1 WGW, vol. 5, 7-9-1776.
2 Ibid., vol. 1, 11-15-1754.
3 Ibid., vol. 12-28-1776, Writing to Brig. Gen. William Maxwell, Washington said, “I have the pleasure to inform you of the success of an enterprize, which took effect the 26th. Instant at Trenton; On the night of the preceding day, I cross’d the Delaware with a detachment of the Army under my Command, amounting to about 2400; the difficulties arising in the passage of the River, prevented my arriving at the Town so soon as I expected, by which means the attack did not commence till eight O’Clock; when our Troops pressed forward with so much Ardor, and Spirit, as never to suffer them to form completely, about Seven hundred of the enemy ran away in the begining of the action; the rest amounting to 1000 including 31 Officers, after making a feeble opposition, laid down their Arms and Surrendered themselves prisoners of War. We have taken about one thousand stand of Arms, four Standards and Six pieces of brass Artillery, with some other Stores. I have issued some orders to day for the encouragement of the Troops, whose terms are near expiring, which I shall be glad you will immediately communicate to them, in your Orders.”
4 Washington’s record of this amazing journey was published by Gov. Dinwiddie, and, the story can be found in Fitzpatrick, The Diaries of George Washington, vol. I. pp. 43ff.
5 Writing to a friend named Robin, in 1754 or 1755, Washington speaks of spending his time very pleasantly in the company of a young lady who was living at the house of one of his friends. He goes on to explain, “as that only added fuel to the fire, it makes me the more uneasy where my often and unavoidably being in company with her revives my former passion for your lowland beauty, whereas was I to live more retired from young women, I might in some measure alleviate my sorrows by burying that chaste and former passion in the grave of oblivion and eternal forgetfulness.” In WGW, vol. I., p. 16. George Washington’s “Lowland Beauty” may have been Lucy Grymes, who later became Mrs. Henry Lee. See Clarence Macartney, “George Washington: A Bi-Centennial Sermon” (Pittsburgh: First Presbyterian Church, 1932), p. 5.
6 Macartney, George Washington, p. 7.
7 Jackson and Twohig, The Diaries of George Washington. vol. 1. Expedition to the Ohio 31 March—27 June 1754. pp. 169-170. “In 1756 a pamphlet, Reasons Humbly Offered, to Prove That the Letter Printed at the End of the French Memorial of Justification, Is a French Forgery, and Falsely Ascribed to His R—l H—s, was published in London, challenging the authenticity of the letter on the basis of its content. See also Monthly Review, (1756), 302—4.) GW expressed reservations concerning the accuracy of the MEMOIR in a letter used by Jared Sparks in his edition of GW’s writings: In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed; some parts left out, which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incorrect and nonsensical; yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body, who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one. Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Villiers’ account of the battle of, and transactions at, the Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the French received the first fire. It is well known, that we received it at six hundred paces’ distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account? He acknowledges, that we sustained the attack warmly from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vainglory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation.” This is found in a letter to George Washington’s brother, dated July 18, 1755, in Sparks, The Writings of George Washington, vol. II, p. 89.
8 WGW, vol. 2, 9-20-1765. Washington wrote to Mrs. Washington’s uncle in England, “The Stamp Act Imposed on the Colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain engrosses the conversation of the Speculative part of the Colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of Taxation as a direful attack upon their Liberties, and loudly exclaim against the Violation; what may be the result of this and some other (I think I may add) ill judgd Measures, I will not undertake to determine; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accrueing to the Mother Country will fall greatly short of the expectations of the Ministry; for certain it is, our whole Substance does already in a manner flow to Great Britain and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our Importation’s must be hurtful to their Manufacturers. And the Eyes of our People, already beginning to open, will perceive, that many Luxuries which we lavish our substance to Great Britain for, can well be dispensd with whilst the necessaries of Life are (mostly) to be had within ourselves. This consequently will introduce frugality, and be a necessary stimulation to Industry. If Great Britain therefore Loads her Manufactures with heavy Taxes, will it not facilitate these Measures? they will not compel us I think to give our Money for their exports, whether we will or no, and certain I am none of their Traders will part from them without a valuable consideration. Where then is the Utility of these Restrictions? As to the Stamp Act, taken in a single view, one, and the first bad consequences attending it I take to be this. Our Courts of Judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible (or next of kin to it) under our present Circumstances that the Act of Parliam’t can be complyd with were we ever so willing to enforce the execution; for not to say, which alone woud be sufficient, that we have not Money to pay the Stamps, there are many other Cogent Reasons to prevent it; and if a stop be put to our judicial proceedings I fancy the Merchants of G. Britain trading to the Colonies will not be among the last to wish for a Repeal of it.” When it was repealed, Washington openly expressed his approval. WGW, vol. 2, 7-21-1766, “The Repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatsoever causes owing, ought much to be rejoiced at, for had the Parliament of Great Britain resolvd upon enforcing it the consequences I conceive woud have been more direful than is generally apprehended both to the Mother Country and her Colonies. All therefore who were Instrumental in procuring the Repeal are entitled to the Thanks of every British Subject and have mine cordially.”
9 Washington seems to never have written the phrase, “taxation without representation.” However, he does show his deep concern for American liberty in his involvement with the Virginia non importation plan. See for example, WGW, vol. 2, 4-5-1769. Writing to George Mason (author of the Virginia non-importation resolutions of 1769, the Fairfax resolutions of 1774, and the Virginia bill of rights, 1776), he says, “At a time when our lordly Masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprecation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that some thing shou’d be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our Ancestors; but the manner of doing it to answer the purpose effectually is the point in question. That no man shou’d scruple, or hesitate a moment to use a[r]ms in defence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life depends; is clearly my opinion; yet A[r]ms I wou’d beg leave to add, should be the last resource; the denier resort. Addresses to the Throne, and remonstrances to parliament, we have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of; how far then their attention to our rights and priviledges is to be awakened or alarmed by starving their Trade and manufactures, remains to be tryed. The northern Colonies, it appears, are endeavouring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution; but how far it is practicable to do so, I will not take upon me to determine. That there will be difficulties attending the execution of it every where, from clashing interests, and selfish designing men (ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, in preference to any other consideration) cannot be denied; but in the Tobacco Colonies where the Trade is so diffused, and in a manner wholly conducted by Factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, if the Gentlemen in their several Counties wou’d be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to a cordial agreement to purchase none but certain innumerated Articles out of any of the Stores after such a period, not import nor purchase any themselves. …Upon the whole therefore, I think the Scheme a good one, and that it ought to be tryed here.” WGW, note on this dates says, “The assembly in May was the first that met after the arrival of Lord Botetourt as governor. The burgesses agreed upon an address to the King, which Governor Botetourt disapproved and dissolved the assembly. The dismissed burgesses reassembled in the Apollo room of the Raleigh Tavern and drew up the Virginia Non-Importation Association. Washington was on the drafting committee and notes expenses, in his accounts, arising there from.”
10 WGW, vol. 37, 8-20-1770. Washington was most serious about supporting the Non-Importation Agreement: “You will perceive in looking over the several Invoices that some of the Goods there required, are upon condition that the Act of Parliament Imposing a Duty upon Tea, Paper &ca. for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America is totally repeald; and I beg the favour of you to be governd strictly thereby, as it will not be in my power to receive any Articles contrary to our Non-Importation Agreement, to which I have Subscribd, and shall religeously adhere to, if it was, as I coud wish it to be ten times as strict.”
11 Macartney, George Washington, p. 10.
12 David Humphreys’, Life of George Washington.
13 David Barton, The Bulletproof George (Texas: Wallbuilders Press, 2003) p. 35
14 In Humphreys, Washington explained, “The folly & consequence of opposing compact bodies to the sparse manner of Indian fighting in woods, which had in a manner been predicted, was now so clearly verified that from hence forward another mode obtained in all future operations.”
15 WGW, vol. 1: 7-18-1755, Washington wrote to Robert Dinwiddie, “We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier’s (which is within 7 Miles of Duquisne) with’t meet’g with any extraordinary event, hav’g only a stragler or two picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attack’d (very unexpectedly I must own) by abt. 300 French and Ind’ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 1300 well arm’d Men, chiefly Regular’s, who were immediately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of order’s prevail’d amongst them: The Officer’s in gen’l behav’d with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffer’d, there being near 60 kill’d and wound’d. A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginian Companies behav’d like Men and died like Soldiers; for I believe out of the 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 30 were left alive: Captn. Peyrouny and all his Officer’s, down to a Corporal, were kill’d; Captn. Polson shar’d almost as hard a Fate, for only one of his Escap’d: In short the dastardly behaviour of the English Soldier’s expos’d all those who were inclin’d to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as Sheep before the Hounds, leav’g the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey to the Enemy; and when we endeavour’d to rally them in hopes of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success as if we had attempted to have stop’d the wild Bears of the Mountains. The Genl. was wounded behind in the shoulder, and into the Breast, of w’ch he died three days after; his two Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave Officers were kill’d in the Field. I luckily escap’d with’t a wound tho’ I had four Bullets through my Coat and two Horses shot under me. It is supposed that we left 300 or more dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded; and it is imagin’d (I believe with great justice too) that two thirds of both received their shott from our own cowardly English Soldier’s who gather’d themselves into a body contrary to orders 10 or 12 deep, wou’d then level, Fire and shoot down the Men before them. I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.”
16 WGW, vol. 1, 7-18-1755, writing to his brother, John Augustine Washington, he says, “Dear Jack: As I have heard since my arriv’l at this place, a circumstantial acct. of my death and dying speech, I take this early oppertunity of contradicting both, and of assuring you that I now exist and appear in the land of the living by the miraculous care of Providence, that protected me beyond all human expectation; I had 4 Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me, and yet escaped unhurt. We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men; but fatigue and want of time prevents me from giving any of the details till I have the happiness of seeing you at home; which I now most ardently wish for, since we are drove in thus far. A Weak and Feeble state of Health, obliges me to halt here for 2 or 3 days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease; You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday Se’night, which is as soon as I can well be down as I shall take my Bulb skin Plantation’s in my way. Pray give my Compl’ts to all my F’ds. I am Dr. Jack, y’r most Affect. Broth’r.”
17 Barton, Bulletproof George, p.-37-38. David Barton points out that Washington was a specially marked target by the Indians: “The Indians had singled them out, and every mounted officer, except Washington, was slain before Braddock fell.” Bulletproof-38. Historian George Bancroft observed: “Of the British and Americans, one half were killed or wounded. General Braddock braved every danger. His secretary was shot dead; both his English aids were disabled early in the engagement, leaving the American [George Washington] alone to distribute his orders.” Bancroft IV 1854-p. 190Bancroft continued: “Who is Mr. Washington?” asked Lord Halifax a few months later. “I know nothing of him,” he added,” but that they say he behaved in Braddock’s action as bravely as if he really loved the whistling of bullets.” See also Aaron Bancroft, The Life of George Washington, Commander in Chief of the American Army, (Boston: Waster Street Bookstore, 1833), IV 1854 p. 190.
18 Ibid., vol. 1, 7-15-1755. Writing to Col. James Innes, Washington explains, “Sir: Captn. Orme being confined to his Litter and not well able to write, has desir’d me to acknowledge the receipt of your’s; He begs the favour of you to have the room that the Gen’l. lodg’d in prepar’d for Colo. Burton, himself, and Capt. Morris, who are all wounded; also, that some small place may be had where convenient for Cooking; and, that if any fresh Provn. and other suitable necessarys for persons in their infirm condition, may be had, that you will be kind enough to engage it. He also begs, that, you will order the present w’ch was sent by Governour Morris to the Genl. and his Family, into the care of Mr. A. le Roy, the Steward, who is sent on for that, and other purposes. The Horses, that carry the wounded Gent’n. in Litters are so much fatigued that we dread their performance, therefore, it is desir’d that you will be kind enough to send out 8 or 10 fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the Fort this Evening. I doubt not but you have had an acot. of the poor Genl.’s death by some of the affrighted Waggoners, who ran off without taking leave.” In Humphreys, Washington explained, “Happy was it for him, and the remains of the first division that they left such a quantity of valuable and enticing baggage on the field as to occasion a scramble and contention in the seizure & distribution of it among the enemy for had a pursuit taken place—-by passing the defile which we had avoided; and they had got into our Rear, the whole except a few woodsmen, would have fallen victims to the merciless savages. Of about 12 or 13 hundred which were in this action eight or 9 hundred were either killed or wounded, among whom a large proportion of brave and valuable Officers were included.”
19 Ibid., vol. 1, 7-18-1755. Washington several years later improved his copy of the letter by changing his first words to, “As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have not as yet composed the latter. But by the All-Powerful Dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side of me!”
20 Macartney, George Washington, p.1
21 The Reverend Samuel Davies, as a Presbyterian, was a non-Anglican dissenting clergyman in Hanover County, Virginia. He later became the President of the College of New Jersey, or Princeton. He preached a series of sermons, which were printed in Philadelphia and London, entitled Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier. He called for not only patriotic spirit and military courage in the difficulties of the struggle in the French and Indian War, but also a deep commitment to the Protestant faith over against the Roman Catholicism of the French. Reverend Davies’ remarkable words regarding Washington were nearly prophetic: “As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.”
Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier
A S E R M O N preached to Captain Overton’s Independent Company of Volunteers,
raised in Hanover County, Virginia, Au- gust 17, 1755.
By Samuel Davis, A. M. Minister of the Gospel there.
P H I L A D E L P H I A
Printed by J A M E S C H A T T I N. 1755.
RELIGION AND PATRIOTISM the CONSTITUENTS
of a good S O L D I E R.
A S E R M O N
2 Sam. 10. 12. Be of good Courage, and let us play the Men, for our People, and for the Cities of our God: And the Lord do that which him good An Hundred Years of Peace and Liberty in such a World as this, is a very unusual Thing; and yet our Country has been the happy Spot that has been distinguished with such a long Series of Blessings, with little or no Interruption. Our Situation in the Middle of the British Colonies, and our Separation from the French, those eternal Enemies of Liberty and Britons, on the one Side by the vast Atlantic, and on the other by a long Ridge of Mountains, and a wide, extended Wilderness, have for many Years been a Barrier to us; and while other Nations have been involved in War, we have not been alarmed with the Sound of the Trumpet, nor seen Garments rolled in Blood.
But now the Scene is changed: Now we begin to experience in our Turn the Fate of the Nations of the Earth. Our Territories are invaded by the Power and Perfidy of France; our Frontiers ravaged by merciless Savages, and our Fellow-Subjects there murdered with all the horrid Arts of Indian and Popish Torture. Our General unfortunately brave, is fallen, an Army of 1300 choice Men routed, our fine Train of Artillery taken, and all this (Oh mortifying Thought!) all this by 4 or 500 dastardly, insidious Barbarians.
These Calamities have not come upon us without Warnings. We were long ago apprized of the ambitious Schemes of our Enemies, and their Motions to carry them into Execution: And had we taken timely Measures, they might have been crushed, before they could arrive at such a formidable Height. But how have we generally behaved in such a critical Time; Alas! Our country has been funk in a deep Sleep: A stupid Security has unmanned the Inhabitants: They could not realize a Danger at the Distance of 2 or 300 Miles: They would not be persuaded, that even French Papists could seriously design us an Injury: And hence little or nothing has been done for the Defence of our Country in Time, except by the Compulsion of Authority. And now, when the Cloud thickens over our Heads, and alarms every thoughtful Mind with its near Approach, Multitudes, I am afraid, are still dissolved in careless Security, or enervated with an effeminate, cowardly Spirit. When the melancholy News first reached us concerning the Fate of our Army, then we saw how natural it is for the Presumptuous to fall into the opposite Extreme of unmanly Despondence and Consternation; and how little Men could do in such a Pannic for their own Defence. We have also suffered our poor Fellow-Subjects in the Frontier Counties to fall a helpless Prey to Blood-thirsty Savages, without affording them proper Assistance, which as Members of the same Body Politic, they had a Right to expect. They might as well have continued in a State of Nature, as be united in Society, if in such an Article of extreme Danger, they are left to shift for themselves. The bloody Barbarians have exercised on some of them the most unnatural and leisurely Tortures; and others they have butchered in their Beds, or in some unguarded Hour. Can human Nature bear the Horror of the Sight! See yonder! The hairy Scalps, clotted with Gore! The mangled Limbs! The ript-up Woman! The Heart and Bowels, still palpitating with Life, smoking on the Ground! See the Savages swilling their Blood, and imbibing a more outrageous Fury with the inhuman Draught! Sure these are not Men; they are not Beasts of Prey; they are something worse; they must be internal Furies in human Shape. And have we tamely looked on, and suffered them to exercise these hellish Barbarities upon our Fellow-Men, our Fellow-Subjects, our Brethren? Alas! With what Horror must we look upon ourselves, as being little better than Accessories to their Blood?
And shall these Ravages go on unchecked? Shall Virginia incur the Guilt and the everlasting Shame, of tamely exchanging her Liberty, her Religion, and her All, for arbitrary Gallic Power, and for Popish Slavery, Tyranny and Massacre? Alas! Are there none of her Children, that enjoyed all the Blessings of her Peace, that will espouse her Cause, and befriend her now in the Time of her Danger? Are Britons utterly degenerated by so short a Remove from their Mother-Country? Is the Spirit of Patriotism entirely extinguished among us? And must I give thee up for lost, O my Country, and all that is included in that important Word? Must I look upon these as a conquered, enslaved Province of France, and the Range of Indian Savages? My Heart breaks at the Thought and must ye, our unhappy Brethren in our Frontiers, must ye stand the single Barriers of a ravaged Country, unassisted,…? Alas! Must I draw these shocking Conclusions?
