth Century,” Economic History Review, n.s., 8, no. 3 (1956): 293–294; McCormick, “Population.”
42.Beattie, Crime and the Courts, 480; Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 207–215, esp. 208–209 (table 7.8); Roger Coke, A Discourse of Trade (London, 1670), 43.
43.[John Houghton], England’s Great Happiness: Or, a Dialogue between Content and Complaint (London: J. M. for Edward Croft, 1677), 9; Anita McConnell, “Houghton, John (1645–1705),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13868 (accessed 14 Oct. 2011); Samuel Fortrey, England’s Interest and Improvement, Consisting in the increase of the store, and trade of this kingdom (Cambridge: John Field, 1663), 39; Perry Gauci, “Fortrey, Samuel (1622–1682?),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/9952 (accessed 23 Jan. 2012); William Petyt, Britannia languens, or a Discourse of Trade (London, 1680), 154; Carew Reynell, The True English Interest (London: Giles Widdowes, 1674), A7r–A7v.
44.Andrea Finkelstein, Harmony and the Balance: An Intellectual History of Seventeenth-Century English Economic Thought (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), esp. pt. 3; Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology; Richard Drayton, Nature’s Government: Science, Imperial Britain, and the “Improvement” of the World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000), chaps. 2 and 3; Paul Slack, “Material Progress and the Challenge of Affluence in Seventeenth-Century England,” Economic History Review 62, no. 3 (Aug. 2009): 579–580; Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), chap. 2; Ted McCormick, William Petty and the Ambitions of Political Arithmetic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); Tom Leng, “Epistemology: Expertise and Knowledge in the World of Commerce,” in Stern and Wennerlind, Mercantilism Reimagined, 97–116.
45.For political interpretations of this turn away from a zero-sum economic mentality during the mid-1600s, see Steve Pincus, “Neither Machiavellian Moment nor Possessive Individualism: Commercial Society and the Defenders of the English Commonwealth,” American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 705–736; Steve Pincus, “From Holy Cause to Economic Interest: The Study of Population and the Invention of the State,” in A Nation Transformed: England after the Restoration, ed. Alan Houston and Steven C. A. Pincus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 272–298.
46.Henry Gemery, “Emigration from the British Isles to the New World, 1630–1700: Inferences from Colonial Populations,” Research in Economic History 5 (1980): 180, 204–205, 216 (table A.6).
2. COMMONWEALTH AND PROTECTORATE IMPERIALISM
1.Blair Worden, “Oliver Cromwell and the Sin of Achan,” in History, Society, and the Churches, ed. Derek Beales and Geoffrey Best (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 135–136; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 55; S. A. G. Taylor, The Western Design (London: Solstice Productions, 1969), chaps. 2–3; I. S., A Brief and Perfect Journal of The late Proceedings and Successe of the English Army in the West-Indies (London, 1655), 11–22; Lt. Col. Francis Barrington, Jamaica, to Sir John Barrington, 14 July 1655, British Library (BL) Egerton 2648, fols. 245–249; C. H. Firth, ed., The Narrative of General Venables (London: Longmans, Green, 1900), 14–39; “Narrative of the Expedition to San Domingo,” in The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, ed. C. H. Firth (London: Longmans, Green, 1899), 3:54–60.
2.Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (London: Verso, 2003), chap. 10, especially 551–557. By dismissing the Western Design as unimportant, Brenner argues that this group of merchants lost political influence after the creation of the Protectorate in 1653. Brenner, “The Civil War Politics of London’s Merchant Community,” Past and Present, no. 58 (Feb. 1973): 107.
3.Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 587, 597–598, 625–628; Tom Leng, Benjamin Worsley (1618–1677): Trade, Interest and the Spirit in Revolutionary England (London: Boydell Press, 2008), 70.
4.James Scott Wheeler, Cromwell in Ireland (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 83–88, 94–100, 197–200, 228–230; Nicholas Canny, Making Ireland British, 1580–1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 557–559; Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 263–264, 271–287; Nicholas Canny, Kingdom and Colony: Ireland and the Atlantic World, 1560–1800 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 108; T. C. Barnard, “Conclusion: Settling and Unsettling Ireland: The Cromwellian and Williamite Revolutions,” in Ireland from Independence to Occupation, 1641–1660, ed. Jane H. Ohlmeyer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 269. English attempts at subduing Ireland were not new by the mid-1600s; on earlier attempts, see Canny, Making Ireland British, chap. 9; Jane H. Ohlmeyer, “’Civilizinge of those Rude Partes’: Colonization within Britain and Ireland, 1580s–1640s,” in Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 1, Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 124–147. For contemporary accounts of the fall of Ireland, see Oliver Cromwell’s pamphlets, including Letters from Ireland, Relating the several great Successes … (London: John Field for Edward Husband, 1649); A Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland … Together with a Relation of the Taking in of Wexford (London: John Field for Edward Husband, 1649); A Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland … (London: Edward Husband and John Field, 1649).
5.Allan Macinnes, The British Revolution, 1629–1660 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 190–199. For an overview of the failed plans for union, see Allan Macinnes, Union and Empire: The Making of a United Kingdom in 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), chap. 3.
6.Gary Puckrein, Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 109–111; Robert M. Bliss, Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1990), 61–64, 86; Carla Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 87, 92–96, 100–101; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 593; An Act Prohibiting Trade with the Barbada’s, Virginia, Bermuda’s, and Antego (London: Edward Husband and John Field, 1650); A Declaration Set forth by the Lord Lieutenant Generall the Gentlemen of the Councell & assembly occasioned from the view of a printed paper (The Hague: Samuel Broun, 1651) (dated by Thomason as October 29, 1651), n. p. For a contemporary portrayal of Bell’s neutrality, see A. B., A Brief Relation of the Beginning and Ending of the Troubles of the Barbados (London: Peter Cole, 1653), 1. For some parliamentarian propaganda, see Nicholas Foster, A Briefe Relation of the late Horrid Rebellion Acted in the Island Barbadas … (London: I. G., 1650). Foster was one of the planters exiled in London.
7.Bernard Capp, Cromwell’s Navy: The Fleet and the English Revolution, 1648–1660 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 67–68; J. D. Davies, “Ayscue, Sir George (c.1615–1672),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/956 (accessed 26 Feb. 2013); Puckrein, Little England, 120–123; Pestana, English Atlantic, 104–105, 108, 116; Articles of Agreements, made, and concluded the 11th day of January, 1651 (London: Francis Coles, 1652), 4; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 89. For the classic account of how English Civil War politics played out in Barbados, see N. Darnell Davis, The Cavaliers and Roundheads of Barbados, 1650–1652 (Georgetown, British Guiana: Argosy Press, 1887). For a nuanced critique, see Puckrein, Little England, chap. 7. For a contemporary account of the events in Barbados during 1651–1652, see A. B., Brief Relation.
8.For the classic mercantilist interpretation of the early English empire, see C. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1934–1938), vol. 4, England’s Commercial and Colonial Policy, especially chap. 10. For the interplay of these various interests, see Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 58–60; Farnell, “The Navigation Act of 1651, the First Dutch War, and the London Merchant Community,” Economic History Review, n.s., 16, no. 3 (1964): 452. Brenner’s conclusions about the strong influence of these merchants over the passage of the Navigation Act of 1651 have been criticized, especially by Steven Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1668 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 12–13, 40.
9.Philopatris [Benjamin Worsley], The Advocate (London: William Du-Gard, 1651), 6, 12; Leng, Benjamin Worsley, 55–60, 75–79; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 625; Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism, chaps. 2, 3, and 4; Richard Grassby, The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 211; Farnell, “The Navigation Act,” 445; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 59; Pestana, English Atlantic, 157. On the embracing of trade and commerce as primary interests of the state during the 1650s, see Steve Pincus, “From Holy Cause to Economic Interest: The Study of Population and the Invention of the State,” in A Nation Transformed: England after the Restoration, ed. Alan Houston and Steven C. A. Pincus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001): 272–298.
10.Macinnes, The British Revolution, 210; Michael J. Braddick, State Formation in Early Modern England, c. 1550–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 213–221. According to notes written by Edward Montagu at a meeting of the Protector’s Council in April 1654, Cromwell claimed that “Providence seemed to lead us” to declare war on Spain. Clarke Papers, 3:207, appendix B. Contemporary publications justifying the war utilized traditional rhetoric of a religious crusade against a Catholic enemy. See, for example, A Dialogue, Containing a Compendious Discourse concerning the Present Designe in the West Indies (London: R. Lownds, 1655). For more on Cromwell’s providentialism as a motivating factor in the Western Design, see David Armitage, “The Cromwellian Protectorate and the Languages of Empire,” Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (Sept. 1992): 536–538; Karen Ordahl Kuperman, “Errand to the Indies: Puritan Colonization from Providence Island through the Western Design,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 45, no. 1 (Jan. 1988): 70–99. For Protectorate foreign policy toward Spain, see Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism, 191; Steven Pincus, “England and the World in the 1650s,” in Revolution and Restoration: England in the 1650s, ed. John Morrill (London: Collins & Brown, 1992), 129–147; Timothy Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), chaps. 3–5.
11.“Edward Montagu’s Notes on the Debates in the Protector’s Council Concerning the Last Indian Expedition,” in Clarke Papers, 3:203–205; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 47–49, 72, 161–168; Kuperman, “Errand to the Indies,” 90.
12.Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 74; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 157–159, 244; Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, A Speech Concerning a West Indie Association (n.p.: 1641), 4; Steven Pincus, “Neither Machiavellian Moment nor Possessive Individualism: Commercial Society and the Defenders of the Commonwealth,” American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 705–736; Samuel Lambe, Seasonable Observations humbly offered to his Highness the Lord Protector (London, 1658?), A2r.
13.Newsletter from Gilbert Mabbott, Westminster, to William Clarke, 17 June 1654, in The Clarke Papers: Further Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, ed. Frances Henderson, Camden 5th ser., vol. 27 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 190; Proceedings of the Council of State, 5 June 1654, Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series, 1654 (CSPD) (London: Longman, 1880), 200–201; John Paige to William Clerke, 27 May 1654, Letters of John Paige, London Merchant, 1648–1658, ed. George F. Steckley (London: London Record Society, 1984) 107; “Edward Montagu’s Notes,” in Clarke Papers, 3:207; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 58–61.
14.Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 72–77. A number of “reformadoes,” officers and soldiers discharged from the army resident in London awaiting their arrears, would in fact join the expedition. See Newsletter from John Rushworth, Lincoln’s Inn, to William Clarke, 26 August 1654, and Newsletter from George Mabbott, Westminster, to William Clarke, 29 August 1654, in Clarke Papers: Further Selections, 204–205. For contemporary justifications for the war, see A Declaration of His Highness, by the advice of His Council; setting forth, on the Behalf of this Commonwealth, the Justice of their Cause against Spain (London: Henry Hills & John Field, 1655); Commission to General Venables, 4 December 1654, in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Esq., 7 vols. (Thurloe) (London, 1742), 3:16–17. On the ways English merchants tried to capitalize, legally and illegally, on Spanish American trade in the seventeenth century, see Stanley J. and Barbara H. Stein, Silver, Trade and War: Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), chap. 3.
15.“Mr. Andrew Riccard, &c. to the protector,” 14 August 1654, in Thurloe 2:543; Cromwell’s “Instructions unto General Penn, Collonell Venables … for managing the South Expedicion,” 18 August 1654, in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, appendix A, 107–109. For more on Riccard, see Brian Weiser, Charles II and the Politics of Access (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2003), 125–126. For the connections some of these merchants had to religious Independents, see Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, 517–528.
16.Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 151–155. Webb does argue that Cromwell’s understanding of the design involving territorial conquest from Spain through military superiority was absolutely imperial. Pincus has questioned the imperial nature of the design altogether. Pincus, “England and the World in the 1650s,” 141. Newsletter from Gilbert Mabbott, Westminster, to William Clarke, 29 August 1654, in Clarke Papers: Further Selections, 205.
17.“Mr. Andrew Riccard, &c. to the protector,” 14 August 1654, in Thurloe, 2:543; Modyford to John Bradshaw, 16 February 1652, Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton (London: Routledge, 2000), CD-ROM, 1:373–374. For Modyford, see Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 68–69, 81; Puckrein, Little England, 129; Webb, Governors-General, 225–234; Frank Cundall, The Governors of Jamaica in the Seventeenth Century (London: West India Committee, 1936), 21–30; Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes (London, 1673), 22–23.
18.Cromwell’s “Instructions unto General Penn, Collonell Venables … for managing the South Expedicion,” 18 August 1654, in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, appendix A, 107–109; Webb, Governors-General, 39–42; Firth, Narrative of General Venables, preface, viii–ix; Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, 67, 117, 293–294.
19.To his Highness the Lord Protector: The Humble Petition of the Sea-men, belonging to the Ships of the Commonwealth of England (London, 1654); Proceedings of the Council of State, 8 November 1654, CSPD, 1654,393; C. M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622–1675, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 26, no. 1 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1908), 50; Richard Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, 1623–1775 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 93. For provisions, see “A list of the ships provisions, presented to his highness” [August 1654], in Thurloe, 2:571–574.
20.“A paper of Col. Muddiford concerning the West Indies,” December 1654, in Thurloe, 3:63–64. Cromwell also turned to Thomas Gage, a former Dominican friar who had lived in Central America, who provided traditional anti-Catholic arguments to go to war against the Spanish. See “Some briefe and true observations concerning the West Indies,” 1654, in Thurloe, 3:59–61; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 77–79; Kristen Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012), 113–118.
21.“Commission to the Commissioners for the West Indian Expedition,” in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 109–110; Commission to General Venables, 4 December 1654, in Thurloe, 3:16–17; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 80; Capp, Cromwell’s Navy, 162. Penn’s instructions gave him far less authority over the operation as a whole. See “Instructions given unto General William Penn, Commander-in-chief of a Fleet of Ships into the parts of America,” The Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, ed. Wilbur Cortez Abbott (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1945), 3:530–532.
22.“Instructions unto General Venables,” in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 111–113; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 81; Taylor, Western Design, 21.
23.“Extract of a Journal on the Conquest of Jamaica,” BL Egerton 2395, fols. 60–61; Pestana, English Atlantic, 181; “Commission of the Commanders of the West Indian Expedition,” 1 March 1655, CSPC, 12:628; Hilary McD. Beckles, White Servitude and Black Slavery in Barbados, 1627–1715 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), 26–29; Jonathan I. Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1989), 237, 239; Brenner, “Civil War Politics,” 102–104. Menard argues that it was because of these claims made by Barbados planters in the 1650s that historians have overstated the importance of Dutch capital to Barbados’s transition to sugar and slavery. Russell Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), chaps. 1–3.
24.Edward Winslow, Barbados, to Thurloe, 16 March 1654/5, in Thurloe, 3:249–52; Puckrein, Little England, 132; “A collection of depositions of the captains of the Dutch ships found at Barbados,” 8–25 February 1655, CSPC, 12:627–628; Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 10; I. S., Brief and Perfect Journal, 10; Lt. Col. Francis Barrington, Jamaica, to Sir John Barrington, 14 July 1655, BL Egerton 2648, fol. 46. This policy did not have the unqualified support of every commissioner. See, for example, Gregory Butler, Barbados, to Cromwell, 7 February 1654/5, in Thurloe, 3:142.
25.Puckrein, Little England, chap. 8; J. Berkenhead, Barbados, to Thurloe, 17 February 1655, in Thurloe, 3: 157–159.
26.Larry Gragg, Englishmen Transplanted: The English Colonization of Barbados, 1627–1660 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 55; Modyford to his brother (James?), 6 July 1655, in Thurloe, 3:620–622. Commissioner Edward Winslow indicated that this was what Venables had intended to do all along, and it was thanks to Modyford’s efforts that they were able to proceed. Winslow to Thurloe, 16 March 1654/5, in Thurloe, 3:249–252.
27.Lt. Col. Barrington, Jamaica, to Sir John Barrington, 14 July 1655, BL Egerton 2648, fol. 245v; Modyford to his brother (James?), 6 July 1655, in Thurloe, 3:620–22; Searle to the Council of State, 19 September 1653, CSPC, 1:408–9; Winslow to Thurloe, 16 March 1654/5, in Thurloe, 3:249–52; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 79.
28.J. Berkenhead, Barbados, to Thurloe, 17 February 1654/5, in Thurloe, 3:159; Searle to Cromwell, 1 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:499–500.
29.J. Daniels to Thurloe, 3 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:504–508; Venables and Butler to Thurloe, 4 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:509–511; Sedgwick to ?, 6 September 1655, The National Archives (TNA), Colonial Office (CO) 1/32, no. 25; Modyford to ?, 20 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:565.
30.Webb, Governors-General, 155–156; Roger Hainsworth, The Swordsmen in Power: War and Politics under the English Republic, 1649–1660 (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton Publishers, 1997), 198; Venables and Butler to Thurloe, 4 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:509–511; Sedgwick to Cromwell, 5 November 1655, in Thurloe, 4:151–155; Sedgwick to Thurloe, 12 March 1655/6, in Thurloe, 4:604–606; “A Letter to Mr. Noel, 13 June 1655,” in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 49–50; Col. Richard Fortescue to the Protector, 21 July 1655, in Thurloe, 3:675–676; I. S., Brief and Perfect Journal, 15.
31.Modyford to ?, 20 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:565; Webb, Governors-General, 164–167; Sedgwick to Cromwell, 5 November 1655, in Thurloe, 4:151–155. According to Webb, the success of Holdip’s plantation led some of the other officers to oust him in a coup for fear that it would “tie them to pestilential Jamaica.” This seems an overstatement, considering the efforts of the other officers to make Jamaica a permanent settlement colony.
32.In June, it was falsely reported that Venables had successfully taken Hispaniola “without the least opposition of the Spanyard or other inhabitants.” Newsletter, 23 June 1655, in Clarke Papers, 3:44. A pamphlet published in April 1655 reported glorious victories by Venables and Penn and against the French, not the Spanish, on an unnamed island that the English took and became “Masters of no less then three and thirty gold and silver mines.” A Great and Wonderful Victory Obtained by English Forces, under the command of Gen. Pen and Gen. Venables (London, 1655), 6. Mercurius Politicus reported the loss of Hispaniola and taking of Jamaica in the August 2–9 issue (no. 269), in Joad Raymond, ed. Making the News: An Anthology of the Newsbooks of Revolutionary England, 1641–1660 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), 287–288. The failure to take Hispaniola seems to have been common knowledge in the merchant community by that time. The London merchant John Paige indicated in August that by taking Jamaica instead of Hispaniola, “I fear our hopeful design will not be crowned with that victory as most men expected.” Paige to William Clerke, 17 August 1655, The Letters of John Paige, London Merchant, 1648–1658, ed. George F. Steckley (London: London Record Society, 1984), 130–131. On the impact of the failure of the Western Design on Cromwell, see Worden, “Oliver Cromwell and the Sin of Achan”; Armitage, “Cromwellian Protectorate,” 540–541.
33.“General Penn’s account to the councill of his voyage to the West Indies,” 15 September 1655, in Thurloe, 4:28–30; Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 73–75; Hainsworth, Swordsmen in Power, 199; A Declaration of His Highnes by the Advice of His Council; Setting forth, On the Behalf of this Commonwealth, the Justice of their Cause against Spain (London: Henry Hills and John Field, 1655), 115; Modyford to ?, 20 June 1655, in Thurloe, 3:565.
34.I. S., Brief and Perfect Journal, 11–12, 5; William Penn, Edward Winslow, and Gregory Butler to Governor Daniel Searle, 28 April 1655, in Firth, Narrative of General Venables, 30–31; Godfrey to ?, 30 April 1656, TNA, CO 1/32, no. 59; Newsletter from Jeremiah Smith to William Clarke, 20 September 1656, in Clarke Papers: Further Selections, 257–258.
