Intelligence Headquarters
Bangkok
9:30 AM
The office of General Pawa bustled with nervous energy that morning three hours after the soldiers of General Sein Lwin had crossed back to the safety of their borders. The news had startled him at first, and a few more hours later, his emotions catapulted him to outrage. Telephone bells jangled, dial tones purred while the telex chattered in his office to decipher the morning’s incidence at the border. He was in a state of confusion when Lieutenant Colonel Phuphathna entered his office.
‘You’ve no doubt that it’s not U Nu’s or some other dissident rabble that is responsible?’ the general asked.
‘No, General,’ replied the lieutenant colonel. ‘This was no rabble that staged this from our territory and the attack was on a Karen camp, not a Burmese Army base.’
‘Fine,’ the general nodded. ‘That takes care of one thing. We have not exported an overt operation beyond our borders.’
‘Which brings us to the fact that the Burmese have violated our borders in order to gain a tactical advantage over their foe,’ Lieutenant Colonel Phuphathna commented.
‘Which means the fellows in Rangoon know about this,’ General Pawa deducted.
‘I can’t see how not,’ the lieutenant colonel agreed with the general.
‘This is absolutely deplorable. Any casualty on our side?’ the general asked.
‘Only a few border guards, I believe,’ replied Lieutenant Colonel Phuphathna.
‘How can they disrespect the sovereignty of our country? Do they think we’re eunuchs!’ the incensed general hollered.
‘We have to take firm measures, sir. Don’t forget, the barbarians have invaded us more than once in our past history,’ the lieutenant colonel advised.
‘We’ve also done the same thing with them many times as far as history tells me. Okay, we’ll go on an inspection in the afternoon and ask the army chief to accompany us. It will be wise to bolster the presence of our troops at the border to discourage this kind of incident from occurring again,’ the general decided. ‘They can do it again.’
‘Quite right, General. However, I am not afraid of the Burmese attacking us,’ the lieutenant colonel said and offered an opinion, saying, ‘but I can’t put it past them to attack the refugee camps on our territory next.’
‘You’re right!’ observed the general. ‘The camps are vulnerable. They can attack it with impunity.’
‘We can either move the camps to the interior or have our troops dig in at the border,’ the lieutenant colonel said.
‘I prefer troops at the border,’ commented the general. ‘No harm flexing our muscles a bit, eh?’
‘Frankly, I prefer that myself,’ agreed the lieutenant colonel. ‘Our troops need the exercise.’
‘Exercise?’ queried the general.
‘Pardon me for saying so, General,’ the lieutenant colonel answered, ‘our troops are good at staging our own little coups to decide who will be prime minister and who won’t be.’
‘Watch it there, Colonel,’ hastily chaffed the general.
‘Regardless of the facts, sir,’ the lieutenant colonel continued, ‘we must take into account the political shifts taking place around us now, or we will be helpless like we were during the Cambodia and the Vietnam crisis—not to mention the Laotian to counter any determined aggression.’
‘Yes, I see,’ General Pawa accepted.
‘And of all our neighbours, it’s the Burmese who have, yet again, shown little regard to our sovereignty,’ concluded Lieutenant Colonel Phuphathna.
‘That’s correct,’ accepted the general. ‘Damn their insolence!’
*
SLORC Headquarters
Yangon
Two Days Later
The atmosphere in General Khin Maung Nyunt’s office was tense and explosive with the pall of smoke from the general’s cheroot hovering hazily, ready to ignite with another puff of recrimination. The Thais had been quick in reacting to the incident at the border, and had issued biting diplomatic protests—worded strongly— to his government. His office had, in turn, issued strong denials which were rejected by the Thais, who were now demanding an official apology and an assurance that such an incident would not occur again. He looked at General Myo Mint sitting across him, and hoped that they could contain the situation before it caused irreparable damage.
‘What’s the situation at the border now?’ General Khin Maung Nyunt asked.
‘They’ve moved in troops and have dug in,’ replied Myo Mint.
‘Battle ready, I suppose?’ the army chief asked sarcastically.
‘They’ve taken it very seriously and have publicized the fact that we are likely to attack the refugee camps on their territory,’ responded the intelligence chief.