No; I am agreeably checked by the happy, encouraging Prospect now before me. Is it a pleasing Dream? Or do I really see a Number of brave Men, without the Compulsion of Authority, without the Prospect of Gain, voluntarily associated in a Company, to march over horrendous Rocks and Mountains, into an hideous Wilderness, to succour their helpless Fellow-Subjects, and guard their Country? Yes, Gentlemen, I see you here upon this Design; and were you all united to my Heart by the most endearing Ties of Nature, or Friendship, I could not wish to see you engaged in a nobler Cause; and whatever the Fondness of Passion might carry me to, I am sure my Judgment would never suffer me to persuade you to desert it. You all generously put your Lives in your Hands; and sundry of you have nobly disengaged yourselves from the strong and tender Ties that twine about the Heart of a Father, or a Husband, to confine you at home in glorious Ease, and sneaking Retirement from Danger, when your Country calls for your Assistance. While I have you before me, I have high Thoughts of a Virginian; and I entertain the pleasing Hope that my Country will yet emerge out of her Distress and flourish with her usual Blessings. I am gratefully sensible of the unmerited Honour you have done me, in making Choice of me to address you upon so singular and important an Occasion: And I am sure I bring with me a Heart ardent to serve you and my Country, though I am afraid my inability, and the Hurry of my Preparations, may give you Reason to repent your Choice. I cannot begin my Address to you with more proper Words than those of a great General, which I have read to you: Be of good Courage, and play the Man, for your People, and for the Cities of your God; and the Lord do what seemeth him good.
…Courage is an essential Character of a good Soldier:—Not a savage ferocious Violence:—Not a fool-hardy Insensibility of Danger, or headstrong Rashness to rush into it:—Not the Fury of enflamed Passions, broke loose from the Government of Reason: But calm, deliberate, rational Courage; a steady, judicious, thoughtful Fortitude; the Courage of a Man, and not of a Tiger….…As a remarkable Instance of this, I may point out to the Public that heroic Youth Col. Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a Manner, for some important Service to his Country.
22 Humphreys’ Life of George Washington “During this interval in one of his tours along the frontier posts —- he narrowly escaped, according to the account afterwards given by some of our People who were Prisoners with them, and eye witnesses at the time [illegible] falling by an Indian party who had waylaid (for another purpose) the communication along which with a small party of horse only he was passing —- The road in this place formed a curve and the prey they were in weight for being expected at the reverse part, the Captain of the party had gone across to observe the number & manner of their improvements etc in order that he might make his disposition accordingly leaving orders for the party not to take notice of any passengers the other way till he returned to them —- in the meantime in the opposite direction I passed & escaped almost certain destruction for the weather was raining and the few carbines unfit for use if we had escaped the first fire —- This happened near Fort Vass.”
23 The Diaries of George Washington 1748-1799 edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, vol. 1, 1748-1770, Published for The Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association of the Union (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company). See under the following dates:
September 1770
20, 1770—Set out for the Big Kanhawa with Dr. Craik, Captn. Crawford and others. Incampd abt. 14 Miles off.
28, 1770—Meeting with Kiashuta and other Indian Hunters we proceeded only 10 Miles to day.
October 1770
5th—Began a journey to the Ohio in Company with Doctr. Craik..[Kiashuta, an Indian who had accompanied Washington part of the way from Logs Town to Fort Le Boeuf in 1753]
Sunday 14, 1770—At Captn. Crawford’s all day. Went to see a Coal Mine not far from his house on the Banks of the River; the Coal seemed to be of the very best kind, burning freely and abundance of it.
Wednesday 17.—Doctr. Craik and myself with Captn. Crawford and others arrivd at Fort Pill,..The fort is built in the point between the River Alligany and Monongahela..
Thursday 18th—Dined in the Fort with Colo. Croghan…dined with Colo. Croghan the next day at his Seat abt. 4 miles up the Alligany.
Friday 19th—Recd. A Message from Colo. Croghan that the white Mingo and other Chiefs of the 6 Nations had something to say to me, and desiring that I would be at his House abt. 11(where they were to meet). I went up and receivd a Speech with a String of Wampum [ Wampum, the Indian ceremonial emblem, was a comparatively rare shell of some beauty, which was pierced, longitudinally, and strung upon deerskin thongs. These strings were woven into bands of belts, and the size of the belt was generally proportioned to what the Indians considered the significance of the occasion where it was used. The Indian method of sealing and recording treaties or councils, was by presenting a wampum belt. Wampum was, sometimes, used for personal adornment. As used in the councils, or treaty-making, the belts were presented to the opposite party, and in all future discussions of the subject these belts were produced when, in some curious way the sight of each belt recalled to the Indian speech-chronicler the speech made at the time that belt was presented. It is stated that this chronicler, who was styled ‘the Keeper of the Belts’ could repeat the speech almost verbatim, even though some years had elapsed since it had first been delivered. The Keeper of the Belts was usually an old Indian and kept in training under him a younger man, who was to take his place, and him he drilled in remembering the speeches, that the record of them might not be lost.] from the White Mingo to the following effect:
That I was a Person who some of them remember to have seen when I was sent on an Embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of; they were come to bid me welcome to this Country, and to desire that the People of Virginia would consider them as friends and Brothers linked together in one chair; that I wd. Inform the Governor, that it was their wish to live in peace and harmy. With the white People, and that tho their had been some unhappy differences between them and the People upon our Frontiers, it was all made up, and they hopd forgotten; and concluded with saying, that, their Brothers of Virginia did not come among them and Trade as the Inhabitants of the other Provences did; from whence they were afraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an Eye as they coud wish.. (410-11)
Monday 22…Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town we receivd the disagreeable news of two Traders being killd at a Town calld the Grape Vine Town.
Tuesday 23….only one Person was killd… At the Mingo Town we found, and left, 60 odd Warriors of the six Nations going to the Cerhokee Country to proceed to war against the Cuttaba’s..
Wednesday 24th.…and enquire into the truth of the report concerning the Murder..
Thursday 25th.—About Seven Oclock Nicholson and the Indian returnd; they found nobody at the Town but tow old Indian Women (the Men being a Hunting) from these they learnt that the Trader was not killd, but drownd in attempting to Ford the Ohio…About half an hour after 7 we set out from our Incampment around which, and up the Creek is a body of fine Land. In our Passage down to this, we see innumerable quantities of Turkeys, and many Deer watering…
Friday 26th.…At the end of this reach we found one, Martin, and Lindsay two Traders; and from them learnt, that the Person drownd was one Philips attempting in Compa. With Rogers, another Indn. Trader, the Swim the River with their Horses at an improper place; Rogers himself narrowly escaping…
Sunday 28th...we found Kiashuta and his Hunting Party Incampd. Here we were under a necessity of paying our Compliments, As this person was one of the Six Nation Chiefs and the head of them upon this River. In the Person of Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went with me to the French in 1753. He expressed a satisfaction in seeing me, and treated us with great kindness; giving us a Quarter of very fine Buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that Night with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible movd his Camp down the River about 3 Miles just below the Mouth of a Creek, the name of which I coud not learn (it not being large); at this place we all Incampd. After much Councelling the overnight, they all came to my fire the next Morning, with great formality; when Kiashuta rehearsing what had passd between me and the Sachems at Colo. Croghan’s, thankd me for saying that Peace and friendship was the wish of the People of Virginia (with them) and for recommending it to the Traders to deal with them upon a fair and equitable footing; and then again expressd their desire of having a Trade opend with Virginia, and that the Governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but of their friendly disposition towards the white People; this I promisd to do.
Monday 29th—The tedious ceremony which the Indians observe in their Councellings and speeches, detaind us till 9 Oclock… On this Creek many Buffaloes use [d to be] according to the Indians acct…
24 G.W. Parke Custis in his Recollections of Washington, p.300-305. Custis actually turned this story into a play entitled, “The Indian Prophecy” that was performed in several cities.
25 WGW, vol. 3, 6-18-1775. Bancroft IV 212
26 Bancroft, The Life of George Washington, IV 212.
27 Ibid., IV 212.
28 Ibid., IV 212.
29 WGW, vol. 1, April 22, 1756.
30 Ibid., vol. 21, 4-7-1781. Writing to Maj. Gen. William Heath, Washington confided: “Dear Sir: I have received and thank you for your information of this date. To guard against Assassination (which I neither expect, nor dread) is impossible; but I have not been without my apprehensions of the other attempt. Not from the enemy at New York, but the Tories and disaffected of this place; who might, in the Night, carry me off in my own Boat; and all be ignorant of it till the Morning. If the Water at Night is well guarded, I shall be under no apprehension of attempts of this kind.” WGW, vol. 21, 4-7-1781. Washington promptly wrote to Gov. William Livingston, “Dear Sir: Intelligence has been sent to me by a Gentleman living near the enemy’s lines and who has an opportunity of knowing what passes among them, that four parties had been sent out with orders to take or Assasinate Your Excellency, Governor Clinton, Me and a fourth person name not known. I cannot say that I am under apprehensions on account of the latter, but I have no doubt they would execute the former could they find an opportunity. I shall take such precautions on the occasion as appear to me necessary, and I have thought it proper to advise your Excellency of what has come to my knowledge that you may do the same. That they may fail of success if they have any such plan in contemplation is the earnest wish of, Dear Sir etc.” As a popular example of the very real fear of the possibility of Washington being assassinated, consider the legend, “The Poisoned Dish” in True Stories of the Days of Washington (New York: Phinney, Blakeman & Mason, 1861), p. 51-55. This is found in the footnotes of the chapter, “The Childhood of George Washington.”
31 Custis, Recollections, pp. 201-202.
32 WGW, vol. 6, 1-5-1777 note says: Sparks notes that in both the actions at Trenton and Princeton General Washington encouraged the troops by his presence in the most exposed situations. An officer who was in these engagements wrote from Morristown (January 7): “Our army love their General very much, but they have one thing against him, which is the little care he takes of himself in any action. His personal bravery, and the desire he has of animating his troops by example, make him fearless of danger. This occasions us much uneasiness. But Heaven, which has hitherto been his shield, I hope will still continue to guard so valuable a life.”
33 Bancroft mentions that the only reason Washington did not charge alone on his horse directly into the enemy lines at that moment was because someone reached out and grasped the reins of his horse. “Sept. 14, 1776— The American lines at this place were capable of defence, but the men posted in them, on the firing of the ships, without waiting for the attack of the enemy, abandoned them. As soon as the cannonading began, two brigades were detached from the main body to support the troops in the breast works, the fugitives communicated to them their panics, and General Washington, in riding to the scene of action, met his troops retreating in the utmost confusion, disregarding the efforts of their Generals to stop them. While the Commander in Chief was, with some effect, exerting himself to rally them, a very small body of the enemy appeared in sight, on which the men again broke, and a most dastardly route ensued. At this unfortunate moment, and only at this moment through his whole life, General Washington appears to have lost his fortitude. All the shameful and disastrous consequences of the defection of his army, rushed upon his mind, and bore down his spirits. In a paroxysm of despair, he turned his horse towards the enemy, seemingly with the intention to avoid the disgrace of the day by the sacrifice of his life: his aids seized the horse’s bridle, and with friendly violence, rescued him from the destruction that awaited him.” Aaron Bancroft, Life Of Washington (Boston: Water Street Bookstore, 1830, vol. I. p. 87. Ibid., vol.6, 9-16-1776 notes: Ford quotes a “Letter from New York,” Sept. 27, 1776, printed in the London Chronicle (Nov. 19, 1776): “I forgot to mention that Mr. Washington shortly after the landing on New York island, narrowly escaped being made prisoner. He left Mr. Apthorpe’s house, at Bloomingdale, a few minutes only before the British light infantry entered it.” Spark’s quotes a letter from General Greene (September 17): “Fellows’s and Parsons’s brigades ran away from about fifty men and left his Excellency on the ground within eighty yards of the Enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than life.” The Reverend William Gordon, whose history of the Revolution must always be read with recollection that the author’s enthusiasm for America had cooled before he published his work, recounts the episode as he is supposed to have gleaned it from first hand in the camp shortly after the retreat. Col. William Smallwood states that Washington caned and whipped the fleeing men, though he does not state with what. Howe reported to Germain (September 21) merely that the landing at Kips Bay was unexpected to the Americans and that the British cannonade was so severe that the descent was made without the least opposition. He made no mention of Washington. After making due allowance for the excited recollections on the American side, colored by the chagrin for the panic, the bald fact seems to be that Washington continued his efforts to check the retreat until the British were so close as to put him in grave jeopardy of death or capture.
34 Writing to his brother John Augustine Washington on July 4, 1778, he explained how victory was snatched from defeat at Monmouth. “Dear Brother: Your Letter of the 20th. Ulto. came to my hands last Night; before this will have reached you, the Acct. of the Battle of Monmouth probably will get to Virginia; which, from an unfortunate, and bad beginning, turned out a glorious and happy day. The Enemy evacuated Philadelphia on the 18th. Instt.; at ten oclock that day I got intelligence of it, and by two oclock, or soon after, had Six Brigades on their March for the Jerseys, and followed with the whole Army next Morning. On the 21st. we compleated our passage over the Delaware at Coryells ferry (abt. 33 Miles above Philadelphia) distant from Valley forge near 40 Miles. From this Ferry we moved down towards the Enemy, and on the 27th. got within Six Miles of them. General Lee having the command of the Van of the Army, consisting of fully 5000 chosen Men, was ordered to begin the Attack next Morning so soon as the enemy began their March, to be supported by me. But, strange to tell! when he came up with the enemy, a retreat commenced; whether by his order, or from other causes, is now the subject of inquiry, and consequently improper to be descanted on, as he is in arrest, and a Court Martial sitting for tryal of him. A Retreat however was the fact, be the causes as they may; and the disorder arising from it would have proved fatal to the Army had not that bountiful Providence which has never failed us in the hour of distress, enabled me to form a Regiment or two (of those that were retreating) in the face of the Enemy, and under their fire, by which means a stand was made long enough (the place through which the enemy were pursuing being narrow) to form the Troops that were advancing, upon an advantageous piece of Ground in the rear; hence our affairs took a favourable turn, and from being pursued, we drove the Enemy back, over the ground they had followed us, recovered the field of Battle, and possessed ourselves of their dead. but, as they retreated behind a Morass very difficult to pass, and had both Flanks secured with thick Woods, it was found impracticable with our Men fainting with fatigue, heat, and want of Water, to do any thing more that Night. In the Morning we expected to renew the Action, when behold the enemy had stole of as Silent as the Grave in the Night after having sent away their wounded. Getting a Nights March of us, and having but ten Miles to a strong post, it was judged inexpedient to follow them any further, but move towards the North River least they should have any design upon our posts there. We buried 245 of their dead on the field of Action; they buried several themselves, and many have been since found in the Woods, where, during the action they had drawn them to, and hid them. We have taken five Officers and upwards of One hundred Prisoners, but the amount of their wounded we have not learnt with any certainty; according to the common proportion of four or five to one, there should be at least a thousand or 1200. Without exagerating, their trip through the Jerseys in killed, Wounded, Prisoners, and deserters, has cost them at least 2000 Men and of their best Troops. We had 60 Men killed, 132 Wounded, and abt. 130 Missing, some of whom I suppose may yet come in. Among our Slain Officers is Majr. Dickenson, and Captn. Fauntleroy, two very valuable ones.”
35 Custis, Recollections, pp. 222-23
36 WGW, vol. 6, 12-10-1776. The context of the letter explains his dire circumstances as follows: “I wish to Heaven it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of our situation than it is. Our numbers, quite inadequate to the task of opposing that part of the army under the command of General Howe, being reduced by sickness desertion, and political deaths (on or before the first instant, and having no assistance from the militia), were obliged to retire before the enemy, who were perfectly well informed of our situation, till we came to this place, where I have no idea of being able to make a stand, as my numbers, till joined by the Philadelphia militia, did not exceed three thousand men fit for duty. Now we may be about five thousand to oppose Howe’s whole army, that part of it excepted which sailed under the command of Gen. Clinton. I tremble for Philadelphia. Nothing, in my opinion, but Gen. Lee’s speedy arrival, who has been long expected, though still at a distance (with about three thousand men), can save it. We have brought over and destroyed all the boats we could lay our hands on upon the Jersey shore for many miles above and below this place; but it is next to impossible to guard a shore for sixty miles, with less than half the enemy’s numbers; when by force or strategem they may suddenly attempt a passage in many different places. At present they are encamped or quartered along the other shore above and below us (rather this place, for we are obliged to keep a face towards them) for fifteen miles...When I say none but militia, I am to except the Virginia regiments and the shattered remains of Smallwood’s, which, by fatigue, want of clothes, &c., are reduced to nothing — Weedon’s, which was the strongest, not having more than between one hundred and thirty to one hundred and forty men fit for duty, the rest being in the hospitals. The unhappy policy of short enlistments and a dependence upon militia will, I fear, prove the downfall of our cause, though early pointed out with an almost prophetic spirit! Our cause has also received a severe blow in the captivity of Gen. Lee. Unhappy man! Taken by his own imprudence, going three or four miles from his own camp, and within twenty of the enemy, notice of which by a rascally Tory was given a party of light horse seized him in the morning after travelling all night, and carried him off in high triumph and with every mark of indignity, not even suffering him to get his hat or surtout coat. The troops that were under his command are not yet come up with us, though they, I think, may be expected to-morrow. A large part of the Jerseys have given every proof of disaffection that they can do, and this part of Pennsylvania are equally inimical. In short, your imagination can scarce extend to a situation more distressing than mine. Our only dependence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If this fails, I think the game will be pretty well up, as, from disaffection and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants, instead of resistance, are offering submission....”
37 Ibid., vol. 6, 12-18-1776. Washington wrote, “Dear Brother: ...between you and me, I think our Affairs are in a very bad situation; not so much from the apprehension of Genl. Howe’s Army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania. In short, the Conduct of the Jerseys has been most Infamous. Instead of turning out to defend their Country and affording aid to our Army, they are making their submissions as fast as they can. If they the Jerseys had given us any support, we might have made a stand at Hackensack and after that at Brunswick, but the few Militia that were in Arms, disbanded themselves [or slunk off in such a manner upon the appearance of danger as to leave us quite unsupported and to make the best shifts we could without them] and left the poor remains of our Army to make the best we could of it. I have no doubt but that General Howe will still make an attempt upon Philadelphia this Winter. I see nothing to oppose him a fortnight hence, as the time of all the Troops, except those of Virginia (reduced almost to nothing,) and Smallwood’s Regiment of Maryland, (equally as bad) will expire in less than that time. In a word my dear Sir, if every nerve is not strain’d to recruit the New Army with all possible expedition, I think the game is pretty near up, owing, in a great measure, to the insidious Arts of the Enemy, and disaffection of the Colonies before mentioned, but principally to the accursed policy of short Inlistments, and placing too great a dependence on the Militia the Evil consequences of which were foretold 15 Months ago with a spirit almost Prophetick. Before this reaches you, you will no doubt have heard of the Captivity of Genl. Lee; this is an additional misfortune, and the more vexatious, as it was by his own folly and Imprudence (and without a view to answer any good) he was taken, going three Miles out of his own Camp [for the sake of a little better lodging] and with 20 of the Enemy to lodge, a rascally Tory rid in the Night to give notice of it to the Enemy who sent a party of light Horse that seized and carried him with every mark of triumph and indignity. You can form no Idea of the perplexity of my Situation. No Man, I believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties and less means to extricate himself from them. However under a full persuasion of the justice of our Cause I cannot [but think the prospect will brighten, although for a wise purpose it is, at present hid under a cloud] entertain an Idea that it will finally sink tho’ it may remain for some time under a Cloud.”