35.“Proclamation of the Protector Relating to Jamaica,” 1655, in Thurloe, 3:753; By the Protector. A Proclamation Giving Encouragement to such as shall transplant themselves to Jamaica (London: Henry Hills & John Fields, 1655); Searle to Cromwell, 8 January 1655/6, in Thurloe, 4:400; Goodson to the Governor of Bermuda, 24 September 1655, in Thurloe, 4:51–52; “Proclamation by Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector, 25 March 1656,” in Frank Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, plate between pp. xxxii and xxxiii; Goodson and Sedgwick to Cromwell, 12 March 1655/6, in Thurloe, 4:600–602.
36.Games, Web of Empire, 265–271; “Proposals of certain ships for the West Indies and other necessaries, for fleet and army humbly represented by Wm. Goodson,” 1655, TNA, CO 1/32, no. 39; Broghill to Thurloe, 18 September 1655, in Thurloe, 4:41–42; Report concerning the Affaires of America made to Cromwell, 1656, BL Egerton 2395, fol. 123; A True Description of Jamaica (London: J. M., 1657), 4.
37.Vice Admiral Goodson to ?, 19 October 1656, TNA, CO 1/33, no. 12; Gookin to Thurloe, 24 January 1655/6, in Thurloe, 4:449; Julian de Castilla, The English Conquest of Jamaica, trans. and ed. Irene A. Wright, Camden Miscellany, vol. 13 (London: Camden Society, 1923), 29; Pestana, English Atlantic, 179–181; Venning, Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 87–88; “Report Concerning the Affaires of America made to Cromwell,” 1656, BL Egerton 2395, fol. 123; Andrews, British Committees, 48; Grassby, Business Community, 206; D’Oyley to Thurloe, 6 October 1656, in Thurloe, 5:476.
38.Barry Coward, The Cromwellian Protectorate (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2002), 75; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 3–4; D’Oyley, A Narrative of the Great Success God hath been pleased to give His Highness forces in Jamaica (London: Henry Hills, 1658); Journal of Edward D’Oyley, 13 October 1656, BL, Additional Manuscripts (Add MS) 12423, fols. 26–27; Barrington to Sir John Barrington, 1 July 1657, BL Egerton 2648, fol. 302. For D’Oyley’s pleas, see D’Oyley to Thurloe, 12 March 1655/6, in Thurloe, 4:602–603; D’Oyley to Thurloe, 20 June 1656, in Thurloe, 5:139; D’Oyley to Thurloe, 6 October 1656, in Thurloe, 5:476; D’Oyley to Cromwell, 12 September 1657, in Thurloe, 6:512; D’Oyley to the Council of State, 27 February 1657/8, in Thurloe, 6:833–834.
39.A Dialogue, Containing a Compendious Discourse, 2; Hypocrisie Discovered (London, 1655), 14.
40.England’s Remembrancers (London, 1656), 8; The Unparalleld Monarch (London: T. C., 1656), 77–78; An Appeale from the Court to the Country ([London?], 1656), 4; Coward, Cromwellian Protectorate, 75–76; Armitage, “Cromwellian Protectorate,” 532–535, 550.
41.Cromwell’s Speech to Parliament, 17 September 1656, in Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, 4:261–264; G. M. D. Howat, Stuart and Cromwellian Foreign Policy (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1974), 88–90; Kuperman, “Errand to the Indies,” 95–99; Games, Web of Empire, 230.
42.“A Proposition for the Erecting of a West India Company, and the better securing the Interests of this Commonwealth in America,” probably 1657, BL Egerton MS 2395, fols. 87–88, 89, 90, 91–92, 103–104, 111; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution 158–159.
43.“Proposition for Erecting a West India Company,” BL Egerton MS 2395, fols. 87–88.
44.John Bland, Trade Revived, Or a Way Proposed to Restore, Increase, Inrich, Strengthen and Preserve the Decayed and even Dying Trade of this our English Nation (London: Thomas Holmswood, 1659), 10, 3, 11; Lambe, Seasonable Observations, 5–6. For more on the origins of Lambe’s pamphlet, see Brian Weiser, Charles II and the Politics of Access (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2003), 122–123.
45.Andrews, British Committees, 53–55; Povey to Richard Povey, 29 October 1659, BL Add MS 11411, fols. 25–26; Povey to D’Oyley, late 1659 or early 1660, BL Add MS 11411, fols. 21–23.
3. RESTORATION IMPERIALISM
1.Colonel Edward D’Oyley to the Commissioners of the Admiralty, 24 January 1659/60, The National Archives (TNA), Colonial Office (CO) 1/33, no. 64; D’Oyley to the Commissioners of the Admiralty, 1 February 1, 1659/60, CO 1/33, no. 67; D’Oyley to the Council of Admiralty and Navy, 26 July 1660, CO 1/14, no. 26; Journal of the Proceedings of the Governor and Council of Barbados, 28–29 May 1660, CO 31/1, pp. 1–4; A. P. Thornton, West-India Policy under the Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), 67–69; F. J. Routledge, England and the Treaty of the Pyrenees (Liverpool, UK: University of Liverpool Press, 1953), 7; Robert M. Bliss, Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1990), 138–139.
2.Report of the Committee of the Council on Foreign Plantations, 27 March 1660, British Library (BL) Egerton 2395, fols. 241–242.
3.Jack Sosin, English America and the Restoration Monarchy of Charles II: Transatlantic Politics, Commerce, and Kinship (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), 39, 48–49; Nuala Zahedieh, The Capital and the Colonies: London and the Atlantic Economy, 1660–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 35–54; Nuala Zahedieh, “Making Mercantilism Work: London Merchants and Atlantic Trade in the Seventeenth Century,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, ser. 6, 9 (1999): 143–158; Julian Hoppitt, A Land of Liberty? England 1689–1727 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 245–247; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 104, 127, 138–145.
4.Brian Weiser, Charles II and the Politics of Access (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2003), 121–122; George Frederick Zook, The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa (Lancaster, PA: New Era Printing, 1919), 16; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 117; Steve Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 377–378; Zahedieh, Capital and Colonies, 45; Thornton, West-India Policy, 17. On Charles II’s nuanced view of the prerogative, see Gary S. De Krey, Restoration and Revolution in Britain: A Political History of the Era of Charles II and the Glorious Revolution (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 24. On his brother the Duke of York’s steadfast commitment to the prerogative, see John Callow, The Making of King James II: The Formative Years of a Fallen King (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2000), 301; John Miller, James II: A Study in Kingship (Hove, East Sussex, UK: Wayland Publishers, 1977), 67–68; 124–125.
5.Thornton, West-India Policy, 144–145; Proclamation of Charles II on the Navigation Acts, 25 August 1663, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 72.
6.Thornton, West-India Policy, 5–6, 43; Richard Grassby, The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 206, 209; Weiser, Charles II, 129–130; Charles M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622–1675, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 26, no. 1 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1908), 67–68. Other members of both councils included Secretaries of State Sir Edward Nicholas and Sir William Morrice; Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, who had served on the Protectorate Council of State and would soon be named chancellor of the exchequer; Sir William Coventry, who was the Duke of York’s private secretary; and the governor of Barbados, Francis, Lord Willoughby. On Clarendon’s importance to the Restoration settlement and to the structure of Restoration imperial designs more broadly, see Bliss, Revolution and Empire, chaps. 5 and 6.
7.Sosin, English America, 28; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 114. In contrast, Andrews argued strongly that the merchant influence on the conduct and structure of these committees was quite strong. Andrews, British Committees, 67–68. On the presence of merchants and other “experts” on this Council of Trade, see Weiser, Charles II, 129–130; Thornton, West-India Policy, 6–7.
8.Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, iii; Callow, Making of King James II, 240–241; Select Charters of Trading Companies, a.d. 1530–1707, ed. Cecil T. Carr, Publications of the Selden Society, vol. 28 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1913), 174, 176–177. Other founding members included the Dukes of Buckingham and Albemarle and the Earls of Sandwich and Bath; John, Lord Berkeley, whose brother Sir William was governor of Virginia; William, Lord Craven, who was close to Prince Rupert and his mother, Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia, aunt to Charles II; and Sir George Carteret, a Royalist from Jersey who would become a founder of Carolina and East and West Jersey in the 1660s. For a full list, see Select Charters, 173–174.
9.Thornton, West-India Policy, 40–41; Povey’s report to the Council on Foreign Plantations on the state of Jamaica, 9 April 1660, BL, Egerton 2395, fol. 244; “Considerations relating to the English Affaires in America,” n.d., BL Egerton 2395, fols. 614–618.
10.“Capt. Linch his paper concerning Jamaica,” about November 1660, TNA, CO 1/14, no. 54; “Considerations about the peopling & settling the Island Jamaica,” probably 1660/1, BL Egerton 2395, fols. 283–288; Frank Cundall, The Governors of Jamaica in the 17th Century (London: West India Committee, 1936), 31.
11.“Proposals concerning Jamaica by James Earl of Marlborough,” November 1660, TNA, CO 1/14, no. 56.
12.According to the diarist and future member of the Council of Trade John Evelyn, on September 27, 1660, “the King received the merchants’ addresses in his closet, giving them assurances of his persisting to keep Jamaica.” John Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. Austin Dobson (London: Macmillan, 1906; repr., London: Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1996), 2:152. Stephen Saunders Webb highlights the continuity of personnel from the Protectorate, but equates it with a continuation of Cromwellian imperialism. Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 199–200. In contrast, see Andrews, British Committees, 60.
13.“Copie of ye Royal Companies Patent,” 10 January 1662/3, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 2; Select Charters, 177–181; Addendum to the Royal Company’s patent, 20 January 1662/3, CO 1/17, no. 3. Bliss downplays investor interest in the slave trade in 1663. Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 127. On the failure of the first company, see Callow, Making of King James II, 239–242; Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, 10–12.
14.Select Charters, 180; Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, iii; Steven Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1668 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 245–250; The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa ([London?], 1667), 1; Company of Royal Adventurers to the King, 26 February 1662/3, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 4. On Dutch dominance of the slave trade and the carrying trade in the Caribbean, see Jonathan Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 239–244; Johannes Menne Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 17–21.
15.See, for example, Instructions to Sir Jonathan Atkins, 19 December 1673, TNA, CO 1/30, no. 93.
16.K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 43, 317, 326–329; Nuala Zahedieh, “The Merchants of Port Royal, Jamaica, and the Spanish Contraband Trade, 1655–1692,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 43, no. 4 (Oct. 1986): 589; Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, 93; Thornton, West-India Policy, 79–80; Colin Palmer, Human Cargoes: The British Slave Trade to Spanish America, 1700–1739 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 4–5. On the centrality of Spanish trade to the African Company, see Nuala Zahedieh, “’The Wickedest City in the World’: Port Royal, Commercial Hub of the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean,” in Working Slavery, Pricing Freedom: Perspectives from the Caribbean, Africa and the African Diaspora, ed. Verene A. Shepherd (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 8–9; Company of Royal Adventurers to the King, 26 February 1662/3, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 4.
17.Company of Royal Adventurers to the King, 26 February 26, 1662/3, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 4; Charles II to Francis Willoughby, 26 February 1662/3, CO 1/17, no. 7 (nos. 5 and 6 are earlier drafts); Charles II to the Governor of Jamaica, 13 March 1662/3, CO 1/17, no. 13. On Dutch supremacy in the Spanish American slave trade, see Wim Klooster, Illicit Riches: Dutch Trade in the Caribbean, 1648–1795 (Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998), 106–107.
18.Russell Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 25, table 4; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 312, table 26.
19.Gary A. Puckrein, Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics, 1627–1700 (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 137–139; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 142–143; Thornton, West-India Policy, 31–39.
20.Willoughby’s Instructions, 10 June 1663, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 49 (instruction no. 12); Petition of the Royal Adventurers to the King, November 1663, CO 1/17, no. 93; Charles II to Francis Willoughby, 20 November 1663, CO 1/17, no. 94; Blank license issued by Charles II, 22 December 1663, CO 1/17, nos. 106 and 107.
21.Willoughby to Charles II, 4 November 1663, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 89; Willoughby to Charles II, 20 September 1664, CO 1/18, no. 104; Thornton, West-India Policy, 127–128; J. R. Jones, The Anglo-Dutch Wars of the Seventeenth Century (London: Longman, 1996), 36–37; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 124; Report of the Farmers of the Customs to the Council of Trade, 28 February 1664/5, CO 1/19, no. 31; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 121.
22.Willoughby to Sir Henry Bennet (Lord Arlington), 20 May 1665, TNA, CO 1/19, no. 60; Willoughby to Sir Henry Bennet (Arlington), 20 May 1665, CO 1/19, no. 60; Willoughby to Charles II, 20 May 1665, CO 1/19, no. 58; Petition of the Barbados Assembly to Willoughby, 8 June 1665, CO 1/19, no. 78I; Willoughby to the King, 5 July 1665, CO 1/19, no. 77; Willoughby to the King, 8 August 1665, CO 1/19, no. 92; Vincent T. Harlow, A History of Barbados, 1625–1685 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), 156–160. For accounts of the Dutch attempt on Barbados, see “A True relation of the fight at Barbadoes between the English and the Dutch, under De Ruyter, on April 20, 1665,” CO 1/19, no. 50; Henry Willoughby to Arlington, 22 April 1665, CO 1/19, no. 51.
23.Harlow, History of Barbados, 155–156, 161–167; Thornton, West-India Policy, 28; Willoughby to Arlington, 15 July 1666, TNA, CO 1/20, no. 119; Willoughby to Charles II, 12 May 1666, CO 1/20, no. 92; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 124; Puckrein, Little England, 140. For an account of the hurricane, see Henry Willoughby to Joseph Williamson, 28 August 1666, CO 1/20, no. 140. For accounts of the French attack on Saint Christopher and English surrender, see “Relation of the loss of St. Christopher’s,” April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 51; “Articles betwixt the English and French on St. Christopher’s,” 11 April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 52; Willoughby to Charles II, 21 April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 58; “The humble desires of the Lord Willoughby to be presented to his most Excellent Majesty,” April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 60. For some of the arguments between the governor and assembly in 1666, see Willoughby’s Speech to the Assembly, 4 April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 40; Assembly’s Response, 4 April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 41; Willoughby’s Account, 20 April 1666, CO 1/20, no. 57.
24.Harlow, History of Barbados, 175; William Willoughby to the King, 8 December 1666, TNA, CO 1/20, no. 194. Puckrein points out that Willoughby failed to mention the possibility of arming slaves in this letter, despite the fact that this apparently occurred in Barbados during the Second Anglo-Dutch War. Puckrein, Little England, 140–141.
25.Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 112; Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 114–115; David Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America: An Economic Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 120, table 8.2; Richard S. Dunn, “The English Sugar Islands and the Founding of South Carolina,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 72, no. 2, (Apr. 1971): 81–93; Jack P. Greene, “Colonial South Carolina and the Caribbean Connection,” South Carolina Historical Magazine 88, no. 4 (Oct. 1987): 192–210.
26.Council of Barbados to Charles II, 29 September 1666, TNA, CO 1/20, no. 144; William Willoughby to the King, 8 December 1666, CO 1/20, no. 194; “Instructions to the New Lord Willoughby of Parham,” 4 February 1666/7, CO 1/21, no. 15; William Willoughby to Charles II, July 1667, CO 1/21, no. 89.
27.Puckrein, Little England, 142.
28.Instructions to D’Oyley, Jamaica Entry Book, 8 February 1660/1, TNA, CO 138/1, pp. 6–8; “Instructions for Edward D’Oyley Esq. Governor of our Island of Jamaica,” n.d., CO 1/15, no. 11; Richard Whiting to the “Officers of the Navy,” 20 November 1661, CO 1/15, no. 90; Instructions to Thomas Lord Windsor, 21 March 1661/2, CO 138/1, pp. 12–19; Windsor’s Declaration in Barbados, June 1662, CO 1/16, no. 72; “An Act for the furtherance and encouragement of such persons as desire to go off this island,” 15 July 1662, CO 1/16, no. 76; “A True & faithful narrative of the proceedings of the President and Council & Assembly of Barbados,” 14 August 1662, CO 1/16, no. 89; Francis Willoughby to Charles II, 4 November 1663, CO 1/17, no. 89; Thornton, West-India Policy, 51; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 11.
29.Charles II’s order to William Willoughby, January 1663/4, TNA, CO 1/18, no. 6; Charles II’s Proclamation enclosed in letter from Modyford to Sir Henry Bennet, 20 March 1663/4, CO 1/18, no. 37I; Modyford to ?, 30 June 1664, CO 1/18, no. 83; “A Journal kept by Colonel Beeston, from his first coming to Jamaica,” in Interesting Tracts, Relating to the Island of Jamaica (Saint Jago de la Vega, Jamaica: Lewis, Lunan & Jones, 1800), 282; Joseph Martin to Bennet, 26 June 1664, CO 1/18, no. 80; William Willoughby to Sir Henry Bennet, 27 June 1664, CO 1/18, no. 81. In November, the Crown issued a warrant to pay Modyford £1,200 for “transporting 1,000 people” to Jamaica, which probably explains his enthusiasm for the project. Warrant, 17 November 1664, Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton (London: Routledge, 2000), CD-ROM, 5: 255, no. 853. According to Webb, while Modyford was governor, Jamaica’s white population increased by about ten thousand. Webb, Governors-General, 227–228.
30.E[dmund] H[ickeringill], Jamaica Viewed (London, 1661), 16–17, 80; E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England, 1541–1870: A Reconstruction, Studies in Social and Demographic History (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), 207–215; David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 46–47; Menard, Sweet Negotiations, 44–45; Hilary McD. Beckles, White Servitude and Black Slavery in Barbados, 1627–1715 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), 123; I. S., A Brief and Perfect Journal of The late Proceedings and Successe of the English Army in the West-Indies (London: 1655), 6.
31.For a different view, see Christian Koot, “A ‘Dangerous Principle’: Free Trade Discourses in Barbados and the English Leeward Islands, 1650–1689,” Early American Studies 5, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 132–163.
32.Petition from the Barbados Assembly to Charles II, 5 September 1667, TNA, CO 1/21, no. 102; An Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England trading into Africa ([London], 1667), 9, 11, 18; Sir Ellis Leighton to Charles II, 23 January 1667/8, CO 1/22, no. 21; Order of the Royal Adventurers, January 1667/8, CO 1/22, no. 22. Christian Koot also emphasizes these differences of opinion but de-emphasizes their political significance far too much. Koot, “’Dangerous Principle,”’ 150.
33.Abstract of a letter from John Bushell and Francis Bond, Barbados, to Edward Bushell, 20–27 April 1668, CSPC, 5:561, no. 1734; Harlow, History of Barbados, 192–193; “Address of the Merchants and Planters of Barbados now in London,” 16 June 1668, TNA, CO 1/22, no. 123; Barbados Assembly to Charles II, 3 August 1668, CO 1/23, no. 33; William Willoughby to Charles II, 11 August 1668, CO 1/23, no. 36. Koot does not see this petition as particularly political in nature. Koot, “’Dangerous Principle,’” 155.
34.Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, 14 December 1670, TNA. CO 31/2, pp. 15–17; Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, 17 February 1670/1, CO 31/2, pp. 35–37; Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, 17 November 1670, CO 31/2, pp. 12–13; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 102; Koot, “’Dangerous Principle,’” 156; Harlow, History of Barbados, 197–205; Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, 1 May 1671, CO 31/2, pp. 45–49; Thornton, West-India Policy, 142–143. Included in this group were Sir Peter Colleton, the former African Company agent in the colony; Henry Drax, a major plantation owner since the 1650s; Philip Bell, probably a son of the former governor; planters Constantine Sylvester, John Bawden, and Thomas Wardall; Thomas Middleton, a naval officer with substantial estates in Barbados and Antigua; John Searle, probably a relative of the former governor Daniel Searle; and Fernando Gorges, son of the colonial promoter.
