The first half of the seventh century is situated deep in what is traditionally called the Dark Ages. The period is dark in many ways. It was a violent time, where races clashed and kingdoms were created and destroyed by the sword.
Men with ambition ruled kingdoms with small numbers of warriors – their gesithas, or retinue of companions. Although they professed kingship tracing back their claim through ancestors all the way to the gods themselves, I imagine them to be more akin to gangsters, or the cattle barons of the American West of the nineteenth century. Each vied for dominance over the land, clashing with other kings in battles which were little more than turf wars. They exacted payment in tribute from their ceorls, or churls – the peasants that lived on their land. This was basically protection money to keep the king and his retinue stocked up with weapons, food and luxuries, so that they would be at hand to defend the populace against the dangers of a largely lawless land.
Throw into this mix racial tensions and the expansion of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes from the east of Britain, enslaving and subjugating the older inhabitants of the island – the Waelisc, as the continental invaders called all foreigners (and the word that spawned the modern name for Wales, Welsh and Cornwall), and you have a situation not unlike the American “Wild West”. Invaders from the east, with superior fighting power destroying a proud culture that inhabited the land long before they came. As the Seaxons pushed further westward, there would inevitably have been a frontier where any semblance of control from the different power factions was weak at best and at worst totally absent. As in the Wild West of cowboys and Native Americans, men and women who wished to live outside of the laws laid down by their societies would have gravitated into these vacuums of power.
As if that wasn’t enough, there is also the clash at this time of several major religions. Many of the native Britons would worship the same gods they had believed in for centuries whilst many others worshipped Christ; the Angelfolc (the name used by Bede and adopted in the novel to describe the people who would eventually become known as the English) were just beginning to be converted to Christianity, but many still worshipped the old pantheon of Woden and Thunor (more commonly known by modern-day readers by the Norse names of Odin and Thor). Christianity itself was being spread from two main power bases: the island of Hii (Iona), where the Irish tradition had taken root, and Rome, from where Italian priests, such as Paulinus had been sent. Christianity would eventually sweep all other religions away before it, and the disagreements on the finer points of theology would later be settled at the Synod of Whitby (but that is for another book).
Above all else, the Dark Ages is an apt name for this period, due to the lack of first-hand written accounts. Much of what we know comes from writings that were penned many years later. Two principal sources are Bede’s “A History of the English Church and People” and the “Anglo-Saxon Chronicle”, which was written by many nameless scribes over centuries. Earlier accounts of Germanic and Celtic tribes by Tacitus, a Roman historian, are also useful for inferring what the early Anglo-Saxon cultures were like.
The fact that it is a time seen as “through a glass, darkly” makes it a perfect time to write about. An author does not have a free hand, but there are certainly more areas of uncertainty than with many other periods, allowing a level of flexibility to tell an exciting tale against a backdrop of turmoil and conflict.
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Many of the characters, places and events in the book existed. Edwin was the king of Northumbria (and declared by Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as Bretwalda, or king of the whole of Britain) until 633 when he was killed in the battle of Elmet (also known as Hatfield Chase, or Haethfeld) at the hands of Cadwallon ap Cadfan (or Cadwalla) of Gwynedd and Penda of Mercia.
Following the battle, which took place about eight miles north-east of modern Doncaster, his wife, Ethelburga, and remaining children fled to Kent (Cantware) with Paulinus and Bassus. Bassus is mentioned by Bede and described as a “gallant thegn of King Edwin”, so he must have been a character of some standing. The rest of Bassus’ exploits are my invention.
The land of Northumbria descended into a period of barbarous lawlessness, in which Cadwallon wreaked havoc on the people. Bede describes how he ravaged “them with ghastly slaughter” and that “this year is looked upon by all good men as despicable and shameful”.
Eanfrith and Osric took control of Bernicia and Deira respectively, but were both killed within the year by the implacable Cadwallon. It seems incredible that Eanfrith would travel to speak with Cadwallon with only twelve of his thegns, allowing himself to be dispatched easily. However, this is what is told in the written accounts. Having Eanfrith believe Cadwallon was an ally (as suggested by D. P. Kirby in the book, The Earliest English Kings) seemed to provide a plausible background to that event.
Beobrand recalls the atmosphere of the Thrimilci celebrations. This May Day festival (also known as Beltane by the Celts) literally meant ‘three-milk month’. It was a festival of spring and fecundity when, after the long months of winter, cows could be milked three times a day.
The royal villa of Gefrin was destroyed by fire around 633, so it seems likely it was burnt by Cadwallon’s forces as they ransacked the land. Again, Eanfrith’s naive acceptance of a pact with Cadwallon gave me an excuse to have the king and his retinue there, rather than at the more defensible Bebbanburg.
I have taken some liberties with the location of the river at the site of Gefrin. The River Glen actually runs to the north of the site, not the south. However, there is a stream to the south-west, which I have decided was a larger waterway in the seventh century.
Eanfrith’s son, Talorcan, becomes a historical figure of some importance. The name of his mother, a Pictish princess, is unknown, but I have given her the name Finola (a simplified form of the name Fionnguala).
The tale of Eanfrith’s brother, Oswald, will be told in subsequent stories, so I will not go into detail here, but I took the decision to have him already present in Bernicia at the time of his brother’s demise, ready to pick up the pieces; to seize the moment and the throne.
At this time, many small monastic orders appeared. Some flourished and grew into great medieval monasteries, others faded away or were destroyed. The fate of Engelmynster is yet to be seen, but it is a purely fictional place.
Battles are often portrayed in fiction as huge affairs of thousands of well-armoured men. It is much more likely that battles in this period were between relatively small groups of warriors. There were very few professional soldiers and in a time when the whole of Great Britain had a population of about one million people, it is unlikely that even the largest battles had more than a few hundred people on either side. When kings called upon the fyrd, when each ealdorman would bring his people to war, it is probable that only a small proportion would have had armour and highly-specialised and expensive weapons like swords. Most would have had no armour save for a shield, and would only have carried a spear, which was the mainstay of infantry weaponry. The most common bladed weapon was the seax, a single-edged knife, which gave the Germanic tribes the name native Britons used to describe them: Seaxon.
I took the liberty of adding some langseaxes (a longer seax) into the novel, despite them not appearing until later in history.
It was common practice for the members of a lord’s comitatus, his closest gesithas, to give up their lives in battle when their lord fell in battle. At least, that is what is recounted in the sagas and poems from the period. I have taken a slightly more pragmatic stance where that course of action would be the ideal, but an ideal that many would struggle to fulfil and that some would see as wasteful of well-trained warriors.
Swords were very rare. Their blades, pattern-welded out of several strands of iron, were things of great beauty and the ultimate symbol of the elite warrior class. They would also be extremely expensive. Like sports cars today, they would be coveted by many, but owned by few. I am sure that some unscrupulous men, especially men of war, would be more than willing to kill to possess one.
I have used the term thegn to describe a professional warrior or minor noble, despite the term not really being used until later.
The concept of “wyrd” recurs throughout the story. It is similar to fate or destiny. The Anglo-Saxons believed that the paths of their lives were woven in threads by the three sisters of wyrd. Thus, everything could be considered predestined. But it is never that simple, and men still believed that it was possible to face one’s wyrd well or poorly. Your wyrd would place obstacles in your path, but you could choose how you would react to them.
I have sought to create a believable world and characters that are true to the time. Any mistakes I may have made are mine alone and I hope they do not detract from the telling of the story.
Beobrand’s tale will continue long into the seventh century, as he battles alongside saints and sinners, Christians and pagans. His wyrd will lead him to suffer more losses and maybe even find greater loves, but that is for another day and other stories.