38 Larkin Spivey is an American military historian and author. He is a decorated veteran of the Vietnam War and a retired Marine Corps officer. He commanded infantry and reconnaissance units in combat and was trained in parachute, submarine, and special forces operations. He was with the blockade force during the Cuban Missile Crisis and served in the White House during the Johnson and Nixon administrations. As a faculty member at The Citadel he taught college courses in U.S. military history, a subject of lifelong personal and professional interest. He conducted much of his research at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. These remarks were made by Spivey to co-author Jerry Newcombe, who interviewed Spivey for Coral Ridge Ministries-TV.
39 WGW, vol. 61-5-1777. Washington wrote to Maj. Gen. William Heath, “Sir: We have made a successful attack upon Princeton. Genl. Howe advanced upon Trenton, we evacuated the Town, and lay on the other side of the Mill Creek, until dark, then Stole a march and attacked Princeton about nine O’Clock in the Morning; There was three Regiments Quartered there, the killed, wounded, and taken prisoners amounts to about 500. The Enemy are in great consternation, and as the Panick affords us a favourable Opportunity to drive them out of the Jerseys, It has been determined in Council, that you should move down towards New York with a considerable force, as if you had a design upon the City. That being an Object of great importance, the Enemy will be reduced to the Necessity of withdrawing a considerable part of their force from the Jerseys, if not the whole, to secure the City. I shall draw the force on this side the North River together at Morristown, where I shall watch the motions of the Enemy and avail Myself of every favourable Circumstance.” Ibid., vol. 6, 1-5-1777. Washington wrote to Maj. Gen. Israel Putnam, “Dear General: Fortune has favoured us in an Attack on Princeton. Genl. Howe advanced upon Trenton which we Evacuated on the Evening of the Second of this instant, and drew up the Troops on the south side of the Mill Creek and continued in that position until dark, then Marched for Princeton which we reached next Morning by about nine O’Clock. There were three Regiments Quartered there, of British Troops, which we attack’d and routed. The number of the Killed Wounded and taken prisoners amounts to about 5 or 600. We lost Several Officers and about thirty privates. Genl. Mercer is badly Wounded, if not Mortally. After the Action we immediately marched for this place. I shall remove from hence to Morristown, there shall wait a few days and refresh the Troops, during which time, I shall keep a strict Watch upon the Enemy’s motions; They appear to be panick struck, and I am in some hopes of driving them out of the Jerseys. It is thought advisable for you to march the Troops under your Command to Crosswix, and keep a Strict watch upon the Enemy upon that Quarter. If the Enemy continue at Brunswick, you must act with great Circumspection lest you meet with a Surprize. As we have made two successful attacks upon the Enemy by way of Surprize, they will be pointed with resentment, and if there is any possibility of retaliating, will attempt it. You will give out your Strength to be twice as great as it is. Forward on all the Baggage and Scattered Troops belonging to this division of the Army as soon as may be. You will keep as many Spies out as you will see proper, a Number of Horsemen, in the dress of the Country, must be constantly kept going backwards and forwards for this purpose, and if you discover any Motion of the Enemy, which you can depend upon, and which you think of Consequence, Let me be informed thereof as soon as possible by Express.”
40 Ibid., vol. 11, 5-25-1778.
41 Ibid., vol. 24, 5-10-1782.
42 Ibid., vol. 4, 1-14-1776.
43 Ibid., vol. 13, 12-18-1778.
44 Ibid., vol. 18, 5-19-1780.
45 Ibid., W vol. 26. 2-6-1783.
46 Federer, America’s God And Country, pp. 639-40.
47 WGW, vol. 23, 10-20-1781. The General Orders said at the victory at Yorktown, “Divine Service is to be performed tomorrow in the several Brigades or Divisions. The Commander in Chief earnestly recommends that the troops not on duty should universally attend with that seriousness of Deportment and gratitude of Heart which the recognition of such reiterated and astonishing interpositions of Providence demand of us.”
48 American Minute with Bill Federer, January 17, 2006.
49 Ibid., vol. 7, 4-12-1777. See also, WGW, vol. 7, 4-15-1777.
50 Ibid., vol. 27, 11-2-1783.
51 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-2-1776.
52 Ibid., vol. 4, 3-6-1776.
53 Ibid., vol. 5, 5-15-1776.
54 Ibid., vol. 27, 6-11-1783.
55 Ibid., vol. 27, 8-25-1783.
56 Ibid., vol. 4, 3-1776, “Answer To An Address From The Massachusetts Legislature”, “That the metropolis of your colony is now relieved from the cruel and oppressive invasions of those, who were sent to erect the standard of lawless domination, and to trample on the rights of humanity, and is again open and free for its rightful possessors, must give pleasure to every virtuous and sympathetic heart; and its being effected without the blood of our soldiers and fellow-citizens must be ascribed to the interposition of that Providence, which has manifestly appeared in our behalf through the whole of this important struggle, as well as to the measures pursued for bringing about the happy event. May that being, who is powerful to save, and in whose hands is the fate of nations, look down with an eye of tender pity and compassion upon the whole of the United Colonies; may He continue to smile upon their counsels and arms, and crown them with success, whilst employed in the cause of virtue and mankind. May this distressed colony and its capital, and every part of this wide extended continent, through His divine favor, be restored to more than their former lustre and once happy state, and have peace, liberty, and safety secured upon a solid, permanent, and lasting foundation.”
57 Ibid., vol. 27, 11-27-1783: “Disposed, at every suitable opportunity to acknowledge publicly our infinite obligations to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for rescuing our Country from the brink of destruction; I cannot fail at this time to ascribe all the honor of our late successes to the same glorious Being.” Ibid., vol. 27, 8-4-1783: “Gentlemen: I accept with heart-felt satisfaction your affectionate congratulations on the restoration of Peace, and the formal recognition of the Independence of the United States. We may indeed ascribe these most happy and glorious Events to the Smiles of Providence, the Virtue of our Citizens, and the bravery of our Troops, aided by the powerful interposition of our Magnanimous and illustrious Ally.” Ibid., vol. 28, 4-10-1785: “And that my conduct should have met the approbation, and obtained the affectionate regard of the State of New York (where difficulties were numerous and complicated) may be ascribed more to the effect of divine wisdom, which has disposed the minds of the people, harrassed on all sides, to make allowances for the embarrassments of my situation, whilst with fortitude and patience they sustained the loss of their Capitol, and a valuable part of their territory, and to the liberal sentiments, and great exertion of her virtuous Citizens, than to any merit of mine.” Ibid., vol. 32, 1-27-1793: “Gentlemen: It has ever been my pride to merit the approbation of my fellow Citizens by a faithful and honest discharge of the duties annexed to those stations in which they have been pleased to place me; and the dearest rewards of my services have been those testimonies of esteem and confidence with which they have honored me. But to the manifest interposition of an over-ruling Providence, and to the patriotic exertions of united America, are to be ascribed those events, which have given us a respectable rank among the nations of the Earth.”
58 Ibid., vol. 23, 10-20-1781. Washington uses the word “gratitude” over 250 times and the word “thankful” 85 times and the words “thank” or “thanks” nearly two thousand times.
59 Ibid., vol. 31, 7-28-1791
60 The Reverend Dr. Donald Binder a rector for one of Pohick Church, where Washington worshiped. Here’s what Dr. Binder says about Washington and Providence when we asked him if our first president was a Deist:
It’s quite evident from Jefferson’s writings that he was a deist, and that’s sometimes laid at Washington’s feet because he was fairly quiet and introverted about his faith, but he had this great belief in Divine Providence and really saw, especially, the coming together—he called it a “concatenation of events”—-with the Revolutionary War. There was no way we should have won that war. The odds were so highly stacked against us that the very fact that they were able to sustain themselves for the longest war in American history, and then achieve a victory over the greatest force on the planet at that time, was for him a miracle. And he always attributed that to God’s Divine Providence. Now that clashes with one of the tenets of Deism, which [is that] God is sort of behind [the scenes and] sort of sets the world off and spins it into motion and doesn’t have any type of interactivity with it. But the whole notion of Divine Providence, which Washington espoused, clashes totally with that. He saw God’s hand in bringing him the victories and in sustaining him and his troops throughout the war.”
61 WGW vol. 27, 7-8-1783.
62 Ibid., vol. 30, 8-31-1788.
63 Ibid., vol. 30, 5-9-1789.
64 Ibid., vol. 4, 11-14-1775. General Orders: “The Commander in Chief is confident, the Army under his immediate direction, will shew their Gratitude to providence, for thus favouring the Cause of Freedom and America; and by their thankfulness to God, their zeal and perseverance in this righteous Cause, continue to deserve his future blessings.” Ibid., vol. 4, 12-5-1775. To Maj. Gen. Philip Schuyler, “The Cause we are engaged in is so just and righteous, that we must try to rise superior to every Obstacle in it’s Support; and, therefore, I beg that you will not think of resigning, unless you have carried your Application to Congress too far to recede.” WGW, vol. 6, 12-18-1776. To the Massachusetts Legislature, “I wrote for Genl. Lee to reinforce me, with the Troops under his immediate Command. By some means or other, their Arrival has been retarded and unhappily on friday last, the Genl., having left his Division and proceeded three or four Miles nearer the Enemy, then 18.Miles from him; of which they were informed by some Tories, was surprised and carried off about 11 o’Clock, by a party of 70 Light Horse; I will not comment upon this unhappy accident; I feel much for his Misfortune and am sensible that in his Captivity, our Country has lost a Warm friend and an able officer. upon the whole our affairs are in a Much less promising condition than could be wished; Yet I trust, under the Smiles of Providence and by our own exertions, we shall be happy. Our cause is righteous, and must be Supported.”
Ibid., vol. 7, 4-23-1777. To Brig. Gen. Samuel Holden Parsons, “All agree our claims are righteous and must be supported; Yet all, or at least, too great a part among us, withhold the means, as if Providence, who has already done much for us, would continue his gracious interposition and work miracles for our deliverance, without troubling ourselves about the matter.”
Ibid., vol. 9, 10-3-1777. General Orders, “This army, the main American Army, will certainly not suffer itself to be out done by their northern Brethren; they will never endure such disgrace; but with an ambition becoming freemen, contending in the most righteous cause, rival the heroic spirit which swelled their bosoms, and which, so nobly exerted, has procured them deathless renown.”
Ibid., vol. 11, 4-12-1778. General Orders. “The Honorable Congress having thought proper to recommend to The United States of America to set apart Wednesday the 22nd. instant to be observed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, that at one time and with one voice the righteous dispensations of Providence may be acknowledged and His Goodness and Mercy toward us and our Arms supplicated and implored; The General directs that this day also shall be religiously observed in the Army, that no work be done thereon and that the Chaplains prepare discourses suitable to the Occasion.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 6-30-1782. To the Magistrates and Military Officers of Schenectady. “Gentlemen: I request you to accept my warmest thanks for your affectionate address. In a cause so just and righteous as ours, we have every reason to hope the divine Providence will still continue to crown our Arms with success, and finally compel our Enemies to grant us that Peace upon equitable terms, which we so ardently desire.”
Ibid., vol. 27, 8-10-1783. To George Martin, “Your Congratulations to our happy-fated Country, are very agreeable, and your Expressions of personal Regard for me, claim my sincerest Thanks, as do your Exertions in favor of our righteous Cause, now so happily terminated.”
Ibid., vol. 27, 11-27-1783. To the Ministers, Elders, Deacons, and Members of the Reformed German Congregation of New York. “Disposed, at every suitable opportunity to acknowledge publicly our infinite obligations to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for rescuing our Country from the brink of destruction; I cannot fail at this time to ascribe all the honor of our late successes to the same glorious Being. And if my humble exertions have been made in any degree subservient to the execution of the divine purposes, a contemplation of the benediction of Heaven on our righteous Cause, the approbation of my virtuous Countrymen, and the testimony of my own Conscience, will be a sufficient reward and augment my felicity beyond anything which the world can bestow.”
65 Ibid., vol. 31, 2-1792. In a note entitled, “Errors of Government Towards The Indians” Washington wrote, “But, we are involved in actual War! Is it just? or, is it unjust?”
Ibid., vol. 1, in a an “Address To His Command”, Washington said, “You see, gentlemen soldiers, that it hath pleased our most gracious sovereign to declare war in form against the French King, and (for divers good causes, but more particularly for their ambitious usurpations and encroachments on his American dominions) to pronounce all the said French King’s subjects and vassals to be enemies to his crown and dignity; and hath willed and required all his subjects and people, and in a more especial manner commanded his captain-general of his forces, his governors, and all other his commanders and officers, to do and execute all acts of hostility in the prosecution of, this just and honorable war.”
Ibid., vol. 10, 11-30-1777. General Orders: “Forasmuch as it is the indispensible duty of all men, to adore the superintending providence of Almighty God; to acknowledge with gratitude their obligations to him for benefits received, and to implore such further blessings as they stand in need of; and it having pleased him in his abundant mercy, not only to continue to us the innumerable bounties of his common providence, but also, to smile upon us in the prosecution of a just and necessary war, for the defence of our unalienable rights and liberties.”
Ibid., vol. 23, 11-21-1781. To Mayor John Bullen, “That the State in general and this City in particular may long enjoy the benefits which they have a right to expect from their very spirited exertions in the prosecution of this just War is the sincere Wish of Sir Your etc.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 5-6-1782. To Gov. William Livingston, “I must beg you to make it known to all persons acting in a military capacity in your State that I shall hold myself obliged to deliver up to the Enemy or otherwise to punish such of them as shall commit any Act which is in the least contrary to the Laws of War. I doubt not of your doing the same with those who come under the Civil power.”
Ibid., vol. 3, 8-8-1775. To the New York Legislature, “You cannot but have heard that the Disstresses of the Ministerial Troops, for fresh Provisions and many other Necessaries, at Boston, were very great; It is a Policy, Justifiable by all the Laws of War, to endeavour to increase them; Desertions, Discouragement, and a Dissatisfaction with the Service, besides weakening their strength, are some of the Natural Consequences of such a Situation; and, if continued, might afford the fairest Hope of Success, without further Effusion of human Blood.”
Ibid., vol. 16, 8-19-1779. To John Beatty, “You are absolutely to reject every overture for exchanging those persons whom we do not consider as military prisoners of war. We do not hold General Clinton bound by any act of ours respecting this matter; but we reject their exchange solely on the principle that by the Laws and practice of war, we do not think they were proper subjects of military capture. From this we shall never recede.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 5-6-1782.
67 Ibid., vol. 29, 3-31-1787. Writing to James Madison, Washington says, “We seem to have forgotten, or never to have learnt, the policy of placing one’s enemy in the wrong. Had we observed good faith on our part, we might have told our tale to the world with a good grace.”
Ibid., vol. 28, 7-26-1786. Writing to William Grayson, Washington says, “It is good policy at all times, to place one’s adversary in the wrong. Had we observed good faith, and the western Posts had then been withheld from us by G: Britain, we might have appealed to god and man for justice, and if there are any guarantees to the treaty, we might have called upon them to see it fulfilled.” But this approach can be misapplied by individuals as
Ibid., vol. 24, 6-16-1782 shows, “Mr. Sands who yielding nothing himself requiring every thing of others and failing in the most essential parts of his Contract adopts, as is too commonly the Case with little minds the policy of endeavoring to place the adverse party in the wrong, that he may appear in a more favorable point of View himself.”
68 Compare, for instance, WGW, vol. 32, 1-27-1793. To the Members of the New Church in Baltimore, “Your prayers for my present and future felicity are received with gratitude; and I sincerely wish, Gentlemen, that you may in your social and individual capacities taste those blessings, which a gracious God bestows upon the Righteous.”
69 Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, 1889, vol. VI, p. 383; William Johnson, George Washington The Christian (Arlington Heights: Christian Liberty Press, 1919), p. 67. This letter nor either of the two listed sources are not cited nor referenced in “Worthy Partner”: The Papers of Martha Washington (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994).
70 WGW, vol. 11, 4-12-1778.
71 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-9-1776.
72 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789.
73 Ibid., vol. 27, 9-2-1783.
74 Ibid., vol. 35, 12-19-1796. To his grandson, George Washington Parke Custis, he said, “...a proper sense of your duties to God and man....” Ibid., vol. 4, 12-18-1775. “The Law of Retaliation, is not only justifiable, in the Eyes of God and Man, but absolutely a duty, which in our present circumstances we owe to our Relations, Friends and Fellow Citizens.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 4-21-1782. “To do this will mark the Justice of your Excelly’s Character. In Failure of it, I shall hold myself justifiable in the Eyes of God and Man, for the measure to which I shall resort.”
Ibid., vol. 26, 6-8-1783. “Congress, who have in all their Transaction shewn a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and Man....”
Ibid., vol. 28, 6-26-1786. “...we might have appealed to God and man for justice....”
75 Ibid., vol. 27, 9-27-1783.
76 Ibid., vol. 308-31-1788. To Annis Boudinot Stockton, “And now that I am speaking of your Sex, I will ask whether they are not capable of doing something towards introducing foederal fashions and national manners? A good general government, without good morals and good habits, will not make us a happy People; and we shall deceive ourselves if we think it will. A good government will, unquestionably, tend to foster and confirm those qualities, on which public happiness must be engrafted. Is it not shameful that we should be the sport of European whims and caprices? Should we not blush to discourage our own industry and ingenuity; by purchasing foreign superfluities and adopting fantastic fashions, which are, at best, ill suited to our stage of Society? But I will preach no longer on so unpleasant a subject; because I am persuaded that you and I are both of a Sentiment, and because I fear the promulgation of it would work no reformation.”