35.“Proposition humbly offered to the Council by the Refiners of sugar in England,” 4 July 1671, TNA, CO 31/2, pp. 50–52; “Reasons Humbly Offered By the Refiners of Sugars in England …,” 4 July 1671, CO 31/2, pp. 68–72; “The Case Between the English Sugar Plantations and the Refiners Stated,” 4 July 1671, CO 31/2, pp. 56–58. Other committee members included the Earls of Bridgewater, Berkshire, Essex, Anglesey, Halifax, and Rochester.
36.Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, May 1, 1671, TNA, CO 31/2, pp. 45–49; “House of Lords Journal, Volume 12: 12 April 1671,” Journal of the House of Lords: Vol-ume 12: 1666–1675 (1767–1830), 485–489, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=12794 (accessed 27 September 2011); “House of Lords Journal, Volume 12: 17 April 1671,” Journal of the House of Lords: volume 12: 1666–1675 (1767–1830), 493–499, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=12798 (accessed 27 Septem-ber 2011); “House of Commons Journal, Volume 9: 22 April 1671,” Journal of the House of Commons: Volume 9: 1667–1687 (1802), 238–244, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=27338 (accessed 18 August 2011); Gentlemen Planters to the Barbados Assembly, 1 May 1671, CO 31/2, pp. 45–49; “The State of the Case of the Sugar Plantations in America,” May 1671, CO 1/26, no. 57; Harlow, History of Barbados, 205; Thornton, West-India Policy, 143–144.
37.For a different view, see Zahedieh, “’Wickedest City in the World,”’ 15.
38.“Report of the Council for Foreign Plantations to his Majesty,” July 1661, CSPC, 5:47, no. 130; By the King. A Proclamation for the Encouraging of Planters in his Majesties Island of Jamaica in the West-Indies (London: John Bill and Christopher Barker, 1661); “Further additional instructions for Thomas Lord Windsor,” 23 April 1662, TNA, CO 1/16, no. 49; Jon Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean: How Piracy Forged an Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 128.
39.Webb, Governors-General, 204–208; Orders in Council of Jamaica by D’Oyley, 3 July 1661, TNA, CO 140/1, pp. 17–20; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 155, table 16. For discussions of the code in Barbados and its significance, see Beckles, White Servitude, chap. 5; Edward B. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race in the Comprehensive Slave Codes of the Greater Caribbean during the Seventeenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly 70, no. 3 (July 2013): 429–458.
40.“A particular narrative of ye buying & forfeiture of ye ship of Negroes in Jamaica,” 14 June 1661, TNA, CO 1/15, no. 63; Richard Whiting to the Navy, 10 March 1661/2, CO 1/16, no. 30; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 8.
41.Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 132–137; Thornton, West-India Policy, 46; Webb, Governors-General, 209–210, 213; Sean Kelsey, “Windsor, Thomas, first earl of Plymouth (c. 1627–1687),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29726 (accessed 18 August 2011); Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 10; Instructions to Thomas Lord Windsor, 21 March 1661/2, TNA, CO 138/1, pp. 12–19; “An Additional instruction to Thomas Lord Windsor,” 8 April 1662, CO 138/1, p. 19; “Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 276–277; Nuala Zahedieh, “’A Frugal, Prudential and Hopeful Trade’: Privateering in Jamaica, 1655–89,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 18, no. 2 (1990): 148. Windsor’s conduct led Samuel Pepys to famously conclude “these young Lords are not fit to do any service abroad.” The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Mathews (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1970), 4:41, 13 February 1663.
42.Thornton, West-India Policy, 56–57, 76, 79–80; Davies, Royal African Company, 43, 317, 326–329. As Nuala Zahedieh has shown, the profits from privateering helped fund the growth of the city of Port Royal and eventually Jamaica’s transition to a plantation colony. Nuala Zahedieh, “Trade, Plunder, and Economic Development in Early English Jamaica, 1655–89,” Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 39, no. 2 (May 1986): 205–222; Zahedieh, “Merchants of Port Royal, Jamaica,” 570–593.
43.Webb, Governors-General, 218; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 16; Order of the King to Sir Charles Lyttleton, 28 April 1663, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 23; Sir Henry Bennet to Lyttleton, 29 April 1663, CO 1/17, no. 26; “Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 277–278, 280; Lyttleton to Sir Henry Bennet, 15 October 1663, CO 1/17, no. 80; Thornton, West-India Policy, 80–82.
44.Petition of the Royal Company of Adventurers, 1663, TNA, CO 1/17, no. 93; Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, 74; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 21; Webb, Governors-General, 225–226.
45.Instructions to Modyford, 18 February 1663/4, TNA, CO 138/1, pp. 29–34; Modyford’s Commission, 15 February 1663/4, CO 1/18, no. 20.
46.“Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 282; Modyford to Sir James Modyford, 10 August 1664, TNA, CO 1/18, no. 95; Dr. Henry Stubbs to William Godolphin, 3 October 1664, CO 1/18, no. 116; Thornton, West-India Policy, 85–88; Jones, The Anglo-Dutch Wars, 89–91; Weiser, Charles II, 132–136; Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism, chap. 16.
47.Sir George Downing to the Earl of Clarendon, The Hague, 17/27 March, 1664/5, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers Preserved in the Bodleian Library, ed. F. J. Routledge (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 5:474; Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 240–243; Order of the King-in-Council, 25 November 1664, CSPC, 5:257, no. 864; “Report of the Committee for the Affayres of Jamaica,” 7 November 1664, TNA, CO 1/18. no. 133; Thornton, West-India Policy, 85–86, 92–93; Modyford to Bennet, 20 February 1664/5, CO 1/19, no. 27; Modyford to Bennet, February 1665, CO 1/19, no. 29; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 147–148; Modyford to Bennet, 20 April 1665, CO 1/19, no. 69; Col. Theodore Cary to Albemarle, 23 August 1665, CO 1/19, no. 97; Modyford to Arlington (Henry Bennet), 16 November 1665, CO 1/19, no. 127. Lynch, now resident in England, reported that the English captured at least eighteen hundred slaves and resold them in neighboring Saint Christopher. Lynch to Arlington, 13 October 1665, CO 1/19, no. 111. Many thanks to Dan Richter for this reference.
48.Modyford to Arlington, 16 November 1665, TNA, CO 1/19, no. 127; “A True and Perfect Narrative by Col. Theodore Cary,” November 1665, CO 1/19, nos. 130 and 130I; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica sent to the Duke of Albemarle, 22 February 1665/6, CO 1/20, no. 24I; and CO 140/1, pp. 143–147; Modyford to Albemarle, 1 March 1665/6, CO 1/20, no. 22; Modyford to Albemarle, 1 June 1666, CO 1/20, no. 24; Modyford to Arlington, 8 March 1665/6, CO 1/20, no. 26; Modyford to Arlington, 16 June 1666, CO 1/20, no. 100; Thornton, West-India Policy, 93–94, 98; Webb, Governors-General, 235–236.
49.Modyford to Arlington, 21 August 1666, TNA, CO 1/20, no. 134; Modyford’s “Reasons why the private men of war are advantageous to the island of Jamaica,” Summer 1666, CO 1/20, no. 135; “A Narrative of Sir Thomas Modyford Baronett, Governour of His Majesties Island of Jamaica …,” 23 August 1669, CO 1/24, no. 81; Webb, Governors-General, 232; Thornton, West-India Policy, 99.
50.Lynch to Bennet, 25 May 1664, TNA, CO 1/18, no. 68; Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers, 22–24; Davies, Royal African Company, 57–59. On the poor economic state of the company by 1665, caused at least in part by the war, see Petition of the Royal Company to the King, early 1665, CO 1/19, no. 5; Petition of the Royal Company to the King, 1665?, CO 1/17, no. 110.
51.Orders of a Council of War on board the Jersey, 7 May 1664, TNA, CO 1/18, no. 63; Callow, Making of King James II, 247–248.
52.Apparently Modyford never received official word of the peace. Petition of Charles Modyford, January 1668, TNA, CO 1/22, no. 31; Modyford to Albemarle, 1 October 1668, CO 1/23, no. 59; Webb, Governors-General, 241, 247–248. On the 1667 treaty, which was silent on the issue of conflicts in the Americas, see Thornton, West-India Policy, 101–102; Stanley J. and Barbara H. Stein, Silver, Trade, and War: Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 63; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 162–163.
53.“Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 286–287; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, chaps. 9–10; Thornton, West-India Policy, 110; Peter Earle, The Sack of Panamá: Sir Henry Morgan’s Adventures on the Spanish Main (New York: Viking Press, 1981), chap. 11; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 29 June 1670, TNA, CO 1/25, no. 44; Modyford’s Commission to Morgan, 2 July 1670, CO 1/25, no. 45; Morgan’s Instructions, 2 July 1670, CO 1/25, no. 46; Additional Instructions to Morgan, 1 August 1670, CO 1/25, no. 50. Morgan was the nephew of Edward Morgan, who had led raids against the Dutch islands in 1665.
54.Earle, Sack of Panamá, 176–179, 217, 237–242; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 205, 210–221; Stein and Stein, Silver, Trade, and War, 64; Thornton, West-India Policy, 114, 118–119, 122–123; Morgan’s Account to the Council of Jamaica, 20 April 1671, TNA, CO 138/1, pp. 121–128; Revocation of Modyford’s commission, 4 January 1670/1, CO 1/26, no. 1; CO 138/1, p. 86; Draft memorandum of instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, January 1670/1, CO 1/26, no. 16; Instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, 31 December 1670, CO 1/25, no. 107. Zahedieh argues that another reason why the English state began to turn against privateering was diminishing returns; by 1670–1671, privateering was simply not as profitable as it had once been. Nuala Zahedieh, “’A Frugal, Prudential and Hopeful Trade,”’ 145, 156–157. News of the raid appeared in the London Gazette, July 3–6, 1671.
4. POLITICIZED EMPIRE
1.Modyford to Arlington, 20 September 1670, The National Archives (TNA), Colonial Office (CO) 1/25, no. 59; Modyford to Arlington, 20 September 1670, CO 1/25, no. 59III.
2.Philip S. Haffenden, “The Crown and Colonial Charters, 1675–1688: Part I,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 15, no. 3 (July 1958): 299; A. P. Thornton, West-India Policy under the Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), 19; Jack P. Greene, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 13; Richard S. Dunn, “Imperial Pressures on Massachusetts and Jamaica, 1675–1700,” in Anglo-American Political Relations, 1675–1775, ed. Alison Gilbert Olson and Richard Maxwell Brown (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1970), 59–60; Richard Johnson, Adjustment to Empire: The New England Colonies, 1675–1715 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1981), 26; Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 268–269; Robert M. Bliss, Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1990), 178.
3.J. R. Jones, Country and Court: England, 1658–1714 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 101, 160; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 161–162; Barry Coward, The Stuart Age: England, 1603–1714, 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1994), 301; Thornton, West-India Policy, 133–140; Brian Weiser, Charles II and the Politics of Access (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2003), 138; Report of the Council of Trade to the King, 4 December 1668, TNA, CO 1/23, no. 93.
4.Instructions for the Council of Plantations, 20 July 1670, Coventry Papers of the Marquis of Bath at Longleat (Washington, DC: American Council of Learned Societies, Library of Congress Photoduplication Service), (Coventry Papers), microfilm, vol. 76, fols. 191–195. Other members of the council included Lord Gorges, Lord Allington, the poet Edmund Waller, and Henry Slingsby, the master of the mint. In 1671 the Duke of York, Prince Rupert, the Dukes of Buckingham and Ormond, Lord Culpepper, and Sir George Carteret joined the council. Charles M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622–1675, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 26, no. 1 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1908), 96–100.
5.John Callow, The Making of King James II: The Formative Years of a Fallen King (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2000), 247–250; K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 43–44, 57–59; George Frederick Zook, The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa (Lancaster, PA: New Era Printing, 1919), 22–24; Petition of the Royal Company of Adventurers, n.d., but in 1669/70 papers, TNA, CO 1/25, no. 12.
6.Callow, Making of King James II, 251; Select Charters of Trading Companies, a.d. 1530–1707, ed. Cecil T. Carr, Publications of the Selden Society, 28 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1913), 192; Davies, Royal African Company, 98–99, 156. Other founding members included William, Lord Craven, Sir John Shaw, and Sir Charles Modyford (Thomas’s brother), Lords Bath and Berkeley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Coventry, Sir Peter Colleton (a “Gentleman Planter” whose brother John had been a founding member of the Adventurers), and Sir Nicholas Crispe, the longtime merchant to Africa. For a full list, see Select Charters, 187–189; Minute Book of the General Court of the Royal African Company, 27 October 1671, TNA, Treasury (T) 70/100, fols. 5–8.
7.K. H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), chaps. 12–15; E. E. Rich, “The First Earl of Shaftesbury’s Colonial Policy,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 7 (1957): 66–67; Callow, Making of King James II, 251. For Shaftesbury’s rise to the presidency of the council, see John Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. Austin Dobson (London: MacMillan, 1906; repr., London: Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1996), 2:353, 24 October 1672. Other members included Viscount Halifax and Sir Thomas Osborne, the future Earl of Danby. Thornton, West-India Policy, 148, n. 3
8.John Spurr, England in the 1670s: “This Masquerading Age” (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 26–27; Bruce Carruthers, City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 61–69. On the pro-French, anti-Dutch orientation of the court in the lead-up to the Third Anglo-Dutch War, see Gary S. De Krey, Restoration and Revolution in Britain: A Political History of the Era of Charles II and the Glorious Revolution (New York: Palgrave, 2007), 93–98; Coward, Stuart Age, 306–307; Davies, Royal African Company, 61–62; Callow, Making of King James II, 252. Not all of these men knew all of the details of the secret treaty, by which Charles II promised to convert to Catholicism and encourage its promotion in England. Only York, Clifford, and Arlington, of those listed above, knew at this stage. Spurr, England in the 1670s, 11–12.
9.Ann M. Carlos and Jamie Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company: Fringe Firms and the Role of the Charter,” Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 310, 293; De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 24; Callow, Making of King James II, 252, 301; John Miller, James II: A Study in Kingship (Hove, East Sussex, UK: Wayland Publishers, 1977), 67–68; 124–125.
10.Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 124; Council of Trade Report to the King, 17 November 1670, TNA, CO 153/1, pp. 2–3; Instructions for William Lord Willoughby, 30 April 1672, Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton, 45 vols. (London, 2000), CD-ROM, 7:352–353, no. 812; Commission to William Lord Willoughby, 30 April 1672, CSPC, 7:351–352, no. 811; Vincent T. Harlow, A History of Barbados, 1625–1685 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), 208. For a petition requesting separation from Barbados, see “Petition of the Planters of the Leeward Islands to have a Governour not depending on the Barbados,” 22 September 1670, CO 153/1, p. 1; Harlow, History of Barbados, 210.
11.Commission to Sir Jonathan Atkins, 19 December 1673, TNA, CO 1/30, no. 92; Thornton, West-India Policy, 154; Atkins to the Council of Trade, 1 December 1673, CO 1/30, no. 84; Harlow, History of Barbados, 217–218; John Locke to Arlington, 6 January 1674, CO 1/31, no. 3. For more on the importance of “outsider governors” to imperial governance, see Nuala Zahedieh, The Capital and the Colonies: London and the Atlantic Economy, 1660–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 48.
12.Bevin and Stede to the Council of Trade, n.d., TNA, CO 1/30, no. 96; Harlow, History of Barbados, 219.
13.Petition of Edwin Stede to Charles II, 1673, TNA, CO 31/2, p. 158; CO 1/30, no. 82; Harlow, History of Barbados, 216; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 173–174; David S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America, rev. ed. (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1987), 10–11; Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century,” in Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny, vol. 1, Oxford History of the British Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998): 406; Thornton, West-India Policy, 164–165, 182; Atkins to Sir Joseph Williamson, 20/30 April 1675, CO 1/34, no. 57; Lt. Col. Edward Thornburgh to the Barbados Assembly, 1 April 1673, CO 31/2, pp. 123–124.
14.Royal African Company to Charles II, n.d., TNA, CO 324/2, p. 89; Stede[?] to the Royal African Company, 26 November 1675, CO 324/2, pp. 90–92; Charles II to Atkins, 10 March 1675/6, CO 324/2, pp. 83–85; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 6/16 September 1677, CO 29/2, pp. 185–191. For other complaints about interlopers in Barbados from the company, see Stede and Gascoigne to Robert Southwell[?], 15 September 1675, CO 1/35, no. 19; Royal African Company to Charles II, 22 November 1676, CO 1/38, no. 60.
15.Great Newes from the Barbadoes. Or, a True and Faithful Account of the Grand Conspiracy of the Negroes against the English (London: Printed for L. Curtis, 1676), 9, 11–12; A Continuation of the State of New-England; being a Farther Account of the Indian Warr … Together with an Account of the Intended Rebellion of the Negroes in the Barbadoes (London: T. M. for Dorman Newman, 1676), 19–20; Atkins to Williamson, 3/13 October 1675, TNA, CO 1/35, no. 29; Gary Puckrein, Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo-Barbadian Politics (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 162–164; Jerome S. Handler, “Slave Revolts and Conspiracies in Seventeenth-Century Barbados,” New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 56, no. 1/2 (1982): 17–18; Jerome S. Handler, “The Barbados Slave Conspiracies of 1675 and 1692,” Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society 36, no. 4 (1982): 316–317; Russell Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 25, table 4.
16.Draft memorandum of instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, January 1670/1, TNA, CO 1/26, no. 16; Instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, 31 December 1670, CO 1/25, no. 107; Instructions to Lynch, 31 January 1670/1, CO 138/1, pp. 88–95; Frank Cundall, The Governors of Jamaica in the Seventeenth Century (London: West India Committee, 1936), 32; “A Journal kept by Colonel Beeston, from his first coming to Jamaica,” in Interesting Tracts, Relating to the Island of Jamaica (Saint Jago de la Vega, Jamaica: Lewis, Lunan & Jones, 1800), 288–289; Webb, Governors-General, 251–253; Lynch to Arlington, 27 June 1671, and Lynch to Sandwich, 20 August 1671, British Library (BL), Additional Manuscripts (Add MS) 11410, fols. 180–184 and 185–191. Interestingly, Lynch did not receive orders to arrest Henry Morgan until October 1671. Dudley Pope, The Buccaneer King: The Biography of Sir Henry Morgan, 1635–1688 (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1977), 257–259.
17.James Bannister to Arlington, 14 August 1671, TNA, CO 1/27, no. 19; Proclamation of Sir Thomas Lynch, 15 August 1671, CO 1/27, no. 20; Kris E. Lane, Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the Americas, 1500–1750 (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 123; Webb, Governors-General, 255; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 14 May 1672 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, microfilm), 6.
18.Lynch to Joseph Williamson, 20 November 1674, TNA, CO 1/31, no. 77; Lynch to Williamson, 13 January 1671/2, BL Add MS 11410, fols. 222–226; Lynch to the Council of Trade, 4 April 1673, CO 1/30, no. 19; Lynch to Arlington, 20 August 1671, CO 1/27, no. 22; Nuala Zahedieh, “The Merchants of Port Royal, Jamaica, and the Spanish Contraband Trade, 1655–1692,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 43, no. 4 (Oct. 1986): 575; Thornton, West-India Policy, 215–217; Jon Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean: How Piracy Forged an Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 225–226; Benjamin Worsley to Lynch, 8 October 1672, CO 1/29, no. 35. For an account of Spanish reprisals against the logwood cutters, see Richard Browne, Bristol, to Williamson, 28 September 1672, CO 1/29, no. 33.