‘I’m aware of that,’ the general said. ‘They’ve also claimed responsibility for any refugee on their soil. What I’m wondering is whether we can arrange a flag meeting with their area commander and placate them.’
‘How?’ enquired the intelligence chief.
‘We’ll say that it was the work of an overzealous officer who took the decision on his own, and that we will conduct an inquiry,’ proposed the general.
‘What about the government level?’ asked Myo Mint. ‘They might insist.’
‘Well, if it goes to that…then we will offer a sacrifice,’ the general answered.
‘Who?’
‘Sein Lwin.’
‘Fine, I’ll get in touch with their intelligence and army chiefs and see whether we can hold a flag meeting of the area commanders,’ said the intelligence chief.
‘Meanwhile, I’ll handle Sein Lwin and his men. They did a marvellous job, don’t you think?’ the general asked.
‘Fine job. The Karens will not be able to rise again as a formidable foe,’ acknowledged Myo Mint. ‘We can tackle Khun Sa now, after we wipe out Manerplaw.’
‘Pity, I’ll have to let the Butcher go,’ General Khin Maung Nyunt remarked. ‘We’ll let him disappear into the faceless crowd. We owe him that at least.’
‘A fair price for peace, General?’ Myo Mint asked with a smile.
‘Cheap, actually,’ the general said, ‘considering that we bagged the Karens.’
‘Which reminds me, General,’ the intelligence chief said, ‘with the Karens out of the picture, our troublemakers have nowhere to go now except Thailand, and I think we should firmly impress upon their government that we do not like the idea of them harbouring dissidents.’
‘Yes,’ answered the general. ‘At the appropriate time, Myo Mint, at the appropriate time. We just cannot afford to upset our plans for Asian membership.’
‘What about Aung San Suu Kyi?’ Myo Mint asked.
‘We’ll keep her in unless, of course, she is prepared to be exiled,’ replied the general.
‘Which she has refused,’ reminded the intelligence chief.
‘I know,’ agreed the general. ‘I just can’t understand her stubbornness.’
‘There is still a rumble in the air, sir,’ commented the intelligence chief.
‘Let’s see for how long,’ the general said. ‘We can start restricting her husband’s visits. No visit by the children either for our sister. Let’s see how much of a mother she is. As a wife, she’s put her ambition beyond her husband.’
‘We are getting a lot of adverse press, you know,’ Myo Mint remarked.
‘As long as it’s press, it’s all right,’ shrugged the general. ‘In the meantime, let’s get ahead with the national reconciliation programme as speedily as possible. Let’s start talking to the monks and promise them renovation of their beloved shrines. We’ll start with the Shwedagon in Yangon. Let us also start restoring our ancient heritage of Pagan and Mandalay, and any other that will stimulate national interest and keep the scribes and scholars busy. It’s about time that they earned their livelihood. That should take care of the religious and cultural aspects of our society.’
‘What about the educational institutions?’ enquired the intelligence chief.
‘The best thing is to start honouring scholastic brilliance by giving away dazzling prizes to outstanding students, which will only ensure their allegiance to our regime. It will also help us catch the delinquents amongst them,’ replied the general.
‘Excellent policy,’ commented the intelligence chief.
‘We have got to improve upon the past, don’t we?’ asked the general.
‘Yes, of course,’ complied Myo Mint.
‘Which also means that while we, the regime, work along those lines, you cannot default on you tasks ahead,’ reminded Kin Maung Nyunt.
‘Yes, of course. How can I?’ acknowledged the intelligence chief, envying the general and his new junta and its glamorous path to public relations, while he would have to continue with his unpleasant and dirty task—the demolition of Aung San Suu Kyi and her party.
*
In early 1996, the Burmese government invited a plane-load of Thai dignitaries, ostensibly to mend ties that have deteriorated since the border violation. An impressive red-carpet welcome is accorded to the delegates. Schoolchildren lined the route chosen for the motorcade, waving little flags of friendship in their little coerced hands.
The Burmese government then declared 1996 as ‘Visit Myanmar Year’.
The regime energetically pursued avenues of procuring foreign investments,
but Aung San Suu Kyi declared adamantly that foreign investments would only strengthen the regime while the common man would not benefit.