77 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789, Here we find that Washington believed there was “... an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness.” So also: Ibid., vol. 35, 3-30-1796. To Tobias Lear, “She is now no more! but she must be happy, because her virtue has a claim to it. Ibid., vol. 11, 5-15-1778. To Brig. Gen. Thomas Nelson, Jr. “Matters appear abroad to be in as favourable a train as we could wish, and If we are not free and happy, it will be owing to a want of virtue, prudence and management among ourselves. Ibid., vol. 28, 3-30-1785. To Lucretia Wilhemina Van Winter, “At best I have only been an instrument in the hands of Providence, to effect, with the aid of France and many virtuous fellow Citizens of America, a revolution which is interesting to the general liberties of mankind, and to the emancipation of a country which may afford an Asylum, if we are wise enough to pursue the paths wch. lead to virtue and happiness, to the oppressed and needy of the Earth. Our region is extensive, our plains are productive, and if they are cultivated with liberallity and good sense, we may be happy ourselves, and diffuse happiness to all who wish to participate.”
78 Ibid., vol. 35, 11-28-1796. To George Washington Parke Custis, “The assurances you give me of applying diligently to your studies, and fulfilling those obligations which are enjoined by your Creator and due to his creatures, are highly pleasing and satisfactory to me. I rejoice in it on two accounts; first, as it is the sure means of laying the foundation of your own happiness, and rendering you, if it should please God to spare your life, a useful member of society hereafter; and secondly, that I may, if I live to enjoy the pleasure, reflect that I have been, in some degree, instrumental in effecting these purposes.
79 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789. The “experiment” entrusted to the American people that Washington refers to here in his first inaugural, he viewed as a “success” in his eighth address to Congress at the conclusion of his presidency, “The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the Representatives of the People of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the Administration of the present form of Government commenced; and I cannot omit the occasion, to congratulate you and my Country, on the success of the experiment; nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his Providential care may still be extended to the United States; that the virtue and happiness of the People, may be preserved; and that the Government, which they have instituted, for the protection of their liberties, maybe perpetual.” WGW vol. 35, 12-7-1796.
80 Ibid., vol. 27, 8-10-1783. To George Martin, “I would felicitate the Kingdom of Ireland on their Emancipation from British Controul, and extend my pious Entreaties, that Heaven may establish them in a happy and perpetuated Tranquility, enjoying a freedom of Legislation, and an unconfined Extension of Trade, that connecting Link, which binds together the remotest Countries.”
Ibid., vol. 9, 10-18-1777. to Brig. Gen. James Potter, “I congratulate you upon the glorious Success of our Arms in the North [i.e. the victory at Saratoga] an account of which is enclosed. This singular favor of Providence is to be received with thankfulness and the happy moment which Heaven has pointed out for the firm establishment of American Liberty ought to be embraced with becoming spirit; it is incumbent upon every man of influence in his country to prevail upon the militia to take the field with that energy which the present crisis evidently demands.”
WGW, vol. 30, 4-30-1789. The First Inaugural Address, “Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race, in humble supplication that since he has been pleased to favour the American people, with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparellelled unanimity on a form of Government, for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.”
81 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-21-1776. General Orders: “...the General most earnestly exhorts every officer, and soldier, to pay the utmost attention to his Arms, and Health; to have the former in the best order for Action, and by Cleanliness and Care, to preserve the latter; to be exact in their discipline, obedient to their Superiors and vigilant on duty: With such preparation, and a suitable Spirit there can be no doubt, but by the blessing of Heaven, we shall repel our cruel Invaders; preserve our Country, and gain the greatest Honor.”
Ibid., vol. 5, 8-3-1776. General Orders: “The General is sorry to be informed that the foolish, and wicked practice, of profane cursing and swearing (a Vice heretofore little known in an American Army) is growing into fashion; he hopes the officers will, by example, as well as influence, endeavour to check it, and that both they, and the men will reflect, that we can have little hopes of the blessing of Heaven on our Arms, if we insult it by our impiety, and folly; added to this, it is a vice so mean and low, without any temptation, that every man of sense, and character, detests and despises it.”
Ibid., vol. 5, 8-8-1776. General Orders: “The Honor and safety of our bleeding Country, and every other motive that can influence the brave and heroic Patriot, call loudly upon us, to acquit ourselves with Spirit. In short, we must now determine to be enslaved or free. If we make Freedom our choice, we must obtain it, by the Blessing of Heaven on our United and Vigorous Efforts.”
Ibid., vol. 5, 8-9-1776. General Orders: “The General exhorts every man, both officer and soldier, to be prepared for action, to have his arms in the best order, not to wander from his encampment or quarters; to remember what their Country expects of them, what a few brave men have lately done in South Carolina, against a powerful Fleet and Army; to acquit themselves like men and with the blessing of heaven on so just a Cause we cannot doubt of success.”
Ibid., vol. 5, 8-14-1776. General Orders: “We must resolve to conquer, or die; with this resolution and the blessing of Heaven, Victory and Success certainly will attend us. There will then be a glorious Issue to this Campaign, and the General will reward, his brave Fellow Soldiers! with every Indulgence in his power.”
WGW, vol. 5, 8-17-1776. General Orders: “Whereas a bombardment and attack upon the city of New York, by our cruel and inveterate enemy, may be hourly expected; and as there are great numbers of women, children, and infirm persons, yet remaining in the city, whose continuance will rather be prejudicial than advantageous to the army, and their persons exposed to great danger and hazard; I Do, therefore recommend it to all such persons, as they value their own safety and preservation, to remove with all expedition out of the said town, at this critical period, — trusting that, with the blessing of Heaven upon the American arms, they may soon return to it in perfect security. And I do enjoin and require all the officers and soldiers in the army under my command to forward and assist such persons in their compliance with this recommendation. Given under my hand,”
Ibid., vol. 6, 9-3-1776. General Orders: “The General hopes the justice of the great cause in which they are engaged, the necessity and importance of defending this Country, preserving its Liberties, and warding off the destruction meditated against it, will inspire every man with Firmness and Resolution in time of action, which is now approaching — Ever remembring that upon the blessing of Heaven, and the bravery of the men, our Country only can be saved.”
Ibid., vol. 9, 9-13-1777. General Orders: “The General, with peculiar satisfaction, thanks those gallant officers and soldiers, who, on the 11th. instant, bravely fought in their country and its cause.... Altho’ the event of that day, from some unfortunate circumstances, was not so favorable as could be wished, the General has the satisfaction of assuring the troops, that from every account he has been able to obtain, the enemy’s loss greatly exceeded ours; and he has full confidence that in another Appeal to Heaven (with the blessing of providence, which it becomes every officer and soldier humbly to supplicate), we shall prove successful.”
Ibid vol. 21, 3-14-1781. “To the inhabitants of Providence, The determination you are pleased to express of making every effort for giving vigour to our military operations is consonant with the Spirit that has uniformly actuated this State. It is by this disposition alone we can hope, under the protection of Heaven, to secure the important blessings for which we contend.”
Ibid., vol. 22, 5-7-1781. “To Chevalier De Chastellux. May you participate in those blessings you have invoked heaven for me, and may you live to see a happy termn. of a struggle which was begun and has been continued for the purpose of rescuing America from impending Slavery, and securing to its Inhabitants their indubitable rights in which you bear a conspicuous part...”
Ibid., vol. 23, 9-23-1781. To Maj. Gen. William Heath “By Information, Lord Cornwallis is incessantly at Work on his Fortifications, and is probably preparing to defend himself to the last Extremity; a little Time will probably decide his Fate; with the Blessing of Heaven, I trust it will prove favorable to the Interests of America.”
WGW vol. 26, 6-8-1783. Circular to the States,... “Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a fairer oppertunity for political happiness, than any other Nation has ever been favored with.”
Ibid., vol. 27, 8-25-1783. To the inhabitants of Princeton. “I now return you Gentlemen my thanks for your benevolent wishes, and make it my earnest prayer to Heaven, that every temporal and divine blessing may be bestowed on the Inhabitants of Princeton, on the neighbourhood, and on the President and Faculty of the College of New Jersey, and that the usefulness of this Institution in promoting the interests of Religion and Learning may be universally extended.”
Ibid., vol. 27, 12-12-1783. To the militia Officers of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia “While the various Scenes of the War, in which I have experienced the timely aid of the Militia of Philadelphia, recur to my mind, my ardent prayer ascends to Heaven that they may long enjoy the blessings of that Peace which has been obtained by the divine benediction on our common exertions.”
WGW, vol. 28, 4-10-1785. To the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and Commonalty of the City of New York “I pray that Heaven may bestow its choicest blessings on your City. That the devastations of War, in which you found it, may soon be without a trace. That a well regulated and benificial Commerce may enrichen your Citizens. And that, your State (at present the Seat of the Empire) may set such examples of wisdom and liberality, as shall have a tendency to strengthen and give permanency to the Union at home, and credit and respectability to it abroad. The accomplishment whereof is a remaining wish, and the primary object of all my desires.”
Ibid., vol. 30, April, 1789. Proposed Address To Congress, “If the blessings of Heaven showered thick around us should be spilled on the ground or converted to curses, through the fault of those for whom they were intended, it would not be the first instance of folly [34] or perverseness in short-sighted mortals. The blessed Religion revealed in the word of God will remain an eternal and awful monument to prove that the best Institutions may be abused by human depravity; and that they may even, in some instances be made subservient to the vilest of purposes.”
Ibid., vol. 32, 6-13-1793. To the Marquise de Lafayette, “I can only add my most ardent prayers, that you may be again united to M. de la Fayette, under circumstances that may be joyful to you both; and that the evening of that life, whose morning has been devoted to the cause of liberty and humanity, may be crowned with the best of heaven’s blessings.”
Ibid., vol. 33, 8-4-1793. To the Inhabitants of the City of Hartford “‘Tis from dispositions like these that we may hope to avoid an interruption of the numerous blessings which demand our gratitude to Heaven; or that we may be encouraged to meet with firmness, confiding in the protection of a just Providence, any attempts to disturb them, which intemperance or injustice, from whatever quarter, may at any time make it our duty to encounter?”
Ibid., vol. 37, 3-3-1799. To the President of the United States: “I sincerely pray, that in the discharge of these arduous and important duties committed to you, your health may be unimpaired, and that you may long live to enjoy those blessings which must flow to our Country, if we should be so happy as to pass this critical period in an honourable and dignified manner, without being involved in the horrors and calamities of War.”
Ibid., vol. 37, 12-13-1798. To James Mc Henry, Secretary of War. (Washington’s last use of the phrase “blessing of providence” is in the context of preparing for war.) “Regarding the overthrow of Europe at large as a matter not entirely chimerical, it will be our prudence to cultivate a spirit of self-dependence, and to endeavour by unremitting vigilance and exertion under the blessing of providence, to hold the scales of our destiny in our own hands. Standing, as it were in the midst of falling empires, it should be our aim to assume a station and attitude, which will preserve us from being overwhelmed in their ruins.”
82 Ibid., vol. 3, 7-4-1775.
83 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-9-1776.
84 Ibid., vol. 1, 9-23-1756.
85 Ibid., vol. 1, 11-9-1756.
86 Ibid., vol. 1, 11-24-1756.
87 WGW, vol. 2, 4-21-1758.
88 Ibid., vol. 4, 12-15-1775, To Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, “Having heard that It’s doubtful, whether the Reverend Mr. Leonard from your Colony, will have it in his power to Continue here as a Chaplain, I cannot but express some Concern, as I think his departure will be a loss. His General Conduct has been exemplary and praiseworthy: In discharging the duties of his Office, active and industrious; he has discovered himself warm and steady friend to his Country, and taken great pains to animate the Soldiery and Impress them with a knowledge of the important rights we are contending for. Upon the late desertion of the Troops, he gave a Sensible and judicious discourse, holding forth the Necessity of courage and bravery and at the same time of Obedience and Subordination to those in Command. In justice to the merits of this Gentleman, I thought it only right to give you this Testimonial of my Opinion of him and to mention him to you, as a person worthy of your esteem and that of the Public. I am Sir, &c.”
89 Ibid., vol.4, 2-7-1776. General Orders: “The Continental Congress having been pleased to order, and direct, that there shall be one Chaplain to two Regiments, and that the pay of each Chaplain shall be Thirty-three dollars and one third, pr Kalendar Month — The Revd. Abiel Leonard is appointed Chaplain to the Regiment of Artillery, under the command of Col Knox, and to the 20th. Regiment, at present commanded by Lt. Col Durkee.”
90 Along with the discourse mentioned in Washington’s letter to Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, there is written record of two other sermons by Abiel Leonard that Washington heard.
On Sunday, December 3, 1775, he attended service at the Reverend Dr. Appleton’s Church; discourse by Abiel Leonard, chaplain of General Putnam’s command. This was the “old congregational church,” which Washington attended while in Cambridge, the minister being the venerable Nathaniel Appleton....” (Johnson, George Washington the Christian, pp. 74-75.)
On the same day, [the evacuation of Boston by the British, March 17, 1776] a few hours after the departure of the British, Washington and his officers attended thanksgiving service, and listened to the Reverend Dr. Abiel Leonard preach from Exodus 14:25: “And he took off their chariot wheels, that they drave them heavily; so that the Egyptians said, Let us flee from the face of Israel; for the Lord fighteth for them against the Egyptians.” (Johnson, George Washington the Christian, pp 78-79.)
The following from George Littell, George Washington: Christian, 1913, adds additional information about Abiel Leonard, his illustrious family and Washington’s contact with him: “...in Cambridge on Sunday, Dec. 3, 1775, he [Washington] went to the Reverend Dr. Appleton’s church, and heard a discourse by Abiel Leonard, Chaplain to Gen. Putman’s command. This building was taken down in 1833, and the land sold to Harvard College. Abiel Leonard is easily remembered in both State and Church. His son was Capt. Nathaniel Leonard, whose son was Abiel Leonard, a Supreme Court Justice of Missouri, whose son was the Right Reverend Abiel Leonard, the heroic Bishop of Salt Lake in Utah, and the 145th Bishop of the American Church to which Washington belonged....” Sadly, Chaplain Leonard’s life ended early after a struggle with mental illness. Ibid., vol. 4, 12-15-1775, Note: “Abiel Leonard, chaplain of the Third Connecticut Regiment; chaplain of Knox’s Continental artillery through the year 1776. He became insane in 1777 and died in 1778.”
91 See Appleton, A Catalogue of the Washington Collection at the Boston Athenaeum, p. 557.
92 Abiel Leonard’s Prayer in its entirety can be found in the appendix.
93 WGW, vol. 31, 3-4-1791, note says, “On this same day (March 4) Washington also sent to the Senate the nominations of Arthur St. Clair to be major general, Samuel Hodgdon to be quartermaster, and John Hurt to be chaplain, in consequence of the new regiment added to the United States Army.” Chaplain John Hurt had served in the Revolutionary War and was from Virginia. See chapter 2, note 28.
94 See William C. Lane, A Catalogue of the Washington Collection at the Boston Athenaeum, see under Evans
95 The title page goes on to say, “At a Meeting of the General and Field Officers of the Western Army, it was Voted, That Brigadier General Maxwell, Colonel Courtlandt, Colonel Cilley, Lieutenant Colonel Forest, and Major Edwards, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Evans, and return him the thanks of the Army for this Discourse, delivered before the Troops, on the seventeenth instant; and that they request of him a copy for the Press: That a number of copies be procured and distributed amongst the federal Corps of the Army gratis.”
96 WGW, vol. 11, 4-21-1778.
97 Ibid., vol. 8, 7-19-1777.
98 Ibid., vol. 26, 4-4-1783.
99 Noel Porter, Arch Deacon of California, San Francisco, California “The Religious Life of George Washington, in History of the George Washington Bicentennial Celebration, volume II, Literature Series, (Washington, D.C.: United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission, 1932).
1 WGW, vol. 3, 9-21-1775: WGW September 21, 1775 has the following note: Trumbull had written: “I am surprised that mine of the 5th instant was not received, or not judged worthy of Notice, as no mention is made of it. Stonington had been Attacked, and severely cannonaded, and by divine Providence marvelously protected. New London and Norwich are still menaced by the Ministerial Ships and Troops, that the militia cannot be thought sufficient for their security. That is necessary to cast up some Entrenchments. We are obliged actually to raise more Men for their Security, and for the Towns of New Haven and Lyme. I hoped some of the new Levies might have been left here, till these dangers were over, without injury to any of your Operations. I own that must be left to your Judgment. Yet it would have given me pleasure to have been acquainted that you did consider it. I thank Divine Providence and you for this early warning to great care and watchfulness, that so the Union of the Colonies may be settled on a permanent and happy Basis... “You may depend on our utmost Exertions for the defence and security of the Constitutional Rights and Liberty of the Colonies, and of our own in particular. None have shown greater forwardness, and thereby rendered themselves more the Object of Ministerial Vengeance. I am, with great Esteem and Regard for your personal Character,” etc. Trumbull’s letter, dated Sept. 15, 1775, is in the Washington Papers.
2 WGW, vol. 11, 5-2-1778.
3 Ibid., vol. 2, 5-30-1768. Quoted by Fitzpatrick from Boucher’s autobiography.
4 See examples WGW, vol. 1, 1-6-1756; 1, 11-24-1756; vol. 7, 4-9-1777; vol.7 4-17-1777; vol. 8 5-12-1777; vol.8 5-14-1777; vol.8, 5-23-1777, vol. 8, 6-3-1777; vol. 8 6-6-1777; vol.8, 6-20-1777; vol.8, 7-18-1777; vol.8, 7-24-1777; vol.9, 8-28-1777; vol.9, 9-1-1777; vol.9, 10-7-1777; vol.9, 10-10-1777; vol.9, 10-22-1777; vol.9, 10-25-1777; vol.9, 10-26-1777; vol.10, 11-10-1777; vol.10, 11-18-1777; vol.10, 12-3-1777; vol.10, 12-22-1777; vol.10, 12-25-1777; vol.10, 1-1-1778; vol.10, 1-3-1778; vol.10, 1-11-1778; vol.10, 1-14-1778; vol.10, 1-18-1778; vol.10, 1-28-1778, vol.10, 2-4-1778; vol.10, 2-8-1778; vol.36, 9-25-1798; vol. 36, 9-24-1776; vol.36, 7-16-1798; vol.36, 7-22-1798; vol.17, 11-20-1779; vol.36, 7-4-1798; vol. 37, 6-6-1799; vol.10, 1-29-1778; vol.31, 3-9-1792; vol.36, 10-15-1798; vol.37, 4-23-1799; vol.12, 8-24-1778; etc...