19.Nuala Zahedieh, “Trade, Plunder, and Economic Development in Early English Jamaica, 1655–89,” Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 39, no. 2 (May 1986): 218–219; Nuala Zahedieh, “’The Wickedest City in the World’: Port Royal, Commercial Hub of the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean,” in Working Slavery, Pricing Freedom: Perspectives from the Caribbean, Africa and the African Diaspora, ed. Verene A. Shepherd (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 8–9; Zahedieh, “Merchants of Port Royal,” 579; Nuala Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking, and the Glorious Revolution in the English Atlantic Economy,” Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (2010): 878.
20.Lynch to the Council of Trade, 5 July 1672, TNA, CO 1/29, no. 5; Council of Trade to the King, 2 July 1672, CO 1/29, no.1; Lynch to Williamson, 9 October 1672, CO 1/29, no. 36; Benjamin Worsley to Lynch, 2 November 1672, CO 1/29, no. 41; Thornton, West-India Policy, 218; Webb, Governors-General, 260–261; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 9–12 May 1673, CSPC, 7:488–489, no. 1089; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 11 May 1672, 12–16 May 1673, 1:6; Lynch to Benjamin Worsley, 8 July 1673, CO 1/30, no. 49.
21.Spurr, England in the 1670s, 43, 47; Pope, Buccaneer King, 265–268; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 226; Memorial of Col. Morgan to Charles II, August 1673, TNA, CO 1/30, no. 56; Diary of John Evelyn, 20 October 1674, 2:372; Thornton, West-India Policy, 219.
22.Lane, Pillaging the Empire, 124; Thornton, West-India Policy, 218; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 77.
23.Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 77–79; Commission to Lord Vaughan, 3 April 1674, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 1–11; Instructions to Lord Vaughan, 3 December 1674, CO 138/3, pp. 12–27; Coventry to Vaughan, 31 December 1674, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 43–45; Vaughan to the Lords of Trade, 24 March 1674/5, CO 1/34, no. 31; Vaughan to the Lords of Trade, 20 January 1675/6, CO 1/36, no. 13; Vaughan to Williamson, 20 September 1675, CO 1/35, no. 20. Coventry wrote that because the government was unwilling to take a stand on the issue of logwood cutting, the cutters “must consider their own hazards themselves” and therefore could not rely on any official support or protection. Coventry to Vaughan, 28 July 1675, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 47–49; Coventry to Vaughan, 26 September 1675, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 59–60.
24.Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 183; Thornton, West-India Policy, 219–220; Latimer, Buccaneers of the Caribbean, 226–229. For the traditional “planter vs. privateer” dynamic in Jamaica, see Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 156–160, 177–182; Webb, Governors-General, 250–254.
25.Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 15 May 1675, 1:10–11; Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 11 August 1675, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 27–32; Vaughan to Williamson, 18 May 1675, CO 1/34, no. 81; Coventry to Vaughan, 30 July 1675, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 51–54; Coventry to Morgan, 24 August 1675, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 57–58; Coventry to Vaughan, 29 March 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 69–71; Coventry to Morgan, 29 March 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 72–73; Coventry to Vaughan, 8 June 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 74–75; Coventry to Morgan, 8 June 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 76–78; Minutes of the Jamaica Council, 10 November 1676, CO 138/3, pp. 94–106; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 183; Thornton, West-India Policy, 222; Webb, Governors-General, 263–275.
26.Rich, “Shaftesbury’s Colonial Policy,” 67–68; Haley, First Earl of Shaftesbury, 343; Spurr, England in the 1670s, 49–56; Coward, Stuart Age, 311; Steven Pincus, “From Botterboxes to Wooden Shoes: The Shift in English Popular Sentiment from Anti-Dutch to Anti-French in the 1670s,” Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (1995): 333–361.
27.Andrews, British Committees, 111–112; Thornton, West-India Policy, 157–158; Haley, First Earl of Shaftesbury, 233–234, 262–263, 330, 336–337, 403–406; Rich, “Shaftesbury’s Colonial Policy,” 70; Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), 191; Callow, Making of King James II, 253; Royal African Company Subscriptions and Transfers, 1671–1677, TNA, T 70/100, fols. 48–100; Davies, Royal African Company, 65.
28.Greene, Peripheries and Center, 13–14; Haffenden, “Crown and Colonial Charters, Part I,” 298–299; Thornton, West-India Policy, 159; A. M. Whitson, The Constitutional Development of Jamaica, 1660 to 1729 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1929), 70; Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 13; Weiser, Charles II, 142–143; Andrew Browning, Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby and Duke of Leeds, 1632–1712 (Glasgow: Jackson & Son, 1944–1951), 1:146, 149, 325. On Danby’s influence and governing style, see De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 125–134; Tim Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts: Party Conflict in a Divided Society, 1660–1715 (London and New York: Longman, 1993), 57–58; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 176–179; Webb, 1676, 179–180, 188–189.
29.Other members included men who had served on the previous committees and councils and had longtime colonial interests, including George Savile, Viscount Halifax; and John Lord Berkeley. Ralph Paul Bieber, The Lords of Trade and Plantations 1675–1696 (Allentown, PA: H. Ray Haas, 1919), 23, 32.
30.Atkins to Williamson, 3/13 October 1675, TNA, CO 1/35, no. 29; Petition of the Barbados Council and Assembly to Charles II, n.d., CO 1/66, no. 93I; Petition of the Barbados Council and Assembly, 24 November 1675, CO 1/35, no. 45II; Atkins to Coventry, 20/30 April 1675, Coventry Papers, vol. 76, fol. 343; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 4/14 July 1676, CO 1/37, no. 23.
31.Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 26 October 1676, TNA, CO 391/1, pp. 234–236; Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 31 October 1676, CO 391/1, pp. 238–239; Thornton, West-India Policy, 187–188; Harlow, History of Barbados, 226–227. Christian Koot interprets this contest to be exclusively about commercial regulations and argues that it did not have wider political or ideological implications. Christian Koot, “’A Dangerous Principle’: Free Trade Discourses in Barbados and the English Leeward Islands, 1650–1689,” Early American Studies 5, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 157–158.
32.Report of the Lords of Trade to the King, 7 November 1676, TNA, CO 1/38, no. 31; Charles II to Atkins, 9 December 1676, CO 29/2, fols. 70–72; Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 24 November 1676, CO 391/1, p. 256. Atkins attempted to defend himself in light of this reprimand. Atkins to Williamson, 22 January 1676/7, CO 1/39, no. 9; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 17/27 April 1677, CO 1/40, no. 47.
33.Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 20; Lords of Trade to Atkins, 21 December 1676, TNA, CO 1/38, no. 94; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 180; Harlow, History of Barbados, 224–225; Coventry to Atkins, 28 November 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 96–99; Coventry to Atkins, 21 November 1677, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 120–122.
34.The imperial implications of Bacon’s Rebellion and King Philip’s War are discussed in Webb, 1676, 169–247.
35.Peter Beckford to Sir Joseph Williamson, 2 April 1676, TNA, CO 1/36, no. 38; Symon Musgrave to the Admiralty Court of Jamaica, 23 March 1675/6, Coventry Papers, vol. 74, fols. 225–229; Vaughan to the Lords of Trade, 4 April 1676, CO 138/3, pp. 52–54; Jamaican Admiralty Court ruling, 23 March 1675/6, Coventry Papers, vol. 74, fol. 221; Vaughan to Henry Coventry, 29 April 1676, Coventry Papers, vol. 74, fol. 269; Morgan to Coventry, 16 April 1676, Coventry Papers, vol. 74, fols. 241–242. The act “for dividing his Majesty’s Island of Jamaica into several parishes and precincts,” which had the effect of altering the Admiralty’s jurisdiction, passed in April 1675; “Forty-five Acts … of Jamaica,” 26 April 1675, CSPC, vol. 9, no. 538.
36.Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 22 June 1676, TNA, CO 391/1, pp. 148–149; Report of Richard Lloyd to the Lords of Trade, 4 July 1676, CO 1/37, no. 21; “Royal Company Negroes at Jamaica, 1676,” 13 July 1676, CO 1/37, no. 31. CSPC, vol. 9, no. 987, indicates that this paper was “probably the opinion of the Attorney General.” Many thanks to Roy Ritchie for pointing out this reference.
37.Memorandum, July 1676, TNA, CO 1/37, no. 32; Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 13 July 1676, CO 391/1, pp. 165–167.
38.Coventry to Vaughan, 31 July 1676, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 84–85; Morgan to Coventry, 31 May 1677, Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fols. 182–183; Vaughn to Coventry, 28 May 1677, Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fols. 180–181; “Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 26 July 1677, p. 292. Coventry sent Vaughan advance notice of his replacement in May 1677. Coventry to Vaughan, 31 May 1677, BL Add MS 25120, fols. 110–111.
39.Spurr, England in the 1670s, 56, 75; Webb, Governors-General, 70, 276; Whitson, Constitutional Development, 79; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 86; Gordon Goodwin, rev. by Sean Kelsey, “Charles Howard, first earl of Carlisle,” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13886?docPos=3 (accessed 9 May 2014).
40.“Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 19 July 1678, pp. 294–295; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 4 September 1678, 1: 25; Instructions to the Earl of Carlisle, 30 March 1678, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 216–241; Report of the Lords of Trade, 13 November 1677, CO 138/3, pp. 161–162; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 182–186. Council members’ names would be included in the governor’s private instructions but not his public commission. For further alterations to Carlisle’s instructions in the fall of 1677, see CSPC, vol. 10, no. 412, 11–12 September 1677; no. 457, 25 October 1677; no. 461, 28 October 1677. In July 1677, Sir Thomas Lynch had suggested to the Lords of Trade that the governor of Jamaica be given “ye title of Viceroy of Jamaica, New England, or America, or ye like,” in order to more effectively engage with the Spanish. Lynch, “Reflections on ye State of ye Spanyard & ye island of Jamaica in America,” 20 July 1677, CO 1/40, no. 111. For the history of Poynings’ Law in Ireland, see James Kelly, Poynings’ Law and the Making of Law in Ireland, 1660–1800 (Dublin, IR: Four Courts Press, 2007). Emphasis in the original.
41.Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 176; Webb, 1676, 179–180; Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 55–56; Dunn, “Imperial Pressures,” 60–64; Dunn, “The Downfall of the Bermuda Company: A Restoration Farce,” William and Mary Quarterly 20 (1963): 487–512; Haffenden, “Crown and Colonial Charters, Part I,” 297–311; Haffenden, “The Crown and Colonial Charters, 1675–1688: Part II,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 15, no. 4 (Oct. 1958): 452–466. Other historians have noted the probable connections between the case of the St. George and the attempted overhaul of Jamaica’s laws two years later. See Whitson, Constitutional Development, 76; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 182. However, neither explores the role that the African Company played in the longer-term trajectory of this imperial plan.
42.Report of the Lords of Trade, 13 November 1677, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 161–162; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 184.
43.Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 56–57; “Royal Company Negroes at Jamaica, 1676,” 13 July 1676, TNA, CO 1/37, no. 31. Webb has estimated that Bacon’s Rebellion cost the government well over £200,000 in direct expenditures and lost revenues. Webb, 1676, 189.
44.Roger Coke, A Discourse of Trade (London, 1670), 44; William Petyt, Britannia languens, or a Discourse of Trade (London, 1680), 70; [Slingsby Bethel], The Present Interest of England Stated (London: D. B., 1671), 9, 18, 28–30; Carew Reynell, The True English Interest (London: Giles Widdowes, 1674), 9, 71–72. Many of these pamphlets were part of a larger public debate on the “imbalance” of trade between England and France, which contributed to growing anti-French sentiment. Spurr, England in the 1670s, 60–61.
45.“Debates in 1675: November 8th–9th,” Grey’s Debates of the House of Commons: Volume 3 (London, 1769), 417–435, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=40380 (accessed 15 November 2011). For more on William Coventry, who was the brother of Secretary of State Henry Coventry, see Sidney Lee, “Coventry, Sir William (bap. 1627, d. 1686),” rev. by Sean Kelsey, in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6485 (accessed 15 November 2011).
46.Joyce Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), 135; Coke, Discourse of Trade, 10; The Character and Qualifications of an Honest and Loyal Merchant (London: Robert Roberts, 1686), 13; Petyt, Britannia languens, 176; Reynell, True English Interest, 88; Richard C. Wiles, “Mercantilism and the Idea of Progress,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 8, no. 1 (Autumn 1974): 62–66.
47.Spurr, England in the 1670s, 176–177. For the story behind the proclamation and its quick withdrawal, see Steven Pincus, “’Coffee Politicians Does Create’: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture,” Journal of Modern History 67 (Dec. 1995): 807–834.
48.John Callow, “Coke, Roger (ca. 1628–1704x7),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/5829 (accessed 14 October 2011); V. E. Chancellor, “Reynell, Carew (1636–1690),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23397 (accessed 14 October 2011); Gary S. De Krey, “Bethel, Slingsby (bap. 1617, d. 1697),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2303 (accessed 14 October 2011); Melinda Zook, Radical Whigs and Conspiratorial Politics in Late Stuart Britain (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), 8–9; Jonathan Scott, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677–1683 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 63–64.
49.Koot, “’Dangerous Principle,”’ 132–163.
5. EXCLUSION, THE TORY ASCENDANCY, AND THE ENGLISH EMPIRE
1.Blathwayt to Atkins, 15 January 1677/8, The William Blathwayt Papers at Colonial Williamsburg 1631–1722 (Blathwayt Papers) (Frederick, MD: UPA Academic Editions, 1989), microfilm, vol. 29, folder 1, Barbados; Sir Robert Southwell to Atkins, draft letter, 23 April 1678, The National Archives (TNA), Colonial Office (CO) 1/42, no. 61; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 17/27 April 1679, CO 1/43, no. 47; Vincent T. Harlow, A History of Barbados, 1625–1685 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), 230–234; Barbara Murison, “The Talented Mr. Blathwayt: His Empire Revisited,” in English Atlantics Revisited: Essays Honouring Professor Ian K. Steele, ed. Nancy L. Rhoden (Montreal, QC, and Kingston, ON: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), 33–58; Matthew Carl Underwood, “Ordering Knowledge, Re-Ordering Empire: Science and State Formation in the English Atlantic World, 1650–1688,” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2010), 217–244.
2.Journal of the Lords of Trade, 26 June 1679, TNA, CO 391/3, pp. 30–37; Petition of Colonel Strode and Partners to the Lords of Trade, read 18 June 1679, CO 1/43, no. 73I; A. P. Thornton, West-India Policy under the Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), 189; Harlow, History of Barbados, 236; Lords of Trade report on Barbados, 4 July 1679, CO 1/43, no. 85; Lords of Trade to Atkins, 26 June 1679, CO 324/2, pp. 148–150; Order of the King-in-Council, 24 July 1679, CO 324/2, pp. 151–152; Journal of the Lords of Trade, 13 January 1679/80, CO 391/3, pp. 114–18; Coventry to Atkins, 25 July 1679, British Library (BL), Additional Manuscripts (Add MS) 25120, fol. 143; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 26 March 1680, CO 1/44, no. 45; Order of the King-in-Council, 12 December 1679, CO 324/4, pp. 72–74.
3.John Miller, Popery and Politics in England, 1660–1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 155–159; John Kenyon, The Popish Plot (London: Phoenix Press, 2000), chaps. 3–5; Tim Harris, Restoration: Charles II and His Kingdoms, 1660–1685 (London: Penguin, 2006), 136–139, 146–163; Gary S. De Krey, Restoration and Revolution in Britain: A Political History of the Era of Charles II and the Glorious Revolution (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 145–151; Michael Mullett, James II and English Politics, 1678–1688 (London: Routledge, 1994), chap. 2; Mark Knights, Politics and Opinion in Crisis, 1678–81 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), chap. 2; J. R. Jones, The First Whigs: The Politics of the Exclusion Crisis, 1678–1683 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1961).
4.Harris, Restoration, 204, 411; John Spurr, England in the 1670s: “This Masquerading Age” (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000); Knights, Politics and Opinion in Crisis; Melinda Zook, Radical Whigs and Conspiratorial Politics in Late Stuart Britain (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999); Jonathan Scott, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677–1683 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Tim Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts: Party Conflict in a Divided Society, 1660–1715 (London: Longman, 1993), 80–82.
5.J. R. Jones, Country and Court: England, 1658–1714 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 219–220; Barry Coward, The Stuart Age: England, 1603–1714, 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1994), 334; Harris, Restoration, chap. 5; Paul D. Halliday, Dismembering the Body Politic: Partisan Politics in England’s Towns, 1650–1730 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), chap. 6; Ann M. Carlos and Jamie Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company: Fringe Firms and the Role of the Charter,” Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 310.
6.Ralph Paul Bieber, The Lords of Trade and Plantations, 1675–1696 (Allentown, PA: H. Ray Haas, 1919), 25; Thornton, West-India Policy, 188–189; Philip S. Haffenden, “The Crown and the Colonial Charters, 1675–1688: Part I,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 15, no. 3 (July 1958): 300–301; Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 283; Miller, Popery and Politics, 172; Harris, Restoration, 171–183; Knights, Politics and Opinion, 27–28, 193–199; De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 152–153.
7.William Freeman to William Stapleton, 9 December 1678, 10 March 1678/9, 24 April 1679, 6 June 1679, 19 December 1679, in Letters of William Freeman, London Merchant, 1678–1685, ed. David Hancock (London: London Record Society, 2002), 49, 72, 84–85, 88, 136. For more on Wheeler, see Natalie Zacek, Settler Society in the English Leeward Islands, 1670–1776 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 45; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 124.
8.Edward Raymond Turner, “The Privy Council of 1679,” English Historical Review 30, (1915): 251–270; De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 155; Harris, Restoration, 190; Lords of Trade to the Governor and Council of Jamaica, 14 January 1679/80, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 353–355.
9.K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 106–108; Royal African Company Court of Assistants records, 8–28 May 1679, TNA, T (Treasury) 70/78, fols. 82–87; Journal of the House of Commons, vol. 9, 28 April 1679, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=27761#s8 (accessed 18 October 2013); Journal of the House of Commons, vol. 9, 17 May 1679, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=27779#s7 (accessed 18 October 2013); Journal of the House of Commons, vol. 9, 27 May 1679, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=27787 (accessed 21 June 2010); William Freeman to Henry Carpenter and Robert Helme, 14 September 1679, Letters of William Freeman, 121–122; Atkins to the Lords of Trade, 26 October 1680, TNA, CO 29/3, fols. 45–50; Blathwayt to Joseph Crisp, 23 October 1680, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 39, folder 1, Leeward Islands; Blathwayt to William Stapleton, 22 October 1680, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 37, folder 3, Leeward Islands.
10.Certain Considerations Relating to the Royal African Company of England (London, 1680), 1, 5, 6. For more on this pamphlet, see John Callow, The Making of King James II: The Formative Years of a Fallen King (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2000), 255; Davies, Royal African Company, 107–108. The previous publication was The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa (London, 1667).
11.Witham to Blathwayt, 29 July 1680, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 35, folder 1, Barbados.
12.Blathwayt to the Earl of Carlisle, 9 July 1680, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 22, folder 3, Jamaica; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 86–87; Harlow, History of Barbados, 239. For an informative discussion of the 1680 census and what it revealed about Barbadian society, see Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, chap. 3.
13.Thornton, West-India Policy, 188–189; Bieber, Lords of Trade, 25. Underwood makes a compelling case that it was Atkins’s failure to send information requested by the Lords of Trade that led to his recall. Underwood, “Ordering Knowledge,” 243–244.