5 Ibid., vol. 7, 4-21-1777; vol. 8, 5-9-1777; vol. 8, 5-10-1777; vol. 8, 6-6-1777; vol. 8, 7-19-1777; vol. 9, 8-27-1777; vol. 9, 9-1-1777; vol. 9, 9-6-1777; vol. 10, 11-21-1777; vol. 10, 11-23-1777; vol. 11, 3-1-1778; vol. 11, 3-26-1778; vol. 25, 8-23-1782.
6 Ibid., vol. 1, 10-10-1756; vol. 5, 6-28-1776; vol. 6, 10-8-1776; vol. 6, 10-22-1776; vol. 6, 12-1-1776; vol. 6, 12-10-1776; vol. 7, 1-13-1777; vol. 8, 5-31-1777; vol. 9, 8-4-1777; vol. 10, 1-30-1778; vol. 11, 4-11-1778; 3, vol. 7-10-1775; vol. 12, 8-21-1778; vol. 18, 5-28-1780.
7 Ibid., vol. 6, 9-11-1776; vol. 10, 11-14-1777; vol. 10, 1-10-1778.
8 Ibid., vol. 6, 10-11-1776; vol. 7, 1-13-1777; vol. 8, 5-12-1777; vol. 8, 6-10-1777; vol. 8, 6-19-1777; vol. 11, 3-12-1778; vol. 11, 3-24-1778; vol. 11, 3-25, 1778; vol. 11, 3-31-1778; vol. 11, 3-22-1778; vol. 24, 7-5-1782.
9 Ibid., vol. 7, 4-30-1777; vol. 8, 6-4-1777; vol. 8, 6-7-1777; vol. 9, 8-9-1777; vol. 1, 5-29-1754; vol. 3, 8-1-1775; 7, vol. 2-14-1777; vol. 7, 2-24-1777; vol. 26, 4-18-1783; vol. 27, 11-2-1783.
10 Ibid., vol. 1, 13-19-1756; vol. 2, 9-18-1757; vol. 3, 6-18-1775; vol. 3, 6-19-1775; vol. 3, 9-26-1775; vol. 4, 3-31-1776; vol. 5, 5-5-1776; vol. 5, 7-14-1776; vol. 6, 9-30-1776; vol. 6, 11-6-1776; vol. 7, 2-4-1777; vol. 7, 4-9-1777; vol. 2, 1-1757; vol. 2, 9-17-1757; vol. 3, 9-21-1775; vol. 5, 7-22-1776; vol. 16, 7-29-1779; vol. 27, 1-3-1784; vol. 28, 9-5-1785; vol. 34, 9-7-1795; vol. 35, 5-15-1796; vol. 10, 1-4-1778; vol. 20, 11-20-1780; vol. 27, 12-6-1783; vol. 27, 12-19-1783; vol. 30, 1-9-1790; vol. 33, 4-8-1794; vol. 36, 9-25-1798.
11 Ibid., vol. 2, 4-23-1758; vol. 3, 8-20-1775; vol. 5, 8-17-1776; vol. 5, 4-29-1777; vol. 7, 2-4-1777; vol. 7, 2-10-1777; vol. 7, 2-18-1777; vol. 10, 2-6-1778; vol. 10,, 2-18-1778; vol. 11, 3-5-1778; vol. 11, 3-10-1778; vol. 2, 1-1757; vol. 30, 3-23-1789; vol. 37, 1-15-1799; vol. 8, 5-6-1777; vol. 26, 4-25-1783; vol. 26, 5-15-1783; vol. 27, 12-15-1783; vol. 27, 5-15-1784; vol. 31, 12-5-1790; vol. 31, 5-20-1791; vol. 34, 4-20-1795; vol. 35, 8-8-1796.
12 Ibid., vol. 11, 3-7-1778; vol. 3, 8-20-1775; vol. 26, 3-18-1783; vol. 29, 3-31-1787; vol. 29, 3-26-1788; vol. 29, 4-25-1788; vol. 30, 4-30-1789; vol. 35, 5-15-1796; vol. 26, 4-4-1783; vol. 26, 4-5-1783; vol. 28, 6-22-1785; vol. 28, 8-22-1785; vol. 28, 11-30-1785; vol. 29, 11-5-1786; vol. 29, 11-15-1786; vol. 31, 2-13-1790; vol. 34, 10-16-1794; vol. 34, 12-22-1795; vol. 36, 7-14-1798; vol. 35, 9-19-1796; vol. 26, 6-8-1783; vol. 33, 5-6-1794.
13 Ibid., vol. 35, 7-7-1797; vol. 3, 6-10-1774; vol. 5, 6-13-1776; vol. 5, 6-27-1776; vol. 5, 7-6-1776; vol. 5, 8-11-1776; vol. 5, 8-12-1776; vol. 7, 2-14-1777; vol. 7, 2-19-1777; vol. 7, 4-7-1777; vol. 5, 8-7-1776; vol. 8, 6-28-1777; vol. 14, 4-5-1779; vol. 20, 10-25-1780; vol. 20, 11-16-1780; vol. 21, 2-22-1781.
14 Ibid., vol. 36 3-8-1798; vol. 3, 9-26-1775; vol. 37, 7-21-1799; vol. 3, 10-9-1774; vol. 29, 10-18-1787; vol. 31, 3-28-1790; vol. 33, 7-21-1793; vol. 36, 3-1798; vol. 33, 8-26-1794.
15 Ibid., vol. 11, 4-10-1778; vol. 11, 4-17-1778; vol. 35, 4-7-1797; vol. 36, 1-29-1798; vol. 36, 2-12-1798; vol. 36, 4-8-1798; vol. 36, 9-14-1798; vol. 37, 11-24-1799; vol. 28, 6-30-1785; vol. 33, 12-18-1793; vol. 36, 9-4-1797; vol. 27, 9-6-1783; vol. 28, 8-17-1785; vol. 28, 11-10-1785; vol. 28, 6-26-1786; vol. 27, 9-6-1783; vol. 31, 4-8-1790; vol. 32, 1-6-1793; vol. 33, 12-23-1793; vol. 33, 7-27-1794; vol. 33, 8-3-1794; vol. 34, 5-24-1795; vol. 35, 4-7-1797.
16 Ibid., vol. 29, 4-25-1788; vol. 31, 3-8-1792; vol. 33, 1-23-1794; vol. 35, 8-19-1796; vol. 30, 1-18-1788; vol. 31, 9-20-1790; vol. 31, 11-15-1791; vol. 32, 8-31-1792; vol. 32, 11-14-1792; vol. 32, 11-17-1792; vol. 32, 11-30-1792; vol. 33, 4-11-1794; vol. 33, 3-6-1795; vol. 35, 7-25-1796; vol. 35, 8-5-1796; vol. 36, 9-25-1798; vol. 35, 7-15-1796; vol. 35, 12-7-1796; vol. 30, 5-10-1789; vol. 30, 8-1789; vol. 26, 5-10-1786; vol. 31, 9-16-1791; vol. 33, 7-21-1793; vol. 35, 7-8-1796.
17 Ibid., vol. 4, 11-15-1775; 30, 11-30-1789; 30, 11-22-1789; 30, 11-30-1789; 34, 9-27-1795; 34, 9-28-1795; 34 10-29-1795;
18 Ibid., vol. 9, 8-4-1777; vol. 36, 7-30-1798; vol. 35, 7-30-1798; vol. 36, 8-10-1798; vol. 36, 8-20-1798; vol. 37, 1-20-1799.
19 Ibid., vol. 11, 3-21-1778; vol. 1, 9-8-1756; vol. 28, 2-27-1786.
20 Ibid., vol. 9, 9-28-1777; vol. 10, 2-21-1778; vol. 2, 2-25-1768; vol. 3, 6-24-1771; vol. 32, 12-18-1792; vol. 37, 4-7-1799; vol. 2, 10-9-1769; vol. 15, 6-1-1779; vol. 17, 11-11-1779; vol. 28, 4-12-1785; vol. 28, 5-25-1785; vol. 29, 12-3-1787; vol. 31, 11-7-1791; vol. 34, 1-12-1795.
21 Ibid., vol. 11, 3-13-1778; vol. 36, 10-18-1798; vol. 1, 4-23-1754; vol. 1, 10-17-1755; vol. 1, 11-9-1756; vol. 2, 12-2-1758; vol. 4, 10-13-1775; vol. 5, 5-15-1776; vol. 5, 6-16-1776; vol. 5, 6-24-1776; vol. 27, 8-3-1783; vol. 32, 1-23-1793; vol. 33, 3-31-1794; vol. 35, 2-28-1797; vol. 35, 7-7-1797.
22 Ibid., vol. 32, 4-18-1793; vol. 36, 9-25-1798.
23 Ibid., vol. 34, 11-23-1794; vol. 34, 3-15-1795.
24 Ibid., vol. 9, 8-21-1777; vol. 1, 4-23-1755; vol. 2, 10-4-1763; vol. 3, 8-4-1775; vol. 23, 10-27-1781; vol. 27, 7-14-1784; vol. 29, 2-11-1788; vol. 34, 11-23-1895; vol. 34, 2-1-1796.
25 Ibid., vol. 3, 4-25-1773; vol. 34, 1-16-1795.
26 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-9-1776; vol. 5, 8-3-1776; vol. 11, 5-2-1778; 30, also see 5-26-1789: On May 26 the General Assembly of Presbyterian churches in the United States, meeting in Philadelphia, sent an address to Washington. His answer, which is undated in the “Letter Book,” follows immediately after the copy of the address. In it he wrote in part: “While I reiterate the professions of my dependence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private blessings; I will observe that the general prevalence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry, and economy seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs, particularly necessary for advancing and confirming the happiness of our country. While all men within our territories are protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return, that they will be emulous of evincing the sanctity of their professions by the innocence of their lives and the beneficence of their actions; for no man, who is profligate in his morals, or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true Christian, or a credit to his own religious society. I desire you to accept my acknowledgments for your laudable endeavours to render men sober, honest, and good Citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful government.”
27 Ibid., vol. 10, 1-2-1778; vol. 11, 3-11-1778; vol. 11, 3-13-1778; vol. 11, 3-27-1778; vol. 11, 4-10-1778; vol. 35, 5-15-1796.
28 Ibid., vol. 3, 9-21-1775: WGW, September 21, 1775 has the following note: Trumbull had written: “I am surprised that mine of the 5th instant was not received, or not judged worthy of Notice, as no mention is made of it. Stonington had been Attacked, and severely cannonaded, and by divine Providence marvelously protected. New London and Norwich are still menaced by the Ministerial Ships and Troops, that the militia cannot be thought sufficient for their security. That tis necessary to cast up some Entrenchments. We are obliged actually to raise more Men for their Security, and for the Towns of New Haven and Lyme. I hoped some of the new Levies might have been left here, till these dangers were over, without injury to any of your Operations. I own that must be left to your Judgment. Yet it would have given me pleasure to have been acquainted that you did consider it. I thank Divine Providence and you for this early warning to great care and watchfulness, that so the Union of the Colonies may be settled on a permanent and happy Basis... “You may depend on our utmost Exertions for the defence and security of the Constitutional Rights and Liberty of the Colonies, and of our own in particular. None have shown greater forwardness, and thereby rendered themselves more the Object of Ministerial Vengeance. I am, with great Esteem and Regard for your personal Character,” etc. Trumbull’s letter, dated Sept. 15, 1775, is in the Washington Papers.
29 Ibid., vol. 3, 9-21-1775. Governor Trumbull graciously replied on October 9, 1775: “I have no disposition to increase the weight of your burdens, which, in the multiplicity of your business, must be sufficiently heavy, nor inclination to disturb the harmony so necessary to the happy success of our public operations. I am persuaded no such difficulty will any more happen. It is unhappy, that jealousies should be excited, or disputes of any sort litigated, between any of the colonies, to disunite them at a time, when our liberty, our property, our all is at stake. If our enemies prevail, which our disunion may occasion, our jealousies will then appear frivolous, and all our disputed claims of no value to either side.” See WGW, vol. 3, 9-21-1775.
30 Ibid., vol. 28, 10-1-1785.
31 Ibid., vol. 1, 13-19-1756.
32 Ibid., vol. 9, 9-19-1777 Washington wrote to the President of Congress, “I was honored, this Morning, with your favors of the 17th and 18th with their Inclosures. I am much obliged to Congress for the late instance of their Confidence, expressed in their Resolution of the 17th, and shall be happy, if my conduct in discharging the objects they had in view, should be such, as to meet their approbation.” The significance of this is that Congress had in essence given Washington the power of a dictator. Fitzpatrick writes in a note to this letter: “The necessity of a speedy removal of Congress from Philadelphia, and the uncertainty as to the time of the next meeting, moved Congress to confer powers upon Washington which practically made him a dictator: ‘Resolved, That General Washington be authorized and directed to suspend all officers who shall misbehave, and to fill up all vacancies in the American army, under the rank of brigadiers, until the pleasure of Congress shall be communicated: to take, wherever he may be, all such provisions and other articles as may be necessary for the comfortable subsistence of the army under his command, paying or giving certificates for the same; to remove and secure for the benefit of the owners, all goods and effects, which may be serviceable to the enemy; provided, that the powers hereby vested shall be exercised only in such parts of these states as may be within the circumference of 70 miles of the head quarters of the American army, and shall continue in force for the space of 60 days, unless sooner revoked by Congress.’ (See Journals of the Continental Congress, Sept. 17, 1777.)”
33 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-4-1783.
34 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-4-1783.
35 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-4-1783.
36 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-4-1783.
37 Ibid., vol. 26, 3, 15, 1783 quotes this letter from Col. David Cobb.
38 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-15-1783.
39 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-15-1783.
40 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-15-1783.
41 Ibid., vol. 2 1-1757.
42 Ibid., vol. 34, 7-31-1795.
43 Ibid., vol. 28, 11-30-1785.
44 Ibid., vol. 10, 1-8-1778. See also the note from WGW, vol. 32, 6-30-1792.
45 Ibid., vol. 12, 6-11-1778.
46 Ibid., See note, vol. 2, 12-9-1758
47 Ibid., vol. 12-9-1758.
48 Ibid., vol. 1, 11-15-1754.
49 Ibid., vol. 1, 4-20-1755. The full text of the letter says, “Dr. Sir: I was sorry it was not in my power to wait upon you at Westover last Christmas. I had enjoy’d much satisfaction in the thought when an unexpected accident put it entirely out of my power to comply either with my promise, or Inclination; both of which equally urg’d me to make the Visit. I am now preparing for, and shall in a few days sett off, to serve in the ensuing Campainge; with different Views from what I had before; for here, if I can gain any credit, or if I am entitled to the least countenance and esteem, it must be from serving my Country with a free, Voluntary will; for I can very truly say, I have no expectation of reward but the hope of meriting the love of my Country and friendly regard of my acquaintances; and as to any prospect of obtaining a Comn. I have none, and am pretty well assur’d it is not in Genl. Braddock’s to give such a one as I wou’d accept off as I am told a Compa. is the highest Comn. that is now vested in his gift. He disir’d my Company this Campainge, has honoured me with particular marks of Esteem, and kindly invited me into his Family; which will ease me of that expence, which otherwise wou’d undoubtedly have accrued in furnishing a proper Camp Provision; whereas the expence will now be easy, (comparatively speaking) as baggage Horses, tents and some other necessarys will constitute the whole of the charge tho’ I mean to say to leave a Family just settling, and in the utmost confusion and disorder (as mine is in at present) will be the means of my using my private Fortune very greatly, but however this may happen, it shall be no hindrance to my making this Campaigne. I am Sir with very g’t esteem, etc.”
50 Ibid., vol. 6, 10-12-1776.
51 Ibid., vol. 36, 7-4-1798.
52 Ibid., vol. 36, 8-29-1797. Washington wrote to Thomas MacDonald, (Of the British Board of Agriculture.): “Little doubt can be entertained of harmonious proceedings in any business, where men of character and honor, well disposed to do justice, are appointed to conduct it.” (WGW note: Thomas MacDonald and Henry Pye Rich were the British Commissioners for carrying into effect the VIth Article of Jay’s Treaty. They visited Mount Vernon Oct. 14-16, 1797.)
53 Ibid., vol. 23, 7-23-1775. Washington wrote to Brig. Gen. John Thomas, as Thomas was considering resigning. “Sir: The Retirement of a general Officer possessing the Confidence of his Country and the Army at so critical a Period, appears to me to be big with fatal Consequences both to the Publick Cause and his own Reputation. ...I think it my Duty to use this last Effort to prevent it; he may very properly insist upon his claims of Rank...but in such a cause as this, where the Object is neither Glory nor extent of territory, but a defence of all that is dear and valuable in Life, surely every post ought to be deemed honorable in which a Man can serve his Country. ...if at such a time and in such a cause smaller and partial considerations cannot give way to the great and general Interest. These remarks can only affect you as a member of the great American body, but as an inhabitant of Massachusetts Bay, your own Province and the other Colonies have a peculiar and unquestionable claim to your Services, and in my opinion you cannot refuse them without relinquishing in some degree that Character For publick Virtue and Honor which you have hitherto supported. If our Cause is just, it ought to be supported, but where shall it find support, if Gentlemen of merit and experience, unable to conquer the prejudices of a competition, withdraw themselves in an hour of Danger.”
54 Ibid., vol. 19 To Col. Goose Van Schaick on June 20, 1780: “...the Troops must not tarnish by an unbecoming or unsoldierly conduct, the honor and character of perseverance which they have justly acquired. The want of pay and necessaries are not peculiar to the Regiment garrisoning Fort Schuyler: The rest of the Army have experienced the same.”
55 Ibid., vol. 23, 10-31-1781. General Orders, October 31, 1781, “The General in order that this declaration may have its proper Effect and that Colonel White may be totally freed from the aspersions cast on his Character in consequence of the Charges alluded to Directs it to be Published to the Army. The General cannot forbear adding that Accusations of so serious a nature should be made with the most scrupulous caution; an Officer’s Character being too sacred to be impeached with Levity without a sufficient foundation.”
56 The phrase “conduct unbecoming” is found nine times. “Unsoldierly conduct” is found twice. The phrase “court martial” is found over one thousand times in Washington’s writings. “Guilty” is found 550 times; “innocent” 80 times.