14.Carlisle to Coventry, 14 August 1678, Coventry Papers of the Marquis of Bath at Longleat (Washington, DC: American Council of Learned Societies, Library of Congress Photo Duplication Service), (Coventry Papers), microfilm, vol. 75, fol. 270; Carlisle to Coventry, 14 August 1678, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 244–246; Bryan Edwards, ed., The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies, 2 vols. (London, 1794), 1:262–263; Carlisle to the Earl of Danby, 12 August 1678, BL Egerton 3340, fols. 177–178; Carlisle to Coventry, 11 September 1678, Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fol. 272; Carlisle to Coventry, 11 September 1678, CO 138/3, pp. 249–251; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 13 September 1678 and 14 September 1678 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, microfilm), 1:27–29.
15.Assembly of Jamaica to Carlisle, n.d., Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fol. 277; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 4 October 1678, 1:36–37. For a similar interpretation regarding a petition from Virginia’s House of Bugesses in 1684, see David S. Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, rev. ed. (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1987), 66. For a discussion of “English liberties” in the colonies, see Carla Gardina Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 164–170.
16.Edward Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race in the Comprehensive Slave Codes of the Greater Caribbean during the Seventeenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly 70, no. 3 (July 2013): 449–450; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 155, 169, 312, table 26; Richard Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, 1623–1775 (Baltimore. MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 212.
17.Carlisle to the Lords of Trade, 24 October 1678, TNA, CO 1/42, no. 136; Carlisle to the Lords of Trade, 15 November 1678, CO 1/42, no. 145; “A Journal kept by Colonel Beeston, from his first coming to Jamaica,” in Interesting Tracts, Relating to the Island of Jamaica (Saint Jago de la Vega, Jamaica: Lewis, Lunan & Jones, 1800), 1 May 1679, 296; Webb, Governors-General, 283. After dissolving the session in late October, Carlisle arranged to send his secretary, Mr. Atkinson, to plead the colony’s case in London. Atkinson died before departing, and in May 1679 Carlisle sent his associate Sir Francis Watson, the island’s major general.
18.A number of historians have pointed out that there was a six-week delay from the time the Lords of Trade learned of the Jamaican assembly’s recalcitrance in February and the beginning of the inquiry in April, and they have suggested that domestic issues were considered to be far more urgent than imperial problems at the time. Webb, Governors-General, 283; A. M. Whitson, The Constitutional Development of Jamaica, 1660 to 1729 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1929), 89; Thornton, West-India Policy, 190. I suggest that a six-week delay was hardly unusual for early modern administration, and the fact that during that time a new Privy Council and Lords of Trade were created, both of which had a direct impact on imperial policy and the direction of the Jamaican crisis, suggests that imperial affairs were hardly being ignored.
19.Report of the Lords of Trade, 28 May 1679, BL Add MS 12429, fols. 88a–92b; Edwards, History, Civil and Commercial, 1:273–278; Acts of the Privy Council of England, Colonial Series (Hereford, UK: Anthony Brothers for His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1908), 1:826–33. This scathing report was never endorsed by the entire committee, however, which has been interpreted as an indication of disagreement among members over its tone. Thornton, West-India Policy, 191–192.
20.Blathwayt to Carlisle, 31 May 1679, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 22, folder 1, Jamaica; Blathwayt to Carlisle, 2 October 1679, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 22, folder 2, Jamaica; Charles II to Carlisle, 31 May 1679, in Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton, 45 vols. (London, 2000), CD-ROM, vol. 10, no. 1011; Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 56. On Blathwayt’s attitude toward the royal prerogative in imperial administration, see Murison, “Talented Mr. Blathwayt,” 34–39. For implications for other colonies, see Robert M. Bliss, Revolution and Empire: English Politics and the American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1990), 185.
21.Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 28 August 1679, 1:46; “Journal kept by Colonel Beeston,” 27 August 1679, 297; Edward Long, History of Jamaica (London, 1774), 1:199; Webb, Governors-General, 288–291; Carlisle to the Lords of Trade, 15 September 1679, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 327–331; Edwards, History, Civil and Commercial, 1:281; Carlisle to Coventry, 15 September 1679, Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fols. 328–330; Carlisle to Coventry, 15 September 1679, CO 138/3, pp. 331–338; Whitson, Constitutional Development of Jamaica, 95–96; Carlisle to Coventry, 18 February 1679, CO 138/3, pp. 288–290; Carlisle to Lords of Trade, 20 April 1679, CO 1/43, no. 48.
22.Long, a plantation owner and former Cromwellian soldier, had been in the colony since the late 1650s and had served in the assembly and council since Modyford’s governorship. Beeston, a merchant, had also served in the assembly and council for over a decade. Webb presents Long, Beeston, and their allies as longtime opponents of “monarchical authority.” Webb, Governors-General, 221–222. For more on Beeston, who was appointed governor in 1692, see Frank Cundall, The Governors of Jamaica in the Seventeenth Century (London: West India Committee, 1936), 143–165.
23.Petition of the Council and Assembly of Jamaica to the Duke of York, October 1679, TNA, CO 1/43, no. 148. For similar petitions, see Petition of the Barbados Council and Assembly to Charles II, n.d. (but ca. 1675), CO 1/66, no. 93I; Petition of Jamaica Merchants and Planters, received 20 January 1682/3, CO 1/51, no. 20; Petition of Jamaica Planters and Merchants, received 14 August 1683, CO 1/52, no. 55.
24.Trevor Burnard, “Who Bought Slaves in Early America? Purchasers of Slaves from the Royal African Company in Jamaica,” Slavery and Abolition 17, no. 2 (Aug. 1996): 70, 77; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 10 November 1679, 1:49; Carlisle to Coventry, 23 November 1679, Coventry Papers, vol. 75, fols. 336–337. Webb maintains the militia bill took precedence. Webb, Governors-General, 292.
25.Blathwayt to Carlisle, 22 December 1679, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 22, folder 2, Jamaica; Harris, Restoration, chap. 4; De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 173–175. Carlisle claimed to have the king’s “Verbal leave” and permission to depart, in a letter in April: Carlisle to the Lords of Trade, 23 April 1680, TNA, CO 138/3, pp. 400–403; Long, History of Jamaica, 201. Interestingly, in October 1680 the African Company issued congratulations to Carlisle on his safe return to England. Court of Assistants’ Minute Books, 26 October 1680, T 70/78, pp. 222–223. Long and Beeston were accused of treason for having omitted the king’s name from the 1675 revenue bill. Webb, Governors-General, 306–307. On Carlisle’s decision to send Long to London, see Carlisle to Coventry, 23 November 1679, CO 138/3, pp. 369–373; for Carlisle’s charges against Long, see CO 138/3, pp. 418–422.
26.Journal of the Lords of Trade, 12 October 1680, 14 October 1680, 18 October 1680, 21 October 1680, 27 October 1680, 28 October 1680, 30 October 1680, TNA, CO 391/3, pp. 212–213, 214–216, 217, 219–220, 220–221, 222–223, 223–224; Webb, Governors-General, 299–312; Edwards, History, Civil and Commercial, 1:309–319. Carlisle was urged to do his best to pass a perpetual revenue bill, but his private instructions indicated that a seven-year bill would be acceptable. Private Instructions to the Earl of Carlisle, 3 November 1680, CO 138/3, pp. 453–454; Royal Instructions to Lord Carlisle, 3 November 1680, CO 138/3, pp. 447–453. For the legal correspondence that does survive, see CO 138/3, pp. 375–377 (11 March 1679/80); 380–381 (27 April 1680); 396–397 (10 July 1680). For suggestions that the justices’ opinions did not favor the Crown’s position, see Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 186; Webb, Governors-General, 303–304; Robert C. Ritchie, The Duke’s Province: A Study of New York Politics and Society, 1664–1691 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977), 167; Whitson, Constitutional Development of Jamaica, 104–108.
27.Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, 4 November 1680, TNA, CO 268/1, pp. 81–87; Lords of Trade Meeting Minutes, CO 1/46, no. 32; Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, read 28 October 1680, CO 138/3, pp. 442–443. A week later, the Lords received another petition, which focused primarily on legal and constitutional issues. See “An humble motion in the behalfe of Jamaica,” 12 November 1680, CO 1/46, no. 43. Webb focuses on this petition, and rightly points out that proposals contained therein were by and large rejected by the Lords of Trade. But he does not consider the petition from 4 November. Webb, Governors-General, 307–308.
28.Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, 4 November 1680, TNA, CO 268/1, pp. 81–87; Christopher L. Brown, “The Politics of Slavery,” in The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 220.
29.Journal of the Lords of Trade, 11 November 1680, 16 December 1680, TNA, CO 391/3, pp. 231–232, 239–241; Journal of the African Company’s Court of Assistants, 6 November 1680, T 70/78, fol. 225; “Report touching some Proposals concerning Jamaica made by ye Merchants & Planters,” 18 December 1680, CO 138/3, pp. 455–456.
30.Thomas Barker, Danzig, to [?], 18 December 1680, Edmund Poley Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Osborn Manuscripts (OSB MSS) 1, folder 2; Harris, Restoration, 148, 171; Knights, Politics and Opinion, 80–84; Callow, Making of King James II, 283; Davies, Royal African Company, 103. York had been first sent to Edinburgh in October 1679. On York’s political weakness at this time in relation to governing his colony of New York, see Ritchie, Duke’s Province, 164.
31.Haffenden notes that an initial campaign against the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Colony was dropped at this time for similar reasons. Haffenden, “Crown and Colonial Charters, Part I,” 303; Webb, Governors-General, 301.
32.Jones, Country and Court, 219–220; Harris, Restoration, chap. 5, pp. 293, 323; De Krey, Restoration and Revolution, 202–210; Grant Tapsell, The Personal Rule of Charles II, 1681–85 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2007), 62.
33.Halliday, Dismembering the Body Politic, esp. chap. 6; Richard Johnson, Adjustment to Empire: The New England Colonies, 1675–1715 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1981), 28–29, 56; Tapsell, Personal Rule, 10.
34.Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 63; Thornton, West-India Policy, 210; Bieber, Lords of Trade, 32–35.
35.Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 221; Murison, “Talented Mr. Blathwayt,” 34–35, 39; Stephen Saunders Webb, “William Blathwayt, Imperial Fixer: From Popish Plot to Glorious Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 25, no. 1 (Jan. 1968): 3–21; Thornton, West-India Policy, 204. For Blathwayt as auditor general, see William Blathwayt Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library: Thomas Martyn, Port Royal, to the Lords of Trade, 10 November 1680, box 6, folder 123; Nathaniel Bacon, Virginia, to Blathwayt, 10 July 1683, box 1, folder 6; Thomas Ryves, Port Royal, to Blathwayt, 25 September 1686, box 8, folder 164; Ryves to Blathwayt, 12 March 1686, box 8, folder 164; Henry Brograve, Antigua, to Blathwayt, 15 July 1685, box 2, folder 47; Warrant to Edward Randolph, February 1691, box 1, folder 26.
36.Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676: The End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), 173–182; Philip S. Haffenden, “The Crown and the Colonial Charters, 1675–1688, Part II,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 15, no. 4 (Oct. 1958): 452; Callow, Making of King James II, 271–282; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, chap. 9; Steve Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 155.
37.Lords of Trade Meeting Minutes, 3 March 1684/5, TNA, CO 391/5, pp. 101–102; Johnson, Adjustment to Empire 52–56; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 233–236; Lovejoy, Glorious Revolution in America, 67–69, 171–172; Ritchie, Duke’s Province, 167, 178. Contrast Ritchie’s interpretation with Callow, Making of King James II, 271–272.
38.Circular letter of James II, 4 July 1685, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 80–83; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 101; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 29 August 1685, CO 1/58, no. 44; Barbados Assembly to Blathwayt, 16 September 1685, CO 31/3, pp. 131–133; Deputy-Governor, Council, and Assembly of Barbados to the Lords of Trade, 14 September 1685, CO 1/58, nos. 56, 56I; “A Moderate calculation of the annual charge and produce of a Plantation in Barbados,” 14 September 1685, BL Sloane 3924, fols. 214–217; Edwyn Stede to the Lords of Trade, 10 March 1687/8, CO 1/64, no. 33; “The Address of the Barbados Assembly & Council to the King,” 14 February 1687/8, BL Sloane 3924, fols. 223–224, and CO 1/64, no. 33III.
39.Haffenden, “Crown and Colonial Charters, Part II,” 465; “Proposal for a South American Company,” BL Sloane 3984, fols. 210–211v; “An Essay of the Interest of the Crown in American Plantations & Trade computed about the year 1685,” BL Add MS 47131, fols. 22–28. Colonial planters and officials were aware of and uneasy about the plan: Edwyn Stede to the Lords of Trade, 19 October 1687, TNA, CO 1/63, no. 45.
40.“An Essay of the Interest of the Crown in American Plantations & Trade computed about the year 1685,” BL Add MS 47131, fols. 22–28; William Blathwayt’s Reflections on a Paper Concerning America, ca. 1685, Blathwayt Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA, box 2, BL 416.
41.David Eltis, “The British Transatlantic Slave Trade before 1714: Annual Estimates of Volume and Direction,” in The Lesser Antilles in the Age of European Expansion, ed. Robert L. Paquette and Stanley L. Engerman (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996), 183, and table 10–1; Ann M. Carlos and Jamie Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company: Fringe Firms and the Role of the Charter,” Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 293, 310; Callow, Making of King James II, 252; W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910), 2:21.
42.Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 1 July 1680, TNA, CO 1/45, no. 33; “Part of a letter to the Royal Company from their factors at Nevis,” 16 July 1680, CO 1/45, no. 57; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 August 1682, CO 138/4, pp. 78–91; Blathwayt to the Attorney General, 18 January 1682/3, CO 138/4, p. 104; Opinion of Attorney General Sawyer, 23 January 1682/3, CO 138/4, p. 106.
43.Blocking interloping ships before they had left England was a new strategy adopted by both the East India and African Companies during the 1680s. Christopher Jeaffreson to Edward Thorn, 1 March 1682/3, in A Young Squire of the Seventeenth Century: Christopher Jeaffreson, 2 vols., ed. John Cordy Jeaffreson (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1878), 2:36–39.
44.“East India Company v. Sandys,” in A Complete Collection of State Trials, compiler T. B. Howell, vol. 10 (London: T. C. Hansard, 1816), 532–535; Philip J. Stern, The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 46–58; Petition of the Royal African Company to James II, 18 October 1686, TNA, T 70/169, pp. 73–75; Instructions to Sir Nathaniel Johnson, 28 November 1686, CO 153/3, pp. 225–226; Instructions to the Duke of Albemarle, 15 March 1687, CO 138/5, p. 281; Royal Instructions to Lieutenant-Governor Stede, 5 December 1686, CO 29/3, pp. 395–396. On some of the imperial implications of the Sandys case, see Pincus, 1688, 376–381.
45.Instructions to Sir Thomas Lynch, 8 September 1681, TNA, CO 138/4, pp. 17–39; Sir Henry Morgan to Leoline Jenkins, 4 October 1681, CO 1/47, no. 67. To encourage Lynch’s allegiance to its agenda, the company presented the governor with a parting gift “in plate to such value as hath been given other governors.” African Company Court of Assistants, 13 September 1681, TNA, T 70/79, fol. 49v. It is unclear which “other governors” also received this kind of gift.
46.Lynch’s speech to the Assembly of Jamaica, 21 September 1682, TNA, CO 1/49, no. 59; Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica, 21 September 1682, 58–59; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 September 1682, CO 138/4, pp. 92–96; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 8 October 1682, CO 138/4, pp. 96–98; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 August 1682, CO 138/ 4, pp. 78–91; Sir Henry Morgan to Leoline Jenkins, 2 July 1681, CO 1/47, no. 25.
47.Council and Assembly of Jamaica’s Address to the King, 6 October 1682, TNA, CO 138/4, pp. 99–101; Lynch’s Speech Proroguing the Jamaica Assembly, 7 October 1682, CO 1/49, no. 77; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 September 1682, CO 138/4, pp. 92–96. The key speeches and addresses of this episode were published in A Narrative of Affairs lately Received from his Majesties Island of Jamaica (London, 1683), which is included in the colonial state papers, CO 1/49, no. 78.
48.Petition of the Royal African Company to Charles II, 12 January 1682/3, TNA, CO 138/4, pp. 102–103; Blathwayt to Lynch, 5 March 1682/3, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 23, folder 4, Jamaica. The response of the planters and merchants can be found at CO 1/51, no. 20.
49.Petition of Jamaica Merchants and Planters to the Lords of Trade, August 1683, TNA, CO 268/1, pp. 94–95; Lynch to Blathwayt, 15 April 1683, 26 April 1683, 5 June 1683, 9 June 1683, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 1, Jamaica; Lynch to Blathwayt, 23 July 1683, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 2, Jamaica; Lords of Trade Meeting Minutes, 14 February 1682/3, CO 391/4, pp. 122–124.
50.Lynch to Blathwayt, 23 July 1683, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 2, Jamaica; Petition of the Merchants and Planters of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, 3 October 1683, TNA, CO 1/53, no. 2; Petition of the African Company to the Lords of Trade, 23 October 1683, CO 1/53, no. 19; Lords of Trade Meeting Minutes, 30 October 1683, CO 391/4, pp. 226–227; Draft of “An Act for the incouragement of the Royal African Company of England to import Negros into his Majesty’s island of Jamaica,” 14 November 1683, CO 1/53, no. 52; Lords of Trade Meeting Minutes, 13 May 1684, CO 391/4, pp. 292–293; Order of the King-in-Council, 15 May 1684, CO 268/1, pp. 116–117; Charles II to Lynch, 1 June 1684, CO 389/9, pp. 194–95; Draft of the “Act Concerning Negroes,” 1 June 1684, CO 389/9, pp. 196–200.
51.Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 28 February 1683/4, TNA, CO 1/54, no. 41; Lynch to Blathwayt, 25 February 1683/4, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 4, Jamaica; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 August 1682, CO 138/4, pp. 78–91; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 29 September 1682, CO 1/49, no. 66; CO 138/4 pp. 92–96; Lynch to Blathwayt, 21 October 1683, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 3, Jamaica; Lynch to Blathwayt, 15 April 1683, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 1, Jamaica; Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 6 May 1683, CO 1/51, no. 106.
52.Matthew Meverell to the Lords of Trade, 9 May 1684, TNA, CO 138/4, pp. 262–263; Lynch to the Lord President, Earl Radnor, 20 June 1684, CO 1/54, no. 132; Lynch to Blathwayt, 20 June 1684, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 24, folder 6, Jamaica. Morgan was removed from office after he allowed four Spanish ships that had been captured by the Elector of Brandenburg’s ships in the region to be condemned and sold in Jamaica, triggering a diplomatic mess. Blathwayt to Edmund Poley, 5 April 1681; and Earl of Conway to Poley, 12 April 1681, Edmund Poley Papers, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 1, folder 8; Conway to Poley, 6 September 1681, Edmund Poley Papers, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 1, folder 13; Conway to Poley, 22 November 1681, Edmund Poley Papers, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 1, folder 15; “Representation of Sir Henry Morgan,” 1682, CO 1/56, no. 145; Revocation of Morgan’s Commission, 7 September 1681, CO 389/8, p. 88; Order of the King-in-Council, 14 October 1681, CO 1/47, no. 75.