57 WGW, vol. 6, 9-16-1776. General Orders: “ ...the abandoned and profligate part of our own Army, countenanced by a few officers, who are lost to every Sense of Honor and Virtue, as well as their Country’s Good, are by Rapine and Plunder, spreading Ruin and Terror wherever they go; thereby making themselves infinitely more to be dreaded than the common Enemy they are come to oppose; at the same time that it exposes Men who are strolling about after plunder to be surpriz’d and taken. The General therefore hopes it will be unnecessary, on any future Occasion, for him to repeat the Orders of yesterday, with respect to this matter, as he is determined to shew no Favor to officer, or soldier, who shall offend herein, but punish without exception, every person who shall be found guilty of this most abominable practice, which if continued, must prove the destruction of any Army on earth.”
58 Ibid., vol. 6, 11-3-1776. General Orders: “The General is sorry to find, that there are some Soldiers, so lost to all Sense of Honor, and Honesty, as to leave the Army, when there is the greatest necessity for their services: He calls upon the Officers of every Rank, to exert themselves, in putting a stop to it, and absolutely forbids any officer, under the Rank of a Brigadier General, discharging any officer, or soldier, or giving any permission to leave the Camp on any pretence whatever.”
59 Ibid., vol. 25, 11-13-1782. Washington wrote to Brig. Gen. Peter Muhlenberg, “an Officer of the Virginia Line ... has received a sum of Money for the recruiting service, which he declares he will apply in the first instance to the payment of his own arrearage of Pay, and the Balance, if any, to the purposes for which he drew the sum. The Governor further informs me, that he has furnished you with proofs of the fact, and has desired you to call the Officer to a proper account. I can have no doubt of your not only immediately doing this, but taking steps to put a stop to a practice of the like kind by others. Tho’ I hope no other will be found so lost to all sense of honor and honesty as to attempt it. It will be necessary for you, not only for information, but to prevent misapplication of public Money, to call upon the Recruiting Officers very often for returns, and if Men are not sent in agreeable to Returns, you may well suspect improper Conduct. You will as before directed, make me monthly returns at least.”
60 Ibid., vol. 8, 5-3-1777. Washington wrote, “I am well informed, from various parts of the Country, that the pernicious practice of Gaming has been exceedingly injurious to the recruiting Service; not only in point of the Officer’s time being taken up; but that they have been so lost to all sense of Honor, that the Money drawn and intended for Bounty has been Squander’d this way. it therefore becomes a matter of great concern, that every Commander of a Regiment should be particularly attentive, that this Evil may be prevented from creeping in amongst them, and punish it in a most exemplary manner, upon its first appearance.”
61 Ibid., vol. 15, 7-8-1779. General Orders: “At a Brigade General Court Martial in the 1st. Pennsylvania brigade July 5th., Colonel Humpton President, Neil Megonigle soldier in the 7th. Pennsylvania regiment was tried for, “Desertion from his guard at an advanced post proceeding towards the enemy and opposing the party who took him.” The Court are of opinion the prisoner is guilty of the several charges exhibited against him and in consequence of his former bad character and his late conduct do unanimously sentence him to suffer death. The Commander in Chief confirms the sentence and orders said Megonigle to be hung next Saturday, 10 o’clock in the forenoon at such place as Genl. Putnam shall direct.”
62 Ibid., vol.18, 3-1-1780. Washington wrote to Col. Thomas Craig, “Sir: I have received your favor on the subject of Lieutenant Armstrong. Previous to the receipt, the sentence had been issued in Genl. Orders. You will there observe that Lt. Armstrong was found guilty and sentenced to be discharged, but that the Genl. in consequence of the favorable character given him of the Gentn. has restored him to his rank and command. So far from thinking your commission a trouble, he assured me if it was not in the line of my duty, I should be happy to serve you.”
63 Ibid., vol. 26, 2-4-1783. General Orders, February 4, 1783, “The General is happy in having the following honorable testimony to the Character and memory of Major General Lord Sterling recorded in the Annals of the Army. By the United States in Congress assembled January 28, 1783. The Commander in Chief having in a letter of the 20th, informed Congress of the death of Major General Lord Stirling. On motion, Resolved, That the President signify to the Commandr. in Chief, in a manner the most respectful to the memory of the late Major General the Earl of Stirling, the sense Congress entertain of the early and meritorius, exertions of that general in the common cause; and of the bravery, perseverance and military talents he possessed; which having fixed their esteem for his character, while living, induce a proportionate regret for the loss of an officer who has rendered such constant and important services to his country.”
64 Ibid., vol. 20, 9-26-1780. Writing to Lt. Col. John Laurens on October 13, 1780, Washington further discussed the treason of Benedict Arnold: “In no instance since the commencement of the War has the interposition of Providence appeared more conspicuous than in the rescue of the Post and Garrison of West point from Arnolds villainous perfidy. How far he meant to involve me in the catastrophe of this place does not appear by any indubitable evidence, and I am rather inclined to think he did not wish to hazard the more important object of his treachery by attempting to combine two events the lesser of which might have marred the greater. [Note: Laurens had congratulated Washington on his escape from the machinations of Arnold’s plot.]
“A combination of extraordinary circumstances. An unaccountable deprivation of presence of Mind in a man of the first abilities, and the virtuous conduct of three Militia men, threw the Adjutant General of the British forces in America (with full proofs of Arnolds treachery) into our hands; and but for the egregious folly, or the bewildered conception of Lieut. Colo. Jameson who seemed lost in astonishment and not to have known what he was doing I should as certainly have got Arnold. André has met his fate, and with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man, and gallant Officer. But I am mistaken if at this time, Arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental Hell. [Note: Laurens had written: “Arnold must undergo a punishment incomparably more severe in the permanent increasing torment of a mental hell.”] He wants feeling! From some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in villainy, and so lost to all sense of honor and shame that while his faculties will enable him to continue his sordid pursuits there will be no time for remorse.” WGW, vol. 20, 10-13-1780.
65 Ibid., vol. 24, 8-7-1780. Washington wrote, “Honorary Badges of distinction are to be conferred on the veteran Non commissioned officers and soldiers of the army who have served more than three years with bravery, fidelity and good conduct; for this purpose a narrow piece of white cloth of an angular form is to be fixed to the left arm on the uniform Coat. Non commissioned officers and soldiers who have served with equal reputation more than six years are to be distinguished by two pieces of cloth set in parallel to each other in a similar form; should any who are not entitled to these honors have the insolence to assume the badges of them they shall be severely punished. On the other hand it is expected those gallant men who are thus designated will on all occasions be treated with particular confidence and consideration. The General ever desirous to cherish virtuous ambition in his soldiers, as well as to foster and encourage every species of Military merit, directs that whenever any singularly meritorious action is performed, the author of it shall be permitted to wear on his facings over the left breast, the figure of a heart in purple cloth, or silk, edged with narrow lace or binding. Not only instances of unusual gallantry, but also of extraordinary fidelity and essential service in any way shall meet with a due reward. Before this favor can be conferred on any man, the particular fact, or facts, on which it is to be grounded must be set forth to the Commander in chief accompanied with certificates from the Commanding officers of the regiment and brigade to which the Candidate for reward belonged, or other incontestable proofs, and upon granting it, the name and regiment of the person with the action so certified are to be enrolled in the book of merit which will be kept at the orderly office. Men who have merited this last distinction to be suffered to pass all guards and sentinels which officers are permitted to do. The road to glory in a patriot army and a free country is thus open to all. This order is also to have retrospect to the earliest stages of the war, and to be considered as a permanent one.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 8-7-1782, note: “This decoration, now known as ‘The Purple Heart,’ was revived by the President of the United States, Feb. 22, 1933, and thrown open to all who served in the Army of the United States. As established by Washington, “The Badge of Military Merit” was unique, in that it was obtainable only by privates and noncommissioned officers.”
67 Ibid., vol. 11, 4-27-1783. General Orders said, “The Board appointed to take into consideration the claims of the Candidates for the Badge of merit [Known today as the “Purple Heart.”] Report. That Serjeant Churchill of the 2d regt. of Light Dragoons and Serjeant Brown of the late 5th Connecticut regt. are in their opinion severally entitled to the badge of Military merit and do therefore recommend them to His Excellency the Commander in chief, as suitable characters for that honorary distinction.”
68 Ibid., vol. 11, 5-2-1778.
69 Ibid., vol. 11, 5-2-1778.
1 WGW, vol. 30, 4-30-1789.
2 Ibid., vol. 30, 10-3-1789.
3 Ibid., vol. 30, 5-5-1789. To James Madison, “As the first of every thing, in our situation will serve to establish a Precedent, it is devoutly wished on my part, that these precedent may be fixed on true principles.”
4 Jedidiah Morse (1761-1836), The Life of Gen. Washington (Philadelphia: Jones, Hoff & Derrick, 1794).
5 WGW, vol. 30, 4-30-1789. A similar quotation is often attributed to James Madison. See Federer, America’s God And Country, pp. 411, 780, n. 16. This may be incorrect, since the attribution appears to be an exposition of Washington’s Inaugural Address, perhaps made by another historical commentator and inadvertently attributed to Madison. If Madison did say it, no specific place in his writings has been found thus far where he uses these words.
6 Willard Sterne Randall, George Washington A Life (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1997) p. 256. He writes: “Washington was not a deeply religious man.”
7 Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington, A Biography Victory with the Help of France (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1952), vol. 5, p. 493.
8 James Thomas Flexner, The Indispensable Man, p. 216.
9 David Humphreys, Life of George Washington (University of Georgia Press, 1991).
10 The specific religious phrases of Washington’s “Circular to the States” from Newburgh on June 8, 1783, are:
— the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor,
— to give my final blessing to that Country, in whose service I have spent the prime of my life
—...we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing;
—...the lot which Providence has assigned us,
—whether we view it in a natural, a political or moral point of light.
—...sole Lords and Proprietors of a vast Tract of Continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the World, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniencies of life, are now by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and Independency; They are, from this period, to be considered as the Actors on a most conspicuous Theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity;
—...Heaven has crowned all its other blessings,
—...The foundation of our Empire was not laid in the gloomy age of Ignorance and Superstition, but at an Epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined,
—...and above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had ameliorating influence on mankind and increased the blessings of Society.
—Such is our situation, and such are our prospects: but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own;
—For, according to the system of Policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse,
—it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse: a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn Millions be involved.
—... compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door!
—...the Legacy of One, who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his Country, and who, even in the shade of Retirement, will not fail to implore the divine benediction upon it.
—I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection, that he would incline the hearts of the Citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to Government, to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow Citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the Field, and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all, to do Justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that Charity, humility and pacific temper of mind, which were the Characteristicks of the Divine Author of our blessed Religion, and without an humble imitation of whose example in these things, we can never hope to be a happy Nation.
11 WGW, vol. 34, 12-24-1795. To Doctor James Anderson, “I have no inclination to touch, much less to dilate on politics. For in politics, as in religion my tenets are few and simple: the leading one of which, and indeed that which embraces most others, is to be honest and just ourselves, and to exact it from others; medling as little as possible in their affairs where our own are not involved. If this maxim was generally adopted Wars would cease, and our swords would soon be converted into reap-hooks, and our harvests be more abundant, peaceful, and happy. ‘Tis wonderful it should be otherwise and the earth should be moistened with human gore, instead of the refreshing streams, wch. the shedders of it might become, instruments to lead over its plains, to delight and render profitable our labours. But alas! the millenium will not I fear appear in our days. The restless mind of man can not be at peace; and when there is disorder within, it will appear without, and soon or late will shew itself in acts. So it is with Nations, whose mind is only the aggregate of those of the individuals, where the Government is Representative, and the voice of a Despot, where it is not.”
12 Ibid., vol. 4, 3-6-1776.
13 Ibid., vol. 30, 10-3-1789.
14 Ibid., vol. 12-17-1778.
15 Ibid., vol. 5, 5-31-1776.
16 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-1789.
17 Ibid., vol. 2-7-1788. To Marquis de Lafayette. “You appear to be, as might be expected from a real friend to this Country, anxiously concerned about its present political situation. So far as I am able I shall be happy in gratifying that friendly solicitude. As to my sentiments with respect to the merits of the new Constitution, I will disclose them without reserve, (although by passing through the Post offices they should become known to all the world) for, in truth, I have nothing to conceal on that subject. It appears to me, then, little short of a miracle, that the Delegates from so many different States (which States you know are also different from each other in their manners, circumstances and prejudices) should unite in forming a system of national Government, so little liable to well founded objections. Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, partial or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real (though not radical) defects. The limits of a letter would not suffer me to go fully into an examination of them; nor would the discussion be entertaining or profitable, I therefore forbear to touch upon it. With regard to the two great points (the pivots upon which the whole machine must move,) my Creed is simply,
1st. That the general Government is not invested with more Powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good Government; and, consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quantity of Power delegated to it.
2nd. That these Powers (as the appointment of all Rulers will for ever arise from, and, at short stated intervals, recur to the free suffrage of the People) are so distributed among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Branches, into which the general Government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an Oligarchy, an Aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the People.
I would not be understood my dear Marquis to speak of consequences which may be produced, in the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and listlessness for the preservation of the natural and unalienable rights of mankind; nor of the successful usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture, upon the ruins of liberty, however providently guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide. It will at least be a recommendation to the proposed Constitution that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of Tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any Government hitherto instituted among mortals, hath possessed. We are not to expect perfection in this world; but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. Should that which is now offered to the People of America, be found on experiment less perfect than it can be made, a Constitutional door is left open for its amelioration.”
18 Ibid., vol. 29, 11-10-1787. To Bushrod Washington. “The warmest friends and the best supporters the Constitution has, do not contend that it is free from imperfections; but they found them unavoidable and are sensible, if evil is likely to arise there from, the remedy must come hereafter; for in the present moment, it is not to be obtained; and, as there is a Constitutional door open for it, I think the People (for it is with them to Judge) can as they will have the advantage of experience on their Side, decide with as much propriety on the alterations and amendments which are necessary [as] ourselves. I do not think we are more inspired, have more wisdom, or possess more virtue, than those who will come after us.
“The power under the Constitution will always be in the People. It is entrusted for certain defined purposes, and for a certain limited period, to representatives of their own chusing; and whenever it is executed contrary to their Interest, or not agreeable to their wishes, their Servants can, and undoubtedly will be, recalled. It is agreed on all hands that no government can be well administered without powers; ... No man is a warmer advocate for proper restraints and wholesome checks in every department of government than I am; but I have never yet been able to discover the propriety of placing it absolutely out of the power of men to render essential Services, because a possibility remains of their doing ill.”
19 Records of the Federal Convention, Saturday, June 30, Yates: Mr. Bedford: That all the states at present are equally sovereign and independent, has been asserted from every quarter of this house. Our deliberations here are a confirmation of the position; and I may add to it, that each of them act from interested, and many from ambitious motives. Look at the votes which have been given on the floor of this house, and it will be found that their numbers, wealth and local views, have actuated their determination; and that the larger states proceed as if our eyes were already perfectly blinded. Impartiality, with them, is already out of the question —- the reported plan is their political creed, and they support it, right or wrong....Pretenses to support ambition are never wanting. Their cry is, where is the danger? And they insist that altho’ the powers of the general government will be increased, yet it will be for the good of the whole; and although the three great states form nearly a majority of the people of America, they never will hurt or injure the lesser states. I do not, gentleman trust you. If you possess the power, the abuse of it could not be checked; and what then would prevent you from exercising it to our destruction?...”
Elliot’s The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution vol. 1 image 500 or 606. http://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/ampage?collId=llfr&fileName=001/llfr001.db&recNum=529&itemLink=r?ammem/hlaw:@field(DOCID+@lit(fr001145))% 230010510&linkText=1
Friday, June 17, Section 8, was again read, and
“The Hon. Mr. SMITH rose. Perhaps there never was a government which, in the course of ten years, did not do something to be repented of. As for Rhode Island, I do not mean to justify her; she deserves to be condemned. If there were in the world but one example of political depravity, it would be hers; and no nation ever merited, or suffered, a more genuine infamy than a wicked administration has attached to her character. Massachusetts also has been guilty of errors, and has lately been distracted by an internal convulsion. Great Britain, notwithstanding her boasted constitution, has been a perpetual scene of revolutions and civil war. Her Parliaments have been abolished; her kings have been banished and murdered. I assert that the majority of the governments in the Union have operated better than any body had reason to expect, and that nothing but experience and habit is wanting to give the state laws all the stability and wisdom necessary to make them respectable, if these things be true, I think we ought not to exchange our condition, with a hazard of losing our state constitutions. We all agree that a general government is necessary; but it ought not to go so far as to destroy the authority of the members. We shall be unwise to make a new experiment, in so important a matter, without some known and sure grounds to go upon. The state constitutions should be the guardians of our domestic rights and interests, and should be both the support and the check of the federal government. Ibid., vol. 2, image 335 of 556.
Records of the Federal Convention, Saturday, July 11.
“Mr. <Madison> was not a little surprised to hear this implicit confidence urged by a member who on all occasions, had inculcated So strongly, the political depravity of men, and the necessity of checking one vice and interest by opposing to them another vice & interest.” Ibid., vol. 5, image 298 of 641.
20 WGW, vol. 29, 4-28-1788. To Lafayette, This I lay out to be a letter of Politics. ...at present, or under our existing form of Confederations, it would be idle to think of making commercial regulations on our part. One State passes a prohibitory law respecting some article, another State opens wide the avenue for its admission. One Assembly makes a system, another Assembly unmakes it. Virginia, in the very last session of her Legislature, was about to have passed some of the most extravagant and preposterous Edicts on the subject of trade, that ever stained the leaves of a Legislative Code. It is in vain to hope for a remedy of these and innumerable other evils, untill a general Government shall be adopted.
“The Conventions of Six States only have as yet accepted the new Constitution. No one has rejected it. It is believed that the Convention of Maryland, which is now in session; and that of South Carolina, which is to assemble on the 12th of May, will certainly adopt it. It is, also, since the elections of Members for the Convention have taken place in this State, more generally believed that it will be adopted here than it was before those elections were made. There will, however, be powerful and eloquent speeches on both sides of the question in the Virginia Convention; but as Pendleton, Wythe, Blair, Madison, Jones, Nicholas, Innis and many other of our first characters will be advocates for its adoption, you may suppose the weight of abilities will rest on that side. Henry and Mason are its great adversaries. The Governor, if he opposes it at all will do it feebly.
“On the general merits of this proposed Constitution, I wrote to you, some time ago, my sentiments pretty freely. That letter had not been received by you, when you addressed to me the last of yours which has come to my hands. I had never supposed that perfection could be the result of accommodation and mutual concession. The opinion of Mr. Jefferson and yourself is certainly a wise one, that the Constitution ought by all means to be accepted by nine States before any attempt should be made to procure amendments. For, if that acceptance shall not previously take place, men’s minds will be so much agitated and soured, that the danger will be greater than ever of our becoming a disunited People. Whereas, on the other hand, with prudence in temper and a spirit of moderation, every essential alteration, may in the process of time, be expected.
“You will doubtless, have seen, that it was owing to this conciliatory and patriotic principle that the Convention of Massachusetts adopted the Constitution in toto; but recommended a number of specific alterations and quieting explanations, as an early, serious and unremitting subject of attention. Now, although it is not to be expected that every individual, in Society, will or can ever be brought to agree upon what is, exactly, the best form of government; yet, there are many things in the Constitution which only need to be explained, in order to prove equally satisfactory to all parties. For example: there was not a member of the convention, I believe, who had the least objection to what is contended for by the Advocates for a Bill of Rights and Tryal by Jury. The first, where the people evidently retained every thing which they did not in express terms give up, was considered nugatory as you will find to have been more fully explained by Mr. Wilson and others: And as to the second, it was only the difficulty of establishing a mode which should not interfere with the fixed modes of any of the States, that induced the Convention to leave it, as a matter of future adjustment.
“There are other points on which opinions would be more likely to vary. As for instance, on the ineligibility of the same person for President, after he should have served a certain course of years. Guarded so effectually as the proposed Constitution is, in respect to the prevention of bribery and undue influence in the choice of President: I confess, I differ widely myself from Mr. Jefferson and you, as to the necessity or expediency of rotation in that appointment. The matter was fairly discussed in the Convention, and to my full convictions; though I cannot have time or room to sum up the argument in this letter. There cannot, in my judgment, be the least danger that the President will by any practicable intrigue ever be able to continue himself one moment in office, much less perpetuate himself in it; but in the last stage of corrupted morals and political depravity: and even then there is as much danger that any other species of domination would prevail. Though, when a people shall have become incapable of governing themselves and fit for a master, it is of little consequence from what quarter he comes. Under an extended view of this part of the subject, I can see no propriety in precluding ourselves from the services of any man, who on some great emergency shall be deemed universally, most capable of serving the Public.”
21 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-1789. Proposed Address to Congress: “. ...set up my judgment as the standard of perfection? And shall I arrogantly pronounce that whosoever differs from me, must discern the subject through a distorting medium, or be influenced by some nefarious design? The mind is so formed in different persons as to contemplate the same object in different points of view. Hence originates the difference on questions of the greatest import, both human and divine. In all Institutions of the former kind, great allowances are doubtless to be made for the fallibility and imperfection of their authors. Although the agency I had informing this system, and the high opinion I entertained of my Colleagues for their ability and integrity may have tended to warp my judgment in its favour; yet I will not pretend to say that it appears absolutely perfect to me, or that there may not be many faults which have escaped my discernment. ....Whether the Constitutional door that is opened for amendments in ours, be not the wisest and apparently the happiest expedient that has ever been suggested by human prudence I leave to every unprejudiced mind to determine. Under these circumstances I conclude it has been the part of wisdom to ad[vise] it. I pretend to no unusual foresight into futurity, and therefore cannot undertake to decide, with certainty, what may be its ultimate fate. If a promised good should terminate in an unexpected evil, it would not be a solitary example of disappointment in this mutable state of existence. If the blessings of Heaven showered thick around us should be spilled on the ground or converted to curses, through the fault of those for whom they were intended, it would not be the first instance of folly or perverseness in short-sighted mortals. The blessed Religion revealed in the word of God will remain an eternal and awful monument to prove that the best Institutions may be abused by human depravity; and that they may even, in some instances be made subservient to the vilest of purposes. Should, hereafter, those who are intrusted with the management of this government, incited by the lust of power and prompted by the Supineness or venality of their Constituents, overleap the known barriers of this Constitution and violate the unalienable rights of humanity: it will only serve to shew, that no compact among men (however provident in its construction and sacred in its ratification) can be pronounced everlasting and inviolable, and if I may so express myself, that no Wall of words, that no mound of parchmt. can be so formed as to stand against the sweeping torrent of boundless ambition on the one side, aided by the sapping current of corrupted morals on the other.”
22 In the New England mind of the day, civil and religious liberty were inseparable, and thus the happiness of life required a full liberty to pursue both. The Declaration of Independence spoke of “inalienable rights” with which Americans had been endowed by “our Creator” which included “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” The word “happiness” in the American context included implications for eternal salvation. (See, for example, Noah Webster’s magnum opus, An American Dictionary of the English Language, published in 1834, wherein his definitions of “happy” and “happiness” encompassed the blessedness of the afterlife in Heaven.) America’s spiritual happiness was intimately connected with her political happiness, as seen in the words of the political triumvirate of the New England Adams dynasty:
Samuel Adams, John Adam’s cousin and co-patriot said as he signed the Declaration, “We have this day restored the Sovereign to Whom alone men ought to be obedient. He reigns in heaven and . . . from rising to the setting sun, may His kingdom come.” Samuel Adam’s emphasis upon Christ’s Kingship reflected the spirit of Massachusetts and the other colonies of his day. Statements such as these became commonplace: “No King but King Jesus!” (a slogan emanating from the Committees of Correspondence). A crown appointed governor to the Board of Trade in England wrote, “If you ask an American who is his master? He will tell you he has none, nor any governor but Jesus Christ.” This needs a bit of explanation. The English colonialists were not inherently opposed to monarchy per se. But King George had, in the minds of many colonialists, usurped the rule of Christ in his actions toward New England. The third charge of The Declaration of Independence against the King says, “He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.” Charge XX says, “For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.” The issue involved in both of these charges is the loss of the British form of government in favor of a French variety and the establishment of the Roman Catholic religion in Quebec. The vast majority of the people in Quebec were Roman Catholic, but the government had been English. By the “Quebec Act” British law was set aside and the Roman Catholic religion established. There were those who believed these concessions to the Canadian Roman Catholics were made so that the British army would have a friendly staging area for an invasion of the colonies, if the struggle with the crown came to blows. The Continental Congress declared, “That the late act of Parliament for establishing the Roman Catholic religion and the French laws in that extensive country now called Quebec, is dangerous in an extreme degree to the Protestant religion and to the civil rights and liberties of all America; and therefore as men and protestant Christians, we are indispensably obliged to take all proper measures for our security.” (Journal of the Proceedings of Congress, Sept. 17, 1774, p. 35.); and again, “establishing an absolute Government and the Roman Catholic Religion throughout those vast regions, that border on the westerly and northerly boundaries of the free, protestant English settlements.” P. 138.
It should not be thought, however, that the American colonies had no room for Roman Catholics in their lands. This was made clear by General Washington’s instructions to Benedict Arnold (not then viewed as a traitor) prior to the American invasion of Canada. Washington said to Arnold, “I also give it in Charge to you to avoid all Disrespect to or Contempt of the Religion of the Country and its Ceremonies. Prudence, Policy, and a true Christian Spirit, will lead us to look with Compassion upon their Errors without insulting them. . .God alone is the Judge of the Hearts of Men, and to him only in the Case, they are answerable.” (WGW, vol. 3, 9-14-1775.) Consider also the Continental Congress’ letter to the Roman Catholic citizens of Quebec. The Continental Congress wrote, “We are too well acquainted with the liberality of sentiment distinguishing your nation, to imagine, that difference of religion will prejudice you against a hearty amity with us. You know, that the transcendent nature of freedom elevates those, who unite in her cause, above all such low minded infirmities. The Swiss Cantons furnish a memorable proof of this truth. Their union is composed of Roman Catholic and Protestant States, living in the utmost concord and peace with one another, and thereby enabled, ever since they bravely vindicated their freedom, to defy and defeat every tyrant that has invaded them.” (Journal of the Proceedings of Congress, p. 129). The Articles of Confederation, the first form of government for the United States before the Constitution, provided for the annexation of Canada! In some measure, the Revolutionary War possessed an element of religious war—the desire to prevent the establishment of a politically coercive religion. Thus the early Americans at first emphasized that they were “protestants,” “ancient free protestant colonies”, “free, protestant, English settlements” (Journal of the Proceedings of Congress, p. 138.) etc. Nevertheless, their hope to have a peaceful co-existence with Roman Catholics ultimately occurred with the arrival of the French forces.
John Adams, cousin of Samuel Adams, was an early patriot and later second President of the United States. On July 3, 1776, in a letter to his wife Abigail Adams, he wrote that the day of the signing the Declaration of Independence “ought to be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore.” (Letters of John Adams—Addressed to His Wife, Charles Francis Adams, ed., (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1841), vol. I, p. 128.)
John Quincy Adams, son of John Adams, and also a president of the U. S. said in an “Oration Delivered Before the Inhabitants of the Town of Newburyport”: Why is it that, next to the birthday of the Savior of the World, your most joyous and most venerated festival returns on this day [on the Fourth of July]? Is it not that, in the chain of human events, the birthday of the nation is indissolubly linked with the birthday of the Savior? That it forms a leading event in the progress of the gospel dispensation? Is it not that the Declaration of Independence first organized the social compact on the foundation of the Redeemer’s mission upon earth? That it laid the cornerstone of human government upon the first precepts of Christianity?” J. Q. Adams presented this oration at their request on the 61st anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1837.
23 This powerful and illuminating letter in terms of the Christian perspective of Washington’s religion is here quoted in full. The Papers of George Washington, W. W. Abbot, Ed., Dorothy Twohig, Assoc. Ed., Presidential Series (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia), vol. 6, pp. 279-282. This will be abbreviated by PGW, volume number, page number PGW vol. 4:275-277:
And now we devoutly offer our humble tribute of praise and thanksgiving to the all-gracious Father of lights who has inspired our public Councils with a wisdom and firmness, which have effected that desirable purpose, in so great a measure by the National-Constitution, and who has fixed the eyes of all America on you as the worthiest of its Citizens to be entrusted with the execution of it.
Whatever any may have supposed wanting in the original plan, we are happy to find so wisely providing in it amendments; and it is with peculiar satisfaction we behold how easily the entire confidence of the People, in the Man who sits at the helm of Government, has eradicated every remaining objection to its form.
Among these we never considered the want of a religious test, that grand engine of persecution in every tyrant’s hand: but we should not have been alone in rejoicing to have seen some Explicit acknowledgement of the only true God and Jesus Christ, whom he hath sent inserted some where in the Magna Charta of our country.
We are happy to find, however, that this defect has been amply remedied, in the face of all the world, by the piety and devotion, in which your first public act of office was performed—by the religious observance of the Sabbath, and of the public worship of God, of which you have set so eminent an example—and by the warm strains of Christian and devout affections, which run through your late proclamation, for a general thanksgiving.
The catholic spirit breathed in all your public acts supports us in the pleasing assurance that no religious establishments—no exclusive privileges tending to elevate one denomination of Christians to the depression of the rest shall ever be ratified by the signature of the President during your administration
On the contrary we bless God that your whole deportment bids all denominations confidently to expect to find in you the watchful guardian of their equal liberties—the steady patron of genuine Christianity—and the bright Exemplar of those peculiar virtues, in which its distinguishing doctrines have their proper effect.
Under the nurturing hand of a Ruler of such virtues, and one so deservedly revered by all ranks, we joyfully indulge the hope that virtue and religion will revive and flourish—that infidelity and the vices ever attendant in its train, will be banished [from] every polite circle; and that rational piety will soon become fashionable there; and from thence be diffused among all other ranks in the community.
Captivated with the delightful prospect of a national reformation rising out of the influence of your authority and example; we find the fullest encouragement to cherish the hope of it, from the signal deeds of pious and patriotic heroism, which marked the steps of the Father of his country, from the memorable hour of his appearance in Congress, to declare the disinterested views with which he accepted the command of her armies, to that hour, not less memorable, when, having gloriously acquitted himself in that important trust, and completely accomplished the design of it, he appeared in the same great Assembly again; and resigned his commission into the hands that gave it.
But glorious as your course has been as a Soldier in arms, defending your country, and the rights of mankind; we exult in the presage that it will be far outshone by the superior luster of a more glorious career now before you, as the Chief Magistrate of your nation—protecting, by just and merciful laws—and by a wise, firm, and temperate execution of them, enhancing the value of those inestimable rights and privileges, which you have so worthily asserted to it by your sword.
Permit us then, great Sir, to assure you that whilst it ever shall be our care, in our several places to inculcate those principles, drawn from the pure fountains of light and truth, in the sacred scriptures, which can best recommend your virtues to their imitation, and which, if generally obeyed, would contribute essentially to render your people happy, and your government prosperous; Our unceasing prayers to the great Sovereign of all nations, shall be that your important life, and all your singular talents may be the special care of an indulgent Providence for many years to come; that your administration may be continued to your country, under the peculiar smiles of Heaven, long be continued to your country, under the peculiar smiles of Heaven, long enough to advance the interests of learning to the zenith—to carry the arts and sciences to their destined perfection—to chase ignorance, bigotry, and immorality off the stage—to restore true virtue, and the religion of Jesus to their deserved throne in our land: and to found the liberties of America, both religious and civil, on a basis which no era of futurity shall ever see removed: and, finally, that, when you have thus done—free grace may confer on you, as the reward of all your great labours, the unfading laurels of an everlasting crown. Joseph Prince, moderator on behalf of the First Presbytery
24 Westminster Confession of Faith, chapter I, paragraph 7, “All things in Scripture are not alike plain in themselves, nor alike clear unto all; yet those things which are necessary to be known, believed, and observed, for salvation, are so clearly propounded and opened in some place of Scripture or other, that not only the learned, but the unlearned, in a due use of the ordinary means, may attain unto a sufficient understanding of them.” In Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, vol. III, p. 604.
25 WGW, vol. 30, 10-23-1789, note.
26 Reverend Dr. John Witherspoon was a Presbyterian Minister from New Jersey, President of the College of New Jersey in Princeton, and a member of Congress. He was the only clergyman to sign the Declaration of Independence. In 1782, he composed one of the Continental Congress’ national calls for a day of thanksgiving: “. . . to testify their gratitude to God for his goodness, by a cheerful obedience to his laws, and by promoting, each in his station, and by his influence, the practice of true and undefiled religion, which is the great foundation of public prosperity and national happiness.” Note that in his mind as an orthodox minister in the Presbyterian tradition, “true and undefiled religion” was a synonym for Christianity. Witherspoon did not directly mention the name of Jesus Christ in his proclamation, but this obviously had no anti-Christian or deistic intent. See Journals of the Continental Congress, on the date specified.
27 PGW, 2:424. As Washington said at the conclusion of his letter to the Virginia Baptists, “In the meantime be assured, Gentlemen, that I entertain a proper sense of your fervent supplications to God for my temporal and eternal happiness.”
28 We will consider Washington’s belief in heaven and eternal life in a latter chapter. For now, notice that he understands happiness as both temporal and future in the hereafter. The import of the “completion” of happiness is eternity. WGW, vol. 25, 11-16-1782. To the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church in Kingston. “In return for your kind concern for my temporal and eternal happiness, permit me to assure you that my wishes are reciprocal....” Ibid., vol. 6, 11-4-1798.to Reverend William Lynn, who had been Chaplain to Congress under Washington’s Presidency and was a Reformed minister from New York City. “Revd. Sir: I received with thankfulness your favour of the 30th. Ulto., enclosing the discourse delivered by you on the day recommended by the President of the United States to be observed as a general Fast. I have read them both with pleasure; and feel grateful for the favourable sentiments you have been pleased to express in my behalf; but more especially for those good wishes which you offer for my temporal and eternal happiness; which I reciprocate with great cordiality....”
29 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789. “....it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations and whose providential aids can supply every human defect; that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes; and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge.
In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own....”
30 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789, “No People can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the Affairs of men more than the People of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their United Government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most Governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me I trust in thinking, that there are none under the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and free Government can more auspiciously commence.”
31 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789, “And in the important revolution just accomplished, in the system of their United government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.”
32 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-30-1789, “We ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered as deeply, perhaps finally, staked on the experiment.”
33 James Thomas Flexner, The Indispensable Man, p. 216.
34 Lillback, Proclaim Liberty, p. 84-86; Sanford H. Cobb, The Rise of Religious Liberty in America (New York: Macmillan Co., 1902), p. 419.
35 This was, of course, in New York City. The U.S. Capitol wasn’t moved to Washington, D.C., until several years later. After the World Trade Center was destroyed on September 11, 2001, by Muslim extremists, Mayor Guiliani marveled to the world how St. Paul’s Cathedral, within the shadow of these towering giants, miraculously survived their destruction.
36 Soldier and Servant Series: Mrs. Alexander Hamilton Witness that George Washington Was A Communicant of the Church (Hartford: Church Missions Publishing Company, 1932).
37 PGW, 6:279-282.
38 Ibid., 5:299-301.
39 Ibid., 3:496-499.
40 Ibid., 2:179-181; PGW, 8:181-82.
41 Ibid., 3:92-93.
42 Ibid., 4:263-265.
43 Ibid., 2:420-422; PGW, 4:274-277.
44 Ibid., 4:198-199; PGW, 8:177-178.
45 Ibid., 3:466-467; PGW, 8:226-227.
46 Ibid., 2:411-412.
47 Ibid., 2:423-425.
48 Ibid., 4:265-269; PGW, 5:296-299.
49 Ibid., 6:287-288; PGW, 4:182-183.
50 Ibid., 6:223-225.
51 Ibid., 5:448-450; PGW, 6:284-286; PGW, 7:61-64.
52 Ibid., 12:40-41.
53 Ibid., 2:179-181.
54 Ibid., 2:411-412.
55 Ibid., 3:92.
56 See notes 2, 3, 4 above.
57 WGW, vol. 27, 6-11-1783. Responding to Reverend Rodgers proposal for Congress to present each soldier with a Bible, Washington wrote, “Dear Sir: I accept, with much pleasure your kind Congratulations on the happy Event of Peace, with the Establishment of our Liberties and Independence. Glorious indeed has been our Contest: glorious, if we consider the Prize for which we have contended, and glorious in its Issue; but in the midst of our Joys, I hope we shall not forget that, to divine Providence is to be ascribed the Glory and the Praise. Your proposition respecting Mr Aikins Bible would have been particularly noticed by me, had it been suggested in Season; but the late Resolution of Congress for discharging Part of the Army, takg off near two thirds of our Numbers, it is now too late to make the Attempt. It would have pleased me, if Congress should have made such an important present, to the brave fellows, who have done so much for the Security of their Country’s Rights and Establishment.”