53.Molesworth to Blathwayt, 25 September 1685, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 103–112; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 15 November 1684, CO 1/56, no. 75; Molesworth, Charles Penhallow, & Walter Rudding to the African Company, 7 April 1684, T 70/16, fol. 79; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 19 September 1684, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 1, Jamaica; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 3 February 1684/5, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 2, Jamaica; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 16 January 1685/6, CO 138/5, pp. 128–139; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 3 February 1684/5, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 2, Jamaica; Molesworth to Sunderland, 15 March 1684/5, CO 138/5, pp. 34–37; Molesworth to Sunderland, 24 April 1685, CO 1/57, no. 100; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 6 July 1685, CO 138/5, pp. 71–77; Journal of the Council of Jamaica, 23 March, 1684/5, CO 140/4, pp. 72–74; Molesworth to the Lords of Trade, 24 March 1684/5, CO 138/5, pp. 42–48. For Molesworth’s connections to the asiento, see Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 28 February 1683/4, CO 138/4, pp. 236–255; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 160; Cundall, Governors of Jamaica, 95–96; Nuala Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking, and the Glorious Revolution in the English Atlantic Economy,” Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (2010): 878–879.
54.Molesworth to Blathwayt, 25 September 1685, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 103–112; Molesworth to Sunderland, 28 April 1686, CO 1/59, no. 63; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 2 November 1685, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 2, Jamaica; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 27 November 1685, CO 138/5, pp. 119–121; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 17 July 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 171–175.
55.Molesworth to Blathwayt, 29 August 1685, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 87–102; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 25 March 1686, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 3, Jamaica; Molesworth’s Speech to the Assembly, 1 June 1686, CO 1/59, no. 96; “Colonel Molesworth’s Speech to the Assembly of Jamaica,” in Interesting Tracts Relating to the Island of Jamaica, pp. 200–204; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 15 June 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 158–161; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 15 June 1686, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 4, Jamaica; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 17 July 1686, CO 138/5 pp. 171–175. For accounts of some of the bloodier episodes of the uprising, see Molesworth to Blathwayt, 16 February 1686, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 3, Jamaica; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 12 March 1687, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 5, Jamaica.
56.Molesworth to Blathwayt, 5 July 1686, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 161–167; Molesworth to the Lords of Trade, 5 November 1686, CO 1/60, no. 98; Molesworth’s Speech to the Assembly, 24 September 1686, CO 1/60, no. 56; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 31 August 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 191–196; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 28 September 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 185–191; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 16 June 1687 and 24 June 1687, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 25, folder 5, Jamaica. In early 1685 the king had announced Sir Philip Howard would be the new governor in chief of Jamaica. But Howard died in April 1685 before leaving England, leaving Molesworth’s status even more uncertain. Molesworth felt that news of his pending replacement had rendered him powerless in the face of the assembly’s obstructions. Molesworth to [?], 15 June 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 158–161.
57.Tapsell, Personal Rule, 198; Webb, Governors-General, 470–471; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 100; Harlow, History of Barbados, 244; Dutton to Jenkins, 14 June 1681, TNA, CO 29/3, pp. 72–75; Dutton to Blathwayt, 14 June 1681, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 30, folder 2, Barbados.
58.Harris, Restoration, 323; “A general view of the affairs of the Island of Barbados, by John Witham, Deputy Governor,” 6 August 1683, TNA, CO 1/52, no. 48; Witham to the Lords of Trade, 31 October 1683, CO 1/53, no. 30; Blathwayt to Dutton, 22 August 1681, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 30, folder 2, Barbados; Dutton to Jenkins, 2 February 1681/2, TNA, CO 1/48, no. 19; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 100; Harlow, History of Barbados, 241–267.
59.Lynch to the Lords of Trade, 2 November 1683, TNA, CO 138/4, pp. 180–192; Lynch’s Speech Proroguing the Assembly, 19 October 1683, CO 138/4, pp. 194–201; Lynch to Jenkins, March 1683/4, CO 1/54, no. 46; Bliss, Revolution and Empire, 230.
60.Verdict of the Coroner’s Jury, 10 September 1679, TNA, CO 1/54, no. 73XIX; Copy of Proceedings at the Admiralty Court at Nevis, 12 July 1680, CO 1/45, no. 45. The depositions can be found in CO 1/54, no. 73IV–XVIII.
61.The company had agents stationed only at Nevis, much to the consternation of the other islands, and only delivered approximately five thousand slaves to the colony from 1672 to 1679. Zacek, Settler Society in the English Leeward Islands, 57; Eltis, “British Transatlantic Slave Trade,” table 10–1, 198. Total calculation is mine.
62.Council of Montserrat to the Lords of Trade, 13 July 1680, TNA, CO 153/2, pp. 434–437; Council of St. Christopher to the Lords of Trade, 12 June 1680, CO 153/2, pp. 444–452; “Part of a letter to the Royal Company from their factors at Nevis dated 16 July 1680,” CO 1/45, no. 57; Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 1 July 1680, TNA, CO 1/45, no. 33.
63.Stapleton to Blathwayt, 7 June 1682, TNA, CO 153/3, p. 42. An investigation determined that the company had promised Billop “a fourth part” of the seized slave cargo “for encouragement” to pursue interlopers, but he and his crew proceeded to take all they could. Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 18 June 1682, CO 153/3, pp. 45–48; Governor and Council of Nevis to the Lords of Trade, 6 July 1682, CO 153/3, pp. 53–54; Freeman to Stapleton, 26 November 1682, Letters of William Freeman, 316; Christopher Jeaffreson to Edward Thorn, 1 March 1682/3, in Young Squire, 2:36–39.
64.Freeman to Stapleton, 14 September 1682 and 27 September 1682, Letters of William Freeman, 295–296, 304; Blathwayt to Stapleton, 29 September 1682, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 37, folder 3, Leeward Islands; Murison, “Talented Mr. Blathwayt,” 39; Stapleton to the Lords of Trade, 20 December 1682, TNA, CO 153/3, pp. 80–83; Report of the King’s Attorney & Advocate General, 5 June 1683, CO 153/3, p. 96; Jeaffreson to Phipps, 12 February 1683/4, in Young Squire, 2:99; Jeaffreson to Hill, 10 March 1683/4, in Young Squire, 2:111–112. Stapleton remained in office until he voluntarily left for England in 1685.
65.Stede to Blathwayt, 16 May 1687, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 32, folder 3, Barbados; Stede to Blathwayt, 23 July 1687, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 32, folder 3, Barbados; Stede to Blathwayt, 16 March 1688/89, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 32, folder 5, Barbados; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 101.
66.Lord President to the Lords of Trade, 7 August 1686, TNA, CO 153/3, p. 200; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 133; Petition of Nicholas Lynch to Johnson, 23 November 1687, CO 1/63, no. 70; Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 3 March 1688, CO 153/3, pp. 302–317; Instructions to Sir Nathaniel Johnson, 28 November 1686, CO 153/3, pp. 225–226; Petition of the Royal African Company to the Lords of Trade, April 1687, CO 1/62, no. 33; Royal African Company agents in Nevis to the Company, 9 July 1686, CO 1/59, no. 132; Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 2 June 1688, CO 1/64, no. 71; Lords of Trade to Johnson, 18 June 1687, CO 153/3, pp. 264–265; Privy Council to Johnson, 30 July 1687, CO 153/3, p. 271.
67.Capt. Loe’s Information on the State of Nevis, 19 July 1687, TNA, CO 1/62, no. 92; Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 2 June 1688, CO 1/64, no. 71; Pincus, 1688, 154–155; Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 3 March 1688, CO 153/3, pp. 302–317; Representation of Col. Edward Powell, Lieutenant Governor of Antigua, read 8 February 1688, CO 153/3, pp. 288–289; Deputy Governor John Netheway of Nevis, June 27, 1689, CO 153/3, pp. 427–431; K. G. Davies, “The Revolutions in America,” in The Revolutions of 1688: The Andrew Browning Lectures 1988, ed. Robert Beddard (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 251–252; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 133–134. Johnson became governor of South Carolina in 1710.
68.Webb, Governors-General, 480; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 160. In her “pindarick” to Albemarle written on the occasion of his appointment, Aphra Behn noted that in accepting the post, Albemarle “breaks the Lazy Chains.” Aphra Behn, To the Most Illustrious Prince Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, on his Voyage to his Government of Jamaica (London, 1687), 3.
69.Haffenden, “Crown and Colonial Charters, Part II,” 465; Christopher Jeaffreson to Col. Hill, n.d. but 1686, in Young Squire, 2:280; William Bridgeman to Sir Richard Bulstrode, 16 April 1686, Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas at Austin, MS 1416. Many thanks to Brent Sirota for this reference.
70.Commission to the Duke of Albemarle, [November?] 1686, TNA, CO 138/5, pp. 220–241; King’s Order to Albemarle, July 1687, CO 138/5, pp. 333–334; Jamaica in 1687: The Taylor Manuscript at the National Library of Jamaica, ed. David Buisseret (Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2010), 298–299; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 19 December 1687, CO 138/6, pp. 74–80; Instructions to the Duke of Albemarle, 15 March 1686/7, CO 138/5, pp. 261–296.
71.“A List of the Council of Jamaica, as desired by the Duke of Albemarle,” 20 October 1686, TNA, CO 1/60, no. 76; “A Memorandum concerning the D. of Albemarl’s Dispatch,” read 24 October 1686, CO 138/5, pp. 246–247. Albemarle reiterated his request after arriving, and the Lords of Trade agreed to reappoint Morgan in April 1688. Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 19 December 1687, CO 138/6, pp. 74–80; Albemarle to Blathwayt, 11 February 1687/8, Blathwayt Papers, vol. 21, folder 1, Jamaica; Minutes of the Lords of Trade, 10 April 1688, CSPC, vol. 12, no. 1694; Governor Sir Robert Robinson, Bermuda, to Sunderland, 10 August 1687, CSPC, vol. 12, no. 1385; Affidavit of the Mariners of the Sloop Anne, Barbados, 22 October 1687, CSPC, vol. 12, no. 1471; Nathaniel Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 20 February 1688, CO 153/3, pp. 296–300; Proclamation of Molesworth, 27 July 1687, CO 1/62, no. 86; “Circular Letter touching the Lord High Admiral’s Moiety of Wrecks,” 22 October 1687, CO 138/6, pp. 47–49.
72.Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking,” 880; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 17 November 1687, TNA, CO 1/63, no. 68; Molesworth to Blathwayt, 7 December 1687, CO 138/6, pp. 68–74; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 11 February 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 83–87; “Copy of recognizances taken from Masters of vessels going to the wreck,” 31 January 1688, CO 1/64, no. 14; Molesworth to the Lords of the Treasury, 28 February 1688, CO 1/64, nos. 26 and 26I; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 6 March 1688, CO 1/64, no. 30; Molesworth to the Lords of the Treasury, 30 April 1688, CO 1/64, no. 56; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 11 May 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 118–122; Proclamation of the Duke of Albemarle, 4 June 1688, CO 1/65, no. 1; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 6 June 1688, CO 1/65, no. 2; Order of the Duke of Albemarle, 7 June 1688, CO 1/65, no. 4.
73.Petition of the Royal African Company to the King, 3 July 1688, TNA, T 70/169, fol. 54v; Petition to King William III, 28 March 1689, T 70/169, fols. 57–58.
74.Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 6 March 1688, TNA, CO 138/6, pp. 88–93; Col. John Bourden to the Lords of Trade, 7 March 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 102–104; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 16 April 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 109–116; “Samuel Barry’s Petition to the King,” in Interesting Tracts Relating to Jamaica, 212; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 8 August 1688, CO 1/65, no. 38; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 11 May 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 118–122; “Case of Smith Kelly, late Provost Marshal of Jamaica,” [May] 1688, CO 1/64, no. 65; “Memoriall of the African Company,” [19 July 1688], CO 1/65, no. 26; Pincus, 1688, 156–159.
75.Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 16 April 1688, TNA, CO 138/6, pp. 109–116; Deposition of Richard Swanson, 7 July 1688, CO 1/65, no. 38v; Deposition of Thomas Waite, Provost Marshal, 7 July 1688, CO 1/65, no. 38viii; Report of Sir Richard Derham, n.d., CO 1/65, no. 38xiv; “List of Persons fined together with the fines sett on them in his Maties Surpream Court,” August 1688, CO 1/65, no. 45; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 8 August 1688, CO 1/65, no. 38; Albemarle’s Speech to the Assembly, 20 July 1688, CO 1/65, no. 29; Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, 8 August 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 139–143; “Speech of the Speaker of the Assembly of Jamaica,” 20 July 1688, CO 1/65, no. 30.
76.Petition of Hender Molesworth to the King, 12 October 1688, TNA, CO 1/65, no. 68A; Order of the King-in-Council, 12 October 1688, CO 1/65, no. 70; Petition of Charles Sadler, read 12 October 1688, CO 1/ 65, no. 70I; “Memoriall of the African Company,” [19 July 1688], CO 1/65, no. 26; James II to Albemarle, 4 September 1688, CO 138/6, pp. 129–132; Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, 29 November 1688, CSPC, vol. 12, no. 1939; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 161; Petition of Planters and Merchants trading to Jamaica to the King, November 1688, CO 1/65, no. 87; Petition to King William III, 28 March 1689, T 70/169, fols. 57–58; Petition of the Royal African Company to the Lords of Trade, received 23 August 1689, CO 137/2, no. 22; Order of the King-in-Council, 1 December 1688, CO 138/6, p. 145.
77.James II to Stede, 16 October 1688, TNA, CO 29/4, pp. 2–3; J. Mackleburne to Sir Thomas Montgomery, Attorney General of Barbados, 7 February 1688/89, CO 28/1, no. 2.
6. THE 1690S
1.Sir Robert Southwell to the Earl of Nottingham, 23 March 1688/9, Blathwayt Papers, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA, box 3, BL 418; Toby Burnard, “Southwell, Sir Robert (1635–1702),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB)(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/26066 (accessed 2 May 2007).
2.Southwell to Nottingham, 23 March 1688/9, Blathwayt Papers, Huntington Library, box 3, BL 418.
3.G. C. Gibbs, “The Revolution in Foreign Policy,” in Britain after the Glorious Revolution, 1689–1714, ed. Geoffrey Holmes (London: Macmillan, 1969), 57–79; Steve Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), chap. 11; Richard R. Johnson, “The Revolution of 1688–9 in the American Colonies,” in The Anglo-Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and Its World Impact, ed. Jonathan I. Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 230; Stephen Saunders Webb, “William Blathwayt, Imperial Fixer: Muddling through to Empire, 1689–1717,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 26, no. 3 (July 1969): 373–415; I. K. Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy: The Board of Trade in Colonial Administration 1696–1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), chap. 4.
4.Philip J. Stern, The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 145; Alison Gilbert Olson, Making the Empire Work: London and American Interest Groups, 1690–1790 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 9–11, chap. 3; William A. Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave: Politics and the Escalation of Britain’s Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1688–1714,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 64, no. 1 (Jan. 2007): 3–38; Tim Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought, and the Royal African Company,” in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London: Routledge, 1995), 427–466.
5.These are the principal arguments of George L. Cherry, “The Development of the English Free-Trade Movement in Parliament, 1689–1702,” Journal of Modern History 25, no. 2 (June 1953): 103–119; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought”; and Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave.”
6.Gary S. De Krey, A Fractured Society: The Politics of London in the First Age of Party, 1688–1715 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 192–193; Craig Rose, England in the 1690s: Revolution, Religion and War (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 122–130.
7.On the impact of the Glorious Revolution in the American colonies, see David S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America, rev. ed. (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1987); K. G. Davies, “The Revolutions in America,” in Revolutions of 1688: The Andrew Browning Lectures 1988, ed. Robert Beddard (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 246–270; Johnson, “Revolution of 1688–9,” 215–240; Jack P. Greene, Negotiated Authorities: Essays in Colonial Political and Constitutional History (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1994), chap. 4; Richard S. Dunn, “The Glorious Revolution and America,” in Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 1, Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 445–466.
8.K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 122–151; David Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Slaves: Market Behavior in Early English America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 148–150; Ann M. Carlos and Jamie Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company: Fringe Firms and the Role of the Charter,” Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 293; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 11; W. Darrell Stump, “An Economic Consequence of 1688,” Albion 6, no. 1 (Spring 1974): 28–29.
9.Nightingale and others against Bridges, Michaelmas Term, 1 Will & Mary, Roll 397, in Reports of the Cases Adjudged in the Court of King’s Bench, ed. Sir Bartholomew Shower (London: W. Clarke & Son, 1794), 131–139; Stump, “Economic Consequence,” 28–32; James Bohun, “Protecting Prerogative: William III and the East India Trade Debate, 1689–1698,” Past Imperfect 2 (1993): 66, 68; Pincus, 1688, 385–386; Douglass C. North and Barry R. Weingast, “Constitutions and Commitment: The Evolution of Institutions Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth-Century England,” Journal of Economic History 49, no. 4 (Dec. 1989): 803–832; Minute Book of the General Court of the Royal African Company, 15 January 1689/90, The National Archives (TNA), Treasury (T) 70/101, fols. 24–25; Journals of the House of Commons, 27 January 1689/90, 10:345, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=28986#s8 (accessed 19 October 2013).
10.Journals of the House of Commons, 21 April 1690, 10:381–383; 22 April 1690, 10:383–385; 30 April 1690, 10:394–396, http://british-history.ac.uk/source.aspx?pubid=115&month=4&year=1690 (accessed 19 October 2013); 21 October 1690, 10:447–449; 22 October 1690, 10:449–450; 30 October 1690, 10:455–457, http://british-history.ac.uk/source.aspx?pubid=115&month=10&year=1690 (accessed 19 October 2013); 26 November 1690, 10:483–485, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=29089#s3 (accessed 19 October 2013).
11.Davies, Royal African Company, 122–135; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 434; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 12–13; W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910), 2:22; Journals of the House of Commons, 2 March 1694, 11:113–115, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=38985 (accessed 19 October 2013).
12.Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 428–429; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 8, 10. These estimates are based on a comprehensive list gathered by Keirn in appendix II, 458–466.
13.Considerations Humbly Offered To the Honourable House of Commons, by the Planters, in relation to the Bill to settle the Trade to Africa (London, [1697?]); William Wilkinson, Systema Africanum: or a Treatise, Discovering the Intrigues and Arbitrary Proceedings of the Guiney Company (London, 1690), 7–8; D. T. [Dalby Thomas], Considerations on the Trade of Africa, Humbly Offer’d to the Most Honourable House of Lords (London, 1698), 1; Reasons Humbly Offered in behalf of the Plantations, against the Bill for Settling the Trade to Affrica (London, [1698?]); Some Considerations: Humbly Offered to Demonstrate how prejudicial it would be to the English Plantations, Revenues of the Crown, the Navigation and general Good of this Kingdom, that the sole Trade for Negroes should be granted to a Company with a Joynt-Stock exclusive to all others (London, [1698?]), 1; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 431; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 25.
14.D. T. [Dalby Thomas], Considerations on the Trade of Africa, 2, 1; Gentleman in the city, That the Trade to Affrica, is only Manageable by an Incorporated Company and a Joynt Stock (London, [1690?]), 1; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 439.
15.Considerations Concerning the African-Companies Petition ([London], 1698); Some Considerations Humbly Offered, against Granting the Sole Trade to Guiny from Cape Blanco to Cape Lopez, to a Company with a Joint Stock, exclusive of others ([London], 1693), 1; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 15–16; William A. Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672–1752 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 85–90; Considerations Humbly Offered To the Honourable House of Commons; Reasons Humbly Offered in behalf of the Plantations; Dalby Thomas, An Historical Account of the Rise and Growth of the West-India Collonies (London: Jo. Hindmarsh, 1690), 51; Edward Littleton, The Groans of the Plantations: Or, a True Account of their Grievous and Extreme Sufferings By the Heavy Impositions upon Sugar (London: M. Clark, 1689), 6; The Case of the Late African Company, and the Trade to Guiny, and other Parts within the said Company’s Patents (n.p., [1694?]), 3.
16.Council and Assembly of Barbados to the Board of Trade, July 1696, TNA, Colonial Office (CO) 28/3, no. 6; Agents of Barbados to the Board of Trade, 18 November 1696, CO 28/3, no. 18; Remonstrance of the Barbados Assembly, 14 November 1693, CO 31/3, pp. 357–360; Reasons Humbly Offered in behalf of the Plantations; Wilkinson, Systema Africanum, 2–3.
17.Littleton, Groans of the Plantations, 23–26, 7, 21; emphasis in the original. Jack Greene offers a similar interpretation of Littleton’s pamphlet but overemphasizes concepts of “free trade” and “private enterprise.” Greene, Negotiated Authorities, 59–60.
18.Thomas, Historical Account, 1; John Cary, An Essay on the State of England in Relation to its Trade (Bristol: W. Bonny, 1695), 66–67; Cary to Thomas Long, Antigua, 19 August 1696, British Library (BL), Additional Manuscripts (Add MS) 5540, fol. 76; Southwell to Nottingham, 23 March 1688/9, Huntington Library, Blathwayt Papers, box 3, BL 418.
19.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 27; Greene, Negotiated Authorities, chaps. 1 and 3; Jack P. Greene, “Transatlantic Colonization and the Redefinition of Empire in the Early Modern Era,” in Negotiated Empires: Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820, ed. Christine Daniels and Michael V. Kennedy (New York and London: Routledge, 2002), 267–282; Elizabeth Manke, “Negotiating an Empire: Britain and Its Overseas Peripheries, c. 1550–1780,” in Negotiated Empires, 235–265.
20.Some Considerations: Humbly Offered to Demonstrate, 2, 1; Cary, Essay on the State of England, 74–75; Sir Francis Brewster, Essays on Trade and Navigation in Five Parts: The First Part (London: Tho. Cockerill, 1695), 70; Sugar Bakers of Bristol to Thomas Day and Robert Yate, 15 January 1695/6, BL Add MS 5540, fol. 95.
21.Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century,” in The Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 410, table 18.7; Nuala Zahedieh, “London and the Colonial Consumer in the Late Seventeenth Century,” Economic History Review 47, no. 2 (1994): 242, table 2; J. R. Ward, “The Profitability of Sugar Planting in the British West Indies, 1650–1834,” Economic History Review 31, no. 2 (May 1978): 208.
22.The Case of the Late African Company, 1, 2; Considerations Concerning the African-Companies Petition; Some Considerations Humbly Offered, against Granting the Sole Trade, 1.
23.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 8, 11, 17, 35; Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt, 91; Davies, Royal African Company, 104, 133; John Callow, The Making of King James II: The Formative Years of a Fallen King (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2000), 253; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 434; Pincus, 1688, 375; De Krey, A Fractured Society, 137–141. I owe the overarching argument in this paragraph to a conversation with Brent Sirota.
24.Davies, Royal African Company, 81–83, 205; Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Slaves, 150; Carlos and Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company,” 293, 311–312; Scott, The Constitution and Finance, 2:26; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 432–433. Davies estimates the company’s losses from French privateer attacks to have amounted to about £300,000.
25.Davies, Royal African Company, 84–85; Scott, The Constitution and Finance, 2: 26–27, 33; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 11; Bruce G. Carruthers, City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 149.
26.Carruthers, City of Capital, 6–8, 18, 137; Scott, The Constitution and Finance, 1:321, 362; Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, rev. ed. (London and Ronceverte, WV: Hambledon Press, 1987), 26–27.
27.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 17; David Hayton, “The ‘Country’ Interest and the Party System, 1689–c.1720,” in Party and Management in Parliament, 1660–1784, ed. Clyve Jones (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 45; De Krey, A Fractured Society, chap. 5; Holmes, British Politics, 55, 58–63. De Krey calls the Whig transformation “the apostasy of the City Whigs.”
28.Hayton, “’Country’ Interest,” 55–57; Journal of the House of Commons, 24 January 1694, 11: 68–69, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=38954#s5 (accessed 19 October 2013); Pincus, 1688, 595, n. 21; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 28.
29.Nuala Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking, and the Glorious Revolution in the English Atlantic Economy,” Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (2010): 882; Carruthers, City of Capital, 152–153; Stump, “Economic Consequence,” 35; Bohun, “Protecting Prerogative,” 69, 75.
30.Pettigrew rightly points out that with “continued political backing, the company could have been economically successful.” But he dismisses the role political ideology played in obstructing the company’s financial livelihood. Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 7.
31.Davies, Royal African Company, 134–135, 139; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 435.
32.Davies, Royal African Company, 132–133; Journal of the House of Commons, 11 February 1698, 12:97, http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=39552#s13 (accessed 19 October 2013); Rose, England in the 1690s, 93; A. A. Hanham, “Trumbull, Sir William (1639–1716),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/27776 (accessed 6 March 2012). Trumbull does not appear to have owned shares in the African Company, but he did serve as governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company from 1696 to 1700, another old Stuart/Tory commercial institution.
33.Davies, Royal African Company, 133–135; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 435; Zahedieh, “Regulation, rent-seeking,” 883.
34.Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking,” 883; Davies, Royal African Company, 134. Neither Keirn nor Pettigrew explore the origins of the bill or why it passed when it did.
35.Stern, The Company State, 156; Henry Horwitz, “The East India Trade, the Politicians, and the Constitution: 1689–1702,” Journal of British Studies 17, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 11; Bohun, “Protecting Prerogative,” 79–80.
36.Horwitz, “East India Trade,” 11.
37.Robin Hermann, “Money and Empire: The Failure of the Royal African Company,” in The Empire of Credit: The Financial Revolution in the British Atlantic World, 1688–1815, ed. Daniel Carey and Christopher J. Finlay (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2011), 97–119.
38.Rose, England in the 1690s, 93–99; Lois Schwoerer, “No Standing Armies!”: The Antiarmy Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 157, 172; Hayton, “’Country’ Interest,” 57–59.
39.David Eltis, The Rise of Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 208, table 8.3; Davies, Royal African Company, 124; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 433. Zahedieh suggests that collusion among merchants drove up prices. Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking,” 883.
40.Robert Yard to Edmund Poley, 6 November 1691, Edmund Poley Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Osborn Manuscripts (OSB MSS) 1, folder 94; Rose, England in the 1690s, 122–130; Considerations Requiring greater Care for Trade in England (London: Printed for S. Crouch, 1695), 1, 3, 4.
41.[Charles Davenant], An Essay upon the Ways and Means of Supplying the War (London, 1695), 29; James Whitson, The Causes of our Present Calamities In reference to the Trade of the Nation fully discovered (London: Printed for Ed. Poole, 1695/6), 3; Cary, Essay on the State of England, betw. A3 and A4.
42.Robert Yard to Edmund Poley, 19 February 1691/2, Edmund Poley Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 1, folder 98; James Vernon to Blathwayt, 2 June 1693, William Blathwayt Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 2, folder 196; J. R. Jones, Country and Court: England, 1658–1714 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 158–159; Rose, England in the 1690s, 126; Newsletter, 17 November 1692, Newsletters Addressed to Madam Pole, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 60, box 2, folder 31; West-India Merchant, A Brief Account of the Present Declining State of the West-Indies (London: John Harris, 1695), 4, 6–7; Whitson, The Causes of our Present Calamities, 10; Cary, Essay on the State of England, 27. For reports of French disruption of English trade during the war, see Newsletters, 13 August 1692 and 17 December 1693, Newsletters Addressed to Madam Pole, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 60, box 1, folder 25, and box 2, folder 46.
43.John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 168–172; Daniel Baugh, “Maritime Strength and Atlantic Commerce: The Uses of a ‘Grand Marine Empire,” in An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815, ed. Lawrence Stone (London: Routledge, 1994), 185–223; Daniel Baugh, “Great Britain’s ‘Blue-Water’ Policy, 1689–1815,” International History Review 10, no. 1 (Feb. 1988): 33–58; Hayton, “’Country’ Interest,” 59; West-India Merchant, A Brief Account, 3; Shrewsbury to Blathwayt, 28 September 1694, Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury’s Letters to William Blathwayt, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, Osborn b 317.
44.Kendall to the Lords of Trade, 22 August 1690, TNA, CO 28/1, no. 48. For most of the eighteenth century, Jamaica’s demographic reality made it stand out, even in comparison to the other British slave colonies in the region. Trevor Burnard, “A Failed Settler Society: Marriage and Demographic Failure in Early Jamaica,” Journal of Social History (Fall 1994): 63–82; Trevor Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 17.
45.Order of the King-in-Council, 9 January 1689/90, TNA, CO 324/5, pp. 114–116; Kendall to Shrewsbury, 26 June 1690, CO 28/1, no. 48; Report Concerning Monmouth Rebels, 3 November 1690, CO 324/5, pp. 137–140; Lords of Trade to Kendall, 20 November 1690, CO 29/4, fols. 120–121; Privy Council to Governors of Barbados, Leeward Islands and Jamaica, 20 November 1690, CO 324/5, pp. 140–142. For a petition to the king asking that colonial governors be forced to finally free the rebels as per the order, see CO 323/1, no. 6, 13 November 1690.
46.“Annexed observations on the effects of the sugar duty sent to the King and Queen,” 8 October 1689, TNA, CO 31/3, pp. 199–203; Kendall to Earl of Shrewsbury, 26 June 1690, CO 28/1, no. 41; Henry Gemery, “Emigration from the British Isles to the New World, 1630–1700: Inferences from Colonial Populations,” Research in Economic History 5 (1980): 211, table A.1; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 312, table 26; G. H. Guttridge, The Colonial Policy of William III in America and the West Indies (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1966), 62–63; Codrington to the Lords of Trade, 3 August 1690, Calendar of State Papers Colonial: North America and the West Indies, 1574–1739 (CSPC), ed. Karen Ordahl Kuperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton (London: Routledge, 2000), CD-ROM, 13:303–306. In 1691, Codrington noted that “we have so worn out our strength that we have not as many men in the whole of the Islands as we had two years ago in Nevis alone.” Codrington to the Lords of Trade, 13 July 1691, CSPC, 13:507.
47.Edward Littleton and William Bridges to the Lords of Trade, 7 September 1692, TNA, CO 28/1, no. 89; Littleton and Bridges to the Lords of Trade, 15 March 1693/2, CO 28/2, no. 9; Petition from Barbados Planters to William III, 30 November 1693, CO 28/2, no. 32I; Memorial of the Barbados Agents, December 1693, CO 28/2, no. 39; Jerome S. Handler, “Freedmen and Slaves in the Barbados Militia,” Journal of Caribbean History 19, no. 1 (1984): 1.
48.Newsletter 9 August 1692, Newsletters Addressed to Madam Pole, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 60, box 1, folder 25; Robert Yard to Edmund Poley, 12 August 1692, Edmund Poley Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 1, folder 103; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 163; Council of Jamaica to the Lords of Trade, 13 September 1692, TNA, CO 140/5, p. 216; Council of Jamaica to Nottingham, 24 December 1692, CO 140/5, pp. 233–234.
49.Sir William Beeston to Sir John Trenchard, 23 June 1694, TNA, CO 138/7, pp. 192–196; “A Narrative by Sir William Beeston of the Descent on Jamaica by the French,” 23 June 1694, BL Add MS 12430, fols. 4–13; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 163; Guttridge, Colonial Policy of William III, 69; Beeston to the Lords of Trade, 7 August 1694, CO 137/1, fols. 190–191; Shrewsbury to William Blathwayt, 30 October 1694, Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury’s Letters to William Blathwayt, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, Osborn b 317; John Oldmixon, The British empire in America, containing the history of the discovery, settlement, progress and state of the British colonies on the continent and islands of America (London, 1741), 2:331; Peter M. Voelz, Slave and Soldier: The Military Impact of Blacks in the Colonial Americas (New York: Garland Publishing, 1993), 30; Newsletters, 18 October 1694, 18 August 1694, and 21 August 1694, Newsletters Addressed to Madam Pole, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 60, box 3, folders 67 and 70. For more on Beeston, see Frank Cundall, The Governors of Jamaica in the Seventeenth Century (London: West India Committee, 1936), 143–165; Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 231, 292.
50.Minutes of the Council of War of Jamaica, 31 May 1694, CSPC, 14:291, no. 1074; Beeston to Blathwayt, 7 August 1694, The William Blathwayt Papers at Colonial Williamsburg 1631–1722 (Frederick, MD: UPA Academic Editions, 1989), microfilm, vol. 21, folder 3, Jamaica; Beeston to the Lords of Trade, 26 August 1694, TNA, CO 138/8, pp. 14–19; Beeston to the Lords of Trade, 7 August 1694, CO 137/1, fols. 190–191; Shrewsbury to Blathwayt, 28 September 1694, Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury’s Letters to William Blathwayt, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, Osborn b 317; James Vernon to Lexington, 1 January 1694/5, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46527, fols. 39–40.
51.Philip D. Morgan and Andrew Jackson O’Shaughnessy, “Arming Slaves in the American Revolution,” in Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, ed. Christopher Leslie Brown and Philip D. Morgan (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 180–208; Voelz, Slave and Soldier, esp. chap. 2; Handler, “Freedmen and Slaves”; Benjamin Quarles, “The Colonial Militia and Negro Manpower,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45, no. 4 (Mar. 1959): 643–652; Susan Dwyer Amussen, Caribbean Exchanges: Slavery and the Transformation of English Society, 1640–1700 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 168; Burnard, Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire, 176–177.
52.Brewer, Sinews of Power, 29–32, 171; Allan Macinnes, Union and Empire: The Making of the United Kingdom in 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 182, 184, 193; Rose, England in the 1690s, 126–130; Bruce P. Lenman, “Colonial Wars and Imperial Instability, 1688–1793,” in The Eighteenth Century, ed. P. J. Marshall, vol. 2, The Oxford History of the British Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 151–168. Among those cited here, the exception is Macinnes, who considers imperial policies during the Nine Years’ War in relation to political economy and population, although he does not consider colonial slavery.
53.Beeston to the Board of Trade, 4 July 1696, TNA, CO 137/4, no. 8; Greene, Negotiated Authorities, 84–86.
54.Peter Laslett, “John Locke, the Great Recoinage, and the Origins of the Board of Trade: 1695–1698,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 14, no. 3 (July 1957): 374–392; Patrick Kelly, “’Monkey’ Business: Locke’s ‘College’ Correspondence and the Adoption of the Plan for the Great Recoinage of 1696,” Locke Studies 9 (2009): 139–165; Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 10; Jones, Country and Court, 271; Rose, England in the 1690s, 137; Vernon to Lexington, 29 November 1695, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46527, fol. 95.
55.Rose, England in the 1690s, 138, 141; De Krey, A Fractured Society, 192–193. For evidence of the scarcity of money in the wake of this legislation, see John Ellis to Lord Lexington, 10 July 1696, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46525, fols. 67–68; James Vernon to Lexington, 6 October 1696, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46527, fol. 118.
56.Considerations Requiring greater Care for Trade, 15; Whitson, Causes of our Present Calamities, 5–7; Cary, Essay on the State of England, 139–141; Brewster, Essays on Trade and Navigation, 37–40. Those asked to present their ideas included John Locke, now at his height of influence over the Whig ministry (although he did not hold an official government position); Sir Christopher Wren; Sir Isaac Newton; Sir Josiah Child; Charles Davenant; and Sir Gilbert Heathcote. Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 11–18; Laslett, “John Locke, the Great Recoinage,” 375–376, 384–385, 389; John Ellis to Lexington, 3 January 1695/6, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46525, fol. 63; Blathwayt to Lexington, 3/13 January 1695/6, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46528B, fol. 9.
57.James Vernon to Lexington, 3 March 1695/6, and March 6, 1695/6, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS 46527, fol. 112–113; John Ellis to Lexington, 13 March 1695/6, Lexington Papers, BL Add MS, fol. 66; Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 16–23; “Clauses in the Commission for Trade,” ca. 1696, William Blathwayt Papers, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection, Beinecke Library, OSB MSS 2, folder 76. For Bridgewater’s papers and notes from Board of Trade meetings, see Huntington Library, Ellesmere Collection, Americana, EL 9571–9881; for Abraham Hill’s papers, see BL Sloane MS 2902.
58.“Proposals of the Jamaica merchants for the better carrying on and securing the trade of Jamaica,” 18 September 1696, TNA, CO 138/9, pp. 2–4; Journal of the Board of Trade, 18 September 1696, CO 391/9, pp. 115–119; Beeston to Blathwayt, 19 June 1696, CO 137/4, no. 7; Journal of the Board of Trade, 2 October 1696, CO 391/9, pp. 151–153; “A Memorial from the Jamaica merchants & planters representing the weak state of that island,” 16 December 1696, CO 137/4, no. 38; and 11 December 1696, CO 391/9, p. 227; Journal of the Board of Trade, 25 November 1696, CO 391/9, pp. 249–250; Jamaica Entry Book, Board of Trade, 3 December 1696, CO 138/9, pp. 53–57; Journal of the Board of Trade, 7 December 1696, CO 391/9, pp. 266–267; Journal of the Board of Trade, 10 December 1696, CO 391/9, pp. 271–272 and 1 January 1696/7, CO 391/9, pp. 318–319; Board of Trade to William III, Jamaica Entry Book, 19 December 1696, CO 138/9, pp. 59–61; Order of the King-in-Council, 31 December 1696, CO 137/4, no. 40. Gracedieu had traded to and from Jamaica since at least 1686; he was a nonconformist and a Whig who served on the City of London’s Common Council and was Jamaica’s agent in London from 1693 to 1704. Perry Gauci, “Gracedieu, Sir Bartholomew (c.1657–1715),” in ODNB, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/49752 (accessed 9 May 2014).
59.Journal of the Board of Trade, 1 January 1696/7, 6 January 1696/7, 15 January 1696/7, 25 January 1696/7, TNA, CO 391/9, pp. 318–319, 329–330, 350–351, 366–367; Heathcote to William Popple, 18 March 1696/7, CO 137/4, no. 50.
60.Petition from Jeffrey Yellowton to the Board of Trade, 8 March 1696/7, TNA, CO 137/4, no. 48; “Opinion of the Agents of Jamaica upon Mr. Wellowton’s Proposal,” n.d., CO 137/4, no. 48I; Journal of the Board of Trade, 8 March 1696/7, 15 March 1696/7, 19 March 1696/7, 16 April 1697, CO 391/10, pp. 10, 28, 37–38, 75.
61.Journal of the Board of Trade, 22 October 1697, TNA, CO 391/10, pp. 322–324.
62.Journal of the Board of Trade, 28 June 1697, TNA, CO 391/10, pp. 135–136; Board of Trade to the Lords Justices of England, Jamaica Entry Book, 6 July 1697, CO 138/9, p. 113; Proclamation of Governor Beeston and the Council of Jamaica, 25 February 1697/8, CO 140/6, pp. 78–79; Act of the Governor, Council, and General Assembly of Barbados, June 1696, CO 28/3, no. 44I; Council of Barbados to the Board of Trade, 12 July 1698, CO 28/3, no. 68. Such laws had existed in Barbados since the creation of the 1661 servant and slave codes. I owe this point to a conversation with Jessica Luther.
63.“Copy of a Representation of ye Commissioners for Trade & Plantations relating to ye general state of the Trade of this Kingdom,” 23 December 1697, BL Add MS 46542, fols. 24–33.
7. THE SLAVE TRADE, THE ASIENTO, AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST
1.K. G. Davies, The Royal African Company (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 140; D. A. G. Waddell, “Queen Anne’s Government and the Slave Trade,” Caribbean Quarterly 6, no. 1 (1960): 7–10.
2.Elizabeth Donnan, “The Early Days of the South Sea Company, 1711–1718,” Journal of Economic and Business History 2, no. 3 (May 1930): 419–450; John Carswell, The South Sea Bubble (London: Cresset Press, 1961), chap. 3.
3.Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), chap. 6.
4.Royal African Company to agents Buckeridge, Cooper, and Browne, 7 July 1698, The National Archives (TNA), Treasury (T) 70/51, fols. 5–6; Davies, Royal African Company, 139; Letter from the Royal African Company to its agents in the West Indies, n.d., T 70/58, fol. 149; William Beeston to the Board of Trade, 5 January 1699/1700, Colonial Office (CO) 137/5, no. 13. David Eltis has estimated that in Barbados the average cost of one slave in 1689 was approximately £14; by 1700 the price had risen to £25. Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 152, table 6-I. Nuala Zahedieh argues that collusion among merchants drove up prices. Nuala Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking, and the Glorious Revolution in the English Atlantic Economy,” Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (2010): 883.
5.Royal African Company to Buckeridge, Freeman, and Wallis, Cape Coast Castle, 29 August 1699, TNA, T 70/51, fols. 21–23; 27 February 1699/1700, T 70/51, fols. 48–49; 11 June 1700, T 70/51, fols. 61–63; Royal African Company to Freeman, Peck, and Hicks, 8 January 1701/2, T 70/51, fols. 109–113; Royal African Company to Browne, Peck, and Hicks, 23 July 1702, T 70/51, fols. 131–133; Royal African Company to Gresham, Gile, and Rayner, 3 December 1700, T 70/51, fols. 74–76; Royal African Company to Seth Grosvenor, Winneba, 26 June 1707, T 70/52, fol. 98.
6.David Eltis, “The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 58, no. 1 (Jan. 2001): 43, table I; Tim Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought, and the Royal African Company,” in Early Modern Conceptions of Property, ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves (London: Routledge, 1995), 433; Ann Carlos and Jamie Brown Kruse, “The Decline of the Royal African Company: Fringe Firms and the Role of the Charter,” Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 311. The separate traders’ ability to outperform the company did not go unnoticed by its directors: Royal African Company to Sir Dalby Thomas, 12 October 1705, TNA, T 70/52, fols. 54–55.
7.Davies, Royal African Company, 140; Waddell, “Queen Anne’s Government,” 7–10; John Perry to the Board of Trade, 5 December 1707, TNA, CO 389/20, pp. 28–29; Angus McInnes, “The Appointment of Harley in 1704,” Historical Journal 11, no. 2 (1968): 255–271; Julian Hoppit, A Land of Liberty? England 1689–1727 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 294–295; Ian K. Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy: The Board of Trade in Colonial Administration 1696–1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 110–114, 132; Stephen Saunders Webb, “William Blathwayt, Imperial Fixer: Muddling Through to Empire, 1689–1717,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 26, no. 3 (July 1969): 413–414; Godfrey Davies, “The Fall of Harley in 1708,” English Historical Review 66, no. 259 (Apr. 1951): 246–254; G. S. Holmes and W. A. Speck, “The Fall of Harley in 1708 Reconsidered,” English Historical Review 80, no. 317 (Oct. 1965): 673–698.
8.William A. Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave: Politics and the Escalation of Britain’s Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1688–1714,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 64, no. 1 (Jan. 2007): 17; Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 127; William A. Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672–1752 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 40; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 436; William Popple to John Perry, 15 December 1707, TNA, CO 389/20, pp. 38–39; Popple to the Separate Traders, 15 December 1707, CO 389/20, pp. 40–44; “Response of the Separate Traders to the Board of Trade’s Queries,” 2 January 1707/8, CO 389/20, pp. 61–75; Benjamin Way to the Board of Trade, 2 January 1707/8, CO 389/20, pp. 76–92; Royal African Company to the Board of Trade, 18 December 1707, CO 389/20, pp. 52–53 and T 70/ 175, fol. 6; Davies, Royal African Company, 140.
9.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 16; Board of Trade’s Report on African Trade to Queen Anne, 3 February 1707/8, TNA, CO 389/20, pp. 115–46; Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 127–128.
10.Great Britain, Parliament, An Act for the Better Improvement of the Trade to Africa, by Establishing a Regulated Company ([London?]: J. Tonson, 1708); Steele, Politics of Colonial Policy, 128; “Memorial of the Separate Traders to Africa,” 8 December 1708, TNA, CO 389/20, pp. 232–239; Report of the Separate Traders, 29 November 1709, CO 389/20, pp. 487–495; “Circular letter to the Governors of Several Plantations,” Board of Trade Entry Books, 15 April 1708, CO 324/9, pp. 165–170, and copy in CO 389/20, pp. 301–304, as part of the January 1709 report; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 22.
11.Sample Petition to Barbados, n.d., TNA, T 70/58, pp. 167–168; Royal African Company to Agents in Barbados, 20 April 1708, T 70/58, pp. 168–169. The company had solicited petitions from the colonies since at least 1707 (see T 70/58, pp. 139 and 149). For pro-company petitions signed by planters, see T 70/175, fols. 39, 43–44, 45. A printed version of the Barbados petition appeared in 1711: To the Queen’s Most Excellent Majesty, The humble Petition of several Planters, and other the Inhabitants of your Majesty’s Island of Barbadoes (n.p., [1711]). For anti-company petitions to Parliament, see T 70/175, fol. 78 (Dartmouth), f. 80 (Lancaster), fol. 83 (Whitehaven), fol. 83 (Plymouth), fol. 84 (Bridgewater), fol. 88 (Birmingham), fols. 88–89 (London), fol. 90 (Bristol), fol. 90 (London). For a different view of the African Company’s ability to adapt to the changing political culture, see Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 8–10; Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt, chap. 5.
12.An Account of the Number of Negroes delivered in to the Islands of Barbadoes, Jamaica, and Antego, from the Year 1698 to 1708, since the Trade was Opened, taken from the Accounts sent from the respective Governours of those Islands to the Lords Commissioners of Trade … (London, [1709?]); Davies, Royal African Company, 143, n. 1; Board of Trade’s Report on the African Trade to the House of Commons, 27 January 1708/9, TNA, CO 389/20, pp. 275–313; Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery, 208, table 8.3; “Some general observations and particular remarks on the report made by the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations,” 3 January 1708/9, T 70/175, fols. 47–51; Board of Trade to John Perry, 27 January 1708/9, CO 389/20, pp. 274–275.
13.I have calculated these numbers from Tim Keirn’s list of pamphlets at the end of his article. Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 438, 458–466.
14.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 7–10; Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt, 19; Waddell, “Queen Anne’s Government,” 9. The company’s enemies derided this practice by referring to “the Hackney Scriblers of the African Company” and the “Suggestions cook’d up by the mercenary Writers of the Town, and daily given out in the lobby,” on the part of the company. Observations On Some of the African Company’s late Printed Papers ([London?], [1709?]), 1; The African Trade in no Danger of being Lost, Otherwise than by the Designs of the Company (London, [1711?]), 1.
15.The Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d; But more especially that of the Island of Barbadoes (London: John Morphew, 1713), 25; A Letter to a Member of Parliament Concerning the African Trade (n.p., [1709?]), 3; The Case of the Separate Traders to Africa With Remarks on the African-Company’s Memorial (n.p., [1709?]), 2; A True State of the Present Difference Between the Royal African Company, and the Separate Traders (London: 1710), 32.
16.Some Observations on Extracts taken out of the Report from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations ([London], [1708]), 2; A Planter, Some Observations Shewing the Danger of Losing the Trade of the Sugar Colonies (London, 1714), 14; The Scandalous Political Arithmetick (as they term it) of the Private Traders detected ([England?], [1708?]) (printed copy in TNA, T 70/175, f. 19); [Charles Davenant], A Clear Demonstration, from Points of Fact, That the Recovery, Preservation and Improvement of Britain’s share of the Trade to Africa, is wholly owing to the Industry, Care and Application of the Royal African Company ([London?], [1709?]), 4; [Charles Davenant], Several Arguments proving, that our Trade to Africa, cannot be preserved and carried on effectually by any other Method, than that of a considerable Joint-Stock, with exclusive Privileges ([London], [1709?]), 3. Pettigrew argues that the main difference between the two sets of pamphlets was the inclusion of complaints about the African Company from tobacco planters and merchants in the 1700s. Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 23.
17.The British Interest on the Coast of Africa Consider’d, with the Interest of other Europeans, and the Politicks they used for Carrying on that Trade (London, 1708); A Memorial touching the Nature and present State of the Trade to Africa ([1709?]), 2, 7; Some Considerations on the Late Act of Parliament, for Setling the Trade to Africa (London, [1709?]); An Explanation of the African-Company’s Property in the Sole Trade to Africa, Making their Right equal with any Subject’s Right to his Freehold (London, 1712), 5; [Charles Davenant], Several Arguments, 1; [Davenant], A Clear Demonstration, 3.
18.Memorial touching the Nature, 4; Daniel Defoe, A Brief Account of the Present State of the African Trade, in The Political and Economic Writings of Daniel Defoe, vol. 7, Trade, ed. John McVeagh (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2000), 62; Some Considerations On the Late Act of Parliament; A few Remarks proper to be regarded in the Establishment of the African Trade (n.p., [1709?]), 1; The British Interest on the Coast of Africa Consider’d; Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d, 28; A Planter, Some Observations, 13, 8.
19.A Planter, Some Observations, 7, 8; [Davenant], Several Arguments, 2, 3; The Case of the Royal African Company (n.p., [1709?]), 1, 2; Reasons against the Bill for the better Improvement of the Trade to Africa, by Establishing a Regulated-Company ([1709?]), 1; Some Considerations on the Late Act of Parliament (London, [1709?]); [Davenant], A Clear Demonstration, 4.
20.The African Companies Considerations on the Late Act of Parliament for Settling the Trade to Africa, Answer’d Paragraph by Paragraph (London, [1708?]); The Case of the Separate Traders to Africa. With Remarks on the African-Company’s Memorial ([1709?]), 1, 2; A Letter from a Merchant in Bristol. touching the Trade to Africa, as it relates to the Out-ports of Great Britain ([London], 1711), 1; True State of the Present Difference, 19, 22; Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, 15.
21.Case of the Separate Traders to Africa, 1; Letter to a Member of Parliament touching the African Trade, 1; A Second Letter to a Member of Parliament, relating to the settling the trade to Africa (London, 1710), 1.
22.African Companies Considerations; True State of the Present Difference, 29; The African Company’s Property to the Forts and Settlements in Guinea, Consider’d; and the Necessity of establishing the Trade in a Regulated Company, Demonstrated (1709), 3; Letter to a Member of Parliament Concerning the African Trade, 1; Considerations upon the Trade to Guinea (London, 1708), 16.
23.Considerations upon the Trade to Guinea, 13–14, 19, 21–22; True State of the Present Difference, 34; A Letter to a Member of Parliament Concerning the African Trade, 2; African Companies Considerations; Case of the Separate Traders to Africa, 1; Reasons for Establishing the African Trade under a Regulated Company (n.p., 1709), 1; Letter from a Merchant in Bristol; Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, 6, 30; Reasons for Establishing the African Trade under a Regulated Company, 2; Letter to a Member of Parliament, 3.
24.Gary S. De Krey, A Fractured Society: The Politics of London in the First Age of Party, 1688–1715 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 213–215; Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, rev. ed. (London: Hambleton Press, 1987), 172–174; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 161–166.
25.De Krey, Fractured Society, 223–224; Holmes, British Politics, 174; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 167.
26.Hoppit, A Land of Liberty?, 302–306; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 168, 195–196; De Krey, Fractured Society, 239–241; John G. Sperling, The South Sea Company: An Historical Essay and Bibliographical Finding List (Boston: Baker Library, Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, 1962), 7; Bruce G. Carruthers, City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 153.
27.Sperling, South Sea Company, 3; Carruthers, City of Capital, 152–154; Carswell, South Sea Bubble, 53; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 197, 200–201; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 422; “Remarkes upon the Act None Annae R. for Erecting a Corporation for carrying on a Trade to the South Seas,” n.d., but probably late 1711, British Library (BL), Harley MS 6393, pp. 3–6; “Explanatory Observations on the South Sea Trade and Company,” n.d., but likely 1711, fols. 239–246, BL Additional Manuscripts (Add MS) 70163; A True Account of the Design, and Advantages of the South-Sea Trade (London: J. Morphew, 1711).
28.This point was hotly debated in the Commons and was strongly opposed by a small group of staunch Whigs, led by Robert Walpole, who understood Harley’s plan to keep them out of positions of power. J. G. Sperling, “The Division of 25 May 1711, on an Amendment to the South Sea Bill: A Note of the Reality of Parties in the Age of Anne,” Historical Journal 4, no. 2 (1961): 191–202; Carruthers, City of Capital, 153.
29.De Krey, Fractured Society, 241–243; Carruthers, City of Capital, 152–154; Holmes, British Politics, 174–175, 197; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 189–190; Carswell, South Sea Bubble, 57–58 and chap. 2 more generally; Sperling, South Sea Company, 5–6. For more on the “clashing financial interests” of Whigs and Tories during Anne’s reign, see Holmes, British Politics, chap. 5.
30.Carswell, South Sea Bubble; P. G. M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England: A Study in the Development of Public Credit, 1688–1756 (London: Macmillan, 1967), chaps.5–6; Sperling, South Sea Company, 11–12, 25–38; Richard Dale, The First Crash: Lessons from the South Sea Bubble (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004); Colin Palmer, Human Cargoes: The British Slave Trade to Spanish America, 1700–1739 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981); Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, chap. 6; Adriane Finucane, “The South Sea Company and Anglo-Spanish Connections, 1713–1739,” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2010). For a corrective on the significance of the South Sea Bubble, see Julian Hoppit, “The Myths of the South Sea Bubble,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 12 (2002): 141–165.
31.Memorial Touching the Nature, 6. Davenant made the same argument, using almost the same wording, in Several Arguments, 2–3. A Planter, Some Observations, 9–10; An Address relating to the African Company, to be presented to Her Majesty (London, 1711), 1; Observations on Some of the African Company’s late Printed Papers, 1; True State of the Present Difference, 33.
32.Proposals for Raising a New Company for Carrying on the Trades of Africa and the Spanish West-Indies, Under the Title of The United Company (London: John Morphew, 1709), 3, 4, 5, 7–8. One pro–African Company pamphleteer took issue with this proposal. See Some short Remarks, on two Pamphlets lately Printed (London, 1709).
33.Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 205–206; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 424.
34.Some Observations upon a late Pamphlet, Intitled, A Modest Representation of the Past and Present State of Great Britain (London: A. Baldwin, 1711), 10; Some Queries, Which being Nicely Answered May Tend Very Much to the Encouragement of the South-Sea Company (1711); Daniel Defoe, The True State of the Case between the Government and the Creditors of the Navy, &c. As it Relates to the South-Sea-Trade (London: J. Baker, 1711), 10–11; A Letter to a Member of Parliament, on the Settling a Trade to the South-Sea of America (London: J. Phillips, 1711), 4, 8. For more on Defoe’s pamphlet, see Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 211.
35.“Explanatory Observations on the South Sea Trade and Company,” n.d., but likely 1711, fols. 239–246, BL Add MS 70163, Portland Papers, Papers of Robert Harley, First Earl of Oxford. This manuscript matches Defoe’s pamphlet A True Account of the Design, and Advantages of the South-Sea Trade (London, J. Morphew, 1711). Robert Allen, Essay on the Nature and Methods of Carrying on a Trade to the South-Sea (London: John Baker, 1712), 21, 22; Letter from an Exchange Broker to a Country Gentleman, Concerning Peace and South-Sea Stock (London, 1711), 14.
36.Defoe, True Account of the Design, and Advantages, 20; Defoe, Brief Account of the Present State of the African Trade, 75.
37.“An Account of the Proceedings of the Court of Directors of the South Sea Company from their first institution in relation to Trade,” fols. 13–16v, minutes for 10 June, 11 June, 17 June, 19 June, 21 July, 22 July, 28 July, 29 July, 13 August, and 20 October 1713, BL King’s MS 73; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 428–429, 432; The Assiento; or Contract, for Allowing the Subjects of Great Britain the Liberty of Importing Negroes into the Spanish America (London: John Baskett, 1713); Finucane, “South Sea Company,” chap. 1.
38.Resolution of the Royal African Company, 11 September 1713, enclosed in a letter from Oxford to James Bateman, 15 September 1713, BL Add MS 25562, fol. 6; Royal African Company to Grosvenor, Phipps, and Bleau, Cape Coast Castle, 22 October 1713, TNA, T 70/52, fols. 177–179; “The humble Proposition of the Royal African Company of England & of their creditors united with them,” 26 June 1713, BL Add MS 70165, no. 82.
39.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 28–29; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, chap. 6.
40.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 29–30; Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 437; An Explanation of the African-Company’s Property in the Sole Trade to Africa (London, 1712), 13; Advertisement of the Royal African Company, 9 July 1712, TNA, T 70/58, f. 214.
41.Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 27–28; Minute Book of the General Court of the Royal African Company, 18 June 1712, TNA, T 70/ 101, fols. 141–142; Defoe, Present State of the African Trade, 64, 65.
42.Defoe, Present State of the African Trade, 66, 69; “The humble Proposition of the Royal African Company of England & of their creditors united with them,” 26 June 1713, BL Add MS 70165, no. 82; John Lade, Andrew Hopegood, and Thomas Pindar of the Royal African Company to Lord Oxford, 27 June 1713, BL Add MS 70165, no. 81; A Planter, Some Observations, Shewing the Danger of Losing the Trade of the Sugar Colonies, 14; Pettigrew, “Free to Enslave,” 30–32. Tim Keirn suggests that the African Company “abandoned all pretences of regaining its privileges after 1712, and saw its future as subordinate to the more dynamic and politically viable projects promoted by the Tory leadership.” Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought,” 437.
43.Archibald Hamilton to the Board of Trade, 22 March 1713/14, TNA, CO 137/10, pt. 2, no. 51; James Bateman to Bolingbroke, 30 September 1713, BL Add MS 25559, fols. 20v–21v; Palmer, Human Cargoes, chap. 3; Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 221; Memorandum from Royal African Company to South Sea Company, 27 July 1714, T 70/38, no page number; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 449. For a narrative of the activities and problems of the South Sea Company in relation to the asiento during its first years, see Papers of the South Sea Company, BL King’s MS 73.
44.Petition of the Council and Assembly of Jamaica to the Queen, 24 December 1713, TNA, CO 137/10, pt. 2, no. 45I; Zahedieh, “Regulation, Rent-seeking,” 877–881; Present State of the Sugar Plantations Consider’d, 29; J. Ury to James Stanhope, 25 May 1715, BL Add MS 25559, fol. 50v.
45.Palmer, Human Cargoes, 62–66; James Bateman and Samuel Shepheard to James Stanhope, 28 February 1715/16, BL Add MS 25559, fols. 58–58v; Francis March, John Carver, Ezekiel Gomersall, and W. Hering to the Board of Trade, 8 March 1715/16, TNA, CO 137/11, no. 7; South Sea Company petition to the King-in-Council, read 31 October 1717, CO 137/12, pt. 2, no. 92I, and BL Add MS 25559, fols. 66–66v; Board of Trade report to the King-in-Council, 21 December 1717, CO 138/16, pp. 32–43.
46.Board of Trade report to the King-in-Council, 21 December 1717, TNA, CO 138/16, pp. 32–43; Order of the Privy Council, 9 January 1717/18, BL Add MS 25562, fols. 76v–77; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 442.
47.Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, 222–223; Finucane, “South Sea Company,” 88–92; Donnan, “Early Days of the South Sea Company,” 450.
CONCLUSION
1.Jack P. Greene, “Liberty, Slavery, and the Transformation of British Identity in the Eighteenth-Century West Indies,” Slavery and Abolition 21, no. 1 (Apr. 2000): 1–31.