58 PGW, 2:420-422.
59 Ibid., 2:420-421.
60 Ibid., 2:420-422, “While all men within our territo5ries are protected in worshipping eh Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return. . . .”
61 WGW vol. 35, 7-6-1796. “In short, that I was no party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them.”
62 Ibid., vol. 35, 7-6-1796.
63 Ibid., vol. 2 8-2-1758.
64 Ibid., vol. 38, 4-23-1799.
65 Ibid., vol. 37, 12-25-1798.
66 Ibid., vol. 32, 8-26-1792, note. From Edmund Randolph to Washington, “Randolph’s long letter of this date is in the Washington Papers. In it he discusses the political situation of the United States and urges Washington to serve a second term. Among many important statements in that letter are these: “... we must gain time, for the purpose of attracting confidence in the government by an experience of its benefits, and that man alone, whose patronage secured the adoption of the constitution, can check the assaults, which it will sustain at the two next sessions of congress....Should a civil war arise, you cannot stay at home. And how much easier will it be, to disperse the factions, which are rushing to this catastrophe, than to subdue them, after they shall appear in arms? It is the fixed opinion of the world, that you surrender nothing incomplete. I am not unapprized of the many disagreeable sensations, which have laboured in your breast, But let them spring from any cause whatsoever, of one thing I am sure, (and I speak this from a satisfactory inquiry lately made) that if a second opportunity shall be given the people of showing their gratitude, they will not be less unanimous than before.”
67 Ibid., vol. 37, 7-21-1799. To Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, “My dear Sir: To you, and to your brother Colo. Jno Trumbull, I feel much indebted for the full, frank, and interesting communication of the political sentiments contained in both your letters.
The project of the latter is rash and under any circumstances would require very mature consideration; but in its extent, and an eye being had to the disorganizing Party in the United States, I am sure it would be impracticable in the present order of things.
Not being able to convey my ideas to you on this subject in more concise terms than I have already done to your brother in answer to the letter he informs you he has written to me I shall take the liberty of giving you an extract thereof, as follow.
For the Political information contained in it (that is his letter) I feel grateful, as I always shall for the free...and within the short period which you suppose may be allowed to accomplish it.
I come now, my dear Sir, to pay particular attention to that part of your Letter which respects myself.
I remember well the conversation which you allude to, and have not forgot the answer I gave you. In my judgment it applies with as much force now, as then ; nay more, because at that time the line between Parties was not so clearly drawn, and the views of the opposition, so clearly developed as they are at present; of course, allowing your observation (as it respects myself) to be founded, personal influence would be of no avail.
Let that party set up a broomstick and call it a true son of Liberty; a Democrat, or give it any other epithet that will suit their purpose, and it will command their votes in toto! as an analysis of this position, look to the pending Election of Governor in Pennsylvania. Will not the Federalists meet them or rather defend their cause, on the opposite ground? Surely they must, or they will discover a want of Policy, indicative of weakness, and pregnant of mischief which cannot be admitted. Wherein then would lye the difference between the present Gentleman in Office [John Adams], and myself?
It would be matter of sore regret to me if I could believe that a serious thot. was turned towards me as his successor; not only as it respects my ardent wishes to pass through the vale of life in retiremt., undisturbed in the remnant of the days I have to sojourn here, unless called upon to defend my Country (which every citizen is bound to do), but on Public ground also; for although I have abundant cause to be thankful for the good health with whh. I am blessed, yet I am not insensible to my declination in other respects. It would be criminal therefore in me, although it should be the wish of my Countrymen, and I could be elected, to accept an Office under this conviction, which another would discharge with more ability; and this too at a time when I am thoroughly convinced I should not draw a single vote from the Anti-federal side; and of course, should stand upon no stronger ground than any other Federal character well supported; and when I should become a mark for the shafts of envenomed malice, and the basest calumny to fire at; when I should be charged not only with irresolution, but with concealed ambition, which waits only an occasion to blaze out; and, in short, with dotage and imbecility.
All this I grant, ought to be like dust in the balance, when put in competion [ sic ] with a great public good, when the accomplishment of it is apparent. But as no problem is better defined in my mind than that principle, not men, is now, and will be, the object of contention; and that I could not obtain a solitary vote from that Party; that any other respectable Federal character would receive the same suffrages that I should; that at my time of life, (verging towards three score and ten) I should expose myself without rendering any essential service to my Country, or answering the end contemplated: Prudence on my part must arrest any attempt at the well meant, but mistaken views of my friends, to introduce me again into the chair of Government.
Lengthy as this letter is, I cannot conclude it without expressing an earnest wish that, some intimate and confidential friend of the Presidents would give him to understand that, his long absence from the Seat of Government in the present critical conjuncture, affords matter for severe animadversion by the friends of government; who speak of it with much disapprobation; while the other party chuckle at and set it down as a favourable omen for themselves. It has been suggested to me to make this Communication; but I have declined it, conceiving that it would be better received from a private character, more in the habits of social intercourse and friendship. With the most sincere friendship, and Affectionate regard, etc.
68 Ibid., vol. 10, 1-29-1778.
69 Ibid., vol.10, 12-18-1778.
70 Ibid., vol. 15, 5-18-1779.
71 Ibid., vol. 26, 4-30-1783.
72 Ibid., vol. 34, 4-17-1795. The note at this date of The Writings Of George Washington says:
“Addresses of disapprobation of Jay’s Treaty, urging that it be not ratified, poured in upon the President from cities, towns, and counties in nearly every State. The earliest being that from the Selectmen of Boston, dated July 13, and the last coming from the citizens of Lexington, Ky., in their meeting of September 8 (forwarded September 10). To most of these addresses the same answer was returned as that to the Boston Selectman, July 28. The text of the addresses, with the President’s answers, are entered in the “Letter Book” in the Washington Paper.”
On the “Letter Book” copy of the resolutions of the citizens of Petersburg, Va., August 1, Washington has noted: “Tenor indecent No answer returned.”
On the “Letter Book” copy of the resolutions of the inhabitants of Bordentown, Crosswicks, Black Horse, and Reckless Town, N. J., Washington has noted: “No answer given. The Address too rude to merit one.” The copyist’s note to resolutions of the citizens of Laurens County, S. C., is “The foregoing Resolutions &ca. were sent under a blank cover, by (it is supposed) Jno. Matthews Esqr. No notice has been taken of them.”
On the “Letter Book” copy of the remonstrance and petition of the citizens of Scott County, Ky., August 25, Washington has noted: “The Ignorance and indecency of these proceedings forbad an answr.”
On the “Letter Book” copy of the address from the citizens of Lexington, Ky., Washington has noted: “It would now [be] out of time to answr this address when reed Novr. Indecent besides.”
73 Ibid., vol. 30, 4-17-1789.
74 Ibid., vol. 12, 8-20-1778 to Gen. Thomas Nelson; Ibid., vol. 28, 9-5-1785, to Chevelier de Luzerne.
1 WGW, vol. 28, 5-23-1785.
2 Ibid., For example vol. 28, 5-8-1786. To Thomas Cresap, “...the heir of my brother Augustine, who lives at the distance of an hundred miles from me; and is one whom I scarcely ever saw.” Cf. WGW, vol. 37, 12-30-1798. See Frank E. Grizzard, Jr., George Washington: A Biographical Companion Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2002), pp. 403-410.
3 Ibid., vol. 32, 5-2-1792. Ibid., vol. 36, 10-3-1798. To William Augustine Washington. “I thank you for the old documents you sent me, respecting the family of our Ancestors. but I am possessed of Papers which prove beyond a doubt, that of the two brothers who Emigrated to this Country in the year 1657, during the troubles of that day, that John Washington, from whom we are descended, was the eldest. The Pedigree from him, I have, and I believe very correct; but the descendants of Lawrence, in a regular course, I have not been able to trace. All those of our name, in and about Chotanck, are from the latter. John, was the Grandfather of my father and Uncle, and Great grandfather to Warner and me. He left two Sons, Lawrence and John; the former, who was the eldest, was the father of my father, Uncle and Aunt Willis. Mrs. Hayward must have been a daughter of the first Lawrence, and thence became the Cousen of the second Lawrence, and John. We all unite in best wishes for you and family.”
4 Ibid., vol. 17, 1-22-1780. To Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene. “Dear Sir: Appears. and facts must speak for themselves; to these I appeal. I have been at my prest. quarters since the 1st. day of Decr. and have not a Kitchen to Cook a Dinner in, altho’ the Logs have been put together some considerable time by my own Guard; nor is there a place at this moment in which a servant can lodge with the smallest degree of comfort. Eighteen belonging to my family and all Mrs. Fords are crouded together in her Kitchen and scarce one of them able to speak for the colds they have caught.”
WGW, vol. 36, 8-9-1798. To Maj. Gen. Alexander Hamilton. “My Aids, as you well know, must be men of business; and ought to be Officers of experience. Many, very many young Gentlemen of the first families in the Country have offered their Services; and all have received one answer, to the above effect. Indeed in the choice of my Aids, a variety of considerations must combine, political, geographical &ca. as well as experience. .. No Foreigner will be admitted as a member of my family, while I retain my present ideas; nor do I think they ought to be in any situation where they can come at secrets, and betray a trust.”
Ibid., vol. 37, 11-6-1781. To Jonathan Trumbull Jr. “My dear Sir: I came here in time to see Mr. Custis breathe his last. About Eight o’clock yesterday Evening he expired. The deep and solemn distress of the Mother, and affliction of the Wife of this amiable young Man, requires every comfort in my power to afford them; the last rights of the deceased I must also see performed; these will take me three or four days; when I shall proceed with Mrs. Washington and Mrs. Custis to Mount Vernon.
As the dirty tavern you are now at cannot be very comfortable; and in spite of Mr. Sterne’s observation the House of Mourning not very agreeable; it is my wish, that all of the Gentn of my family, except yourself, who I beg may come here and remain with me; may proceed on at their leizure to Mount Vernon, and wait for me there. Colo. Cobb will join you on the road at the Tavern we breakfasted at (this side Ruffens). My best wishes attend the Gentn. and with much sincerity and affectn.”
5 Ibid., vol. 30, 3-25-1789. To Elizabeth Washington Lewis. “My dear Sister: Since you were speaking to me concerning your Son Bob, I have thought it probable that I may have occasion for a young person in my family of a good disposition, who writes a good hand, and who can confine himself [to] a certain reasonable number of hours in the 24 to the recording of letters in books, which will be provided for their reception from the separate papers on which they now are and will be first draughted.
If Bob is of opinion that this employment will suit his inclination, and he will take his chance for the allowance that will be made (which cannot be great) as there are hundreds who would be glad to come in. I should be very glad to give him the preference. He will be at no expence (except in the article of clothing) as he will be one of the family and live as we do.
Should he incline to engage I could wish to know it by the first post after this letter gets to you, because I shall have many solicitations on this head at or before I get to New York, at which place direct for me, as I presume a letter cannot reach Mount Vernon before I shall have set out.
If he comes, it may be with his Aunt, (and at her expence, as she will want some body to accompany her) when I send my horses back after I am fixed in New York.
He will want no horses there himself, for which reason those or the one that he takes on, should be such as will sell.” Ibid., vol. 30, 7-27-1789. to Thomas Nelson. “Sir: The sincere regard I had for your very worthy, deceased father, induces me to offer you a place in my family. How convenient and agreeable it may be for you to accept the offer, is with you to determine; and that you may be the better enabled to judge, I shall inform you that the emoluments will be about six hundred dollars pr. ann., and the expences trifling as your board, lodging and washing (as also that of your Servant if you bring one) will be in the family. Horses if you keep any must be at your own expence because there will be no public occasion for them.
Note: Nelson’s letter of August 13, accepting the offer, is in the Washington Papers.
The duties that will be required of you, are, generally, to assist in writing, receiving and entertaining company, and in the discharge of such other matters as is not convenient or practicable for the President to attend to in person. Whether you accept this offer or not I should be glad to hear from you as soon as it is conveniently possible because there are a number of Gentlemen who are anxiously desirous of this appointment but whose applications will remain undecided on until I receive an answer from you.”
6 Ibid., vol. 27, 7-28-1784. To Clement Biddle. “Dear Sir: The mulatto fellow William, 8 who has been with me all the War is attached (married he says) to one of his own colour a free woman, who, during the War was also of my family. She has been in an infirm state of health for sometime, and I had conceived that the connection between them had ceased, but I am mistaken; they are both applying to me to get her here, and tho’ I never wished to see her more yet I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has lived with me so long and followed my fortunes through the War with fidility.”
Ibid., vol. 28, 11-10-1785. To George Chapman. “I have a little boy something turned of four, and a girl of six years old living with me, for whom I want a Tutor. They are both promising children, the latter is a very fine one, and altho’ they are of an age when close confinement may be improper; yet a man of letters, most of composition, and a good accomptant, would in other respects be essentially useful to me for a year or two to come. May I ask you therefore Sir, if it is in your power, conveniently, to engage a person of this description for me?
“Having already informed you what my wants are, it is needless to add what those of the children must be; your own judgement, when I inform you that I mean to fit the boy, in my own family, for a University, will point these out. The greater the knowledge of his preceptor is, the better he would suit. To teach French grammatically is essential, as it is now becoming a part of the education of youth in this Country.
“I could not afford to give more than £50 Sterlg. pr. ann:but this sum, except in the article of cloathing, wou’d be clear, as the Gentleman would eat at my table; and have his lodging and washing found him; and his Linen and stockings mended by the Servants of my Family. It may happen that an Episcopal clergyman with a small living, and unencumbered by a family may be had to answer this description, such an one would be preferred; but I except none who is competent to my purposes, if his character is unimpeached.”
Ibid., vol. 30, 8-4-1788. To Dr. James Craik, “I also send you Thirty pounds Cash for one years allowance for the Schooling of your Son
G.W. I wish it was in my power to send the like sum for the other year, which is now about, or near due; and that could discharge your account for attendance and ministries to the Sick of my family; but it really is not; for with much truth I can say, I never felt the want of money so sensibly since I was a boy of 15 years old as I have done for the last 12 months and probably shall do for 12 Months more to come.”
7 Ibid., vol. 2, 3-10-1768. To Robert Cary & Co. “Gentn: This Letter will, I expect, be delivered to you by Mr. Walter Magowan, who for many years has livd in my Family a Tutor to Master and Miss Custis, and now comes to England to get admittance into Holy Orders. Any little Civilities therefore which you may occasionally shew him during his short stay there, or assistance give, woud be very obliging as he is perfectly a Stranger, and may need a little Introduction, altho’ he comes provided with proper Certificates &ca. to the Bishop. Ibid., vol. 2, 5-30-1768. To Reverend Jonathan Boucher.
Reverend Sir: Mr. Magowan who lived several years in my Family, a Tutor to Master Custis (my Son-in-law and Ward) having taken his departure for England leaves the young Gentleman without any master at this time. I shoud be glad therefore to know if it woud be convenient for you to add him to the number of your Pupils. He is a boy of good genius, about 14 yrs. of age, untainted in his morals, and of innocent manners. Two yrs and upwards he has been reading of Virgil, and was (at the time Mr. Magowan left him) entered upon the Greek Testament, tho I presume he has grown not a little rusty in both; having had no benefit of his Tutor since Christmas, notwithstanding he left the Country in March only. If he comes, he will have a boy (well acquainted with House business, which may be made as useful as possible in your Family to keep him out of Idleness) and two Horses, to furnish him with the means of getting to Church and elsewhere as you may permit; for he will be put entirely and absolutely under your tuition, and direction to manage as you think proper in all respects.”
8 Ibid., vol. 28, 2-6-1786. To Benjamin Lincoln. “Mr. Lear, or any other who may come into my family in the blended characters of preceptor to the Children, and as a Clerk or private Secretary to me, will sit at my Table, will live as I live, will mix with the Company which resort to the Ho., and will be treated in every respect with civility, and proper attention. He will have his washing done in the family, and may have his linnen and Stockings mended by the maids of it. The duties which will be required of him are, generally, such as appertain to the offices before mentioned. The first will be very trifling ‘till the Children are a little more advanced; and the latter will be equally so as my corrispondencies decline (which I am endeavouring to effect); and after my accts; and other old matters are brought up. To descend more minutely into his avocations I am unable, because occasional matters may require particular Services; nothing however derogatory will be asked, or expected. After this explanation of my wants, I request Mr. Lear would mention the annual sum he will expect for these Services, and I will give him a decided answer by the return of the Stages, which now carry the Mail and travel quick. A good hand, as well as proper diction would be a recommendation; on acct. of fair entries; and for the benefit of the Children, who will have to copy after it.” Ibid., vol. 35, 1-12-1797. “Dear Walker: Permit me once more to give you the trouble of forwarding the enclosed letters to their respective addresses. If you read the Aurora of this City, or those Gazettes which are under the same influence, you cannot but have perceived with what malignant industry, and persevering falsehoods I am assailed, in order to weaken, if not destroy, the confidence of the Public.
“Amongst other attempts to effect this purpose, spurious letters, known at the time of their first publication (I believe in the year 1777) to be forgeries, to answer a similar purpose in the Revolution, are, or extracts from them, brought forward with the highest emblazoning of which they are susceptible, with a view to attach principles to me which every action of my life have given the lie to. But that is no stumbling block with the Editors of these Papers and their supporters. And now, perceiving a disinclination on my part, perhaps knowing, that I had determined not to take notice of such attacks, they are pressing this matter upon the public mind with more avidity than usual; urging, that my silence, is a proof of their genuineness.
“Although I never wrote, or ever saw one of these letters until they issued from New York, in Print; yet the Author of them must have been tolerably well acquainted in, or with some person of my family, to have given the names, and some circumstances which are grouped in the mass, of erroneous details. But of all the mistakes which have been committed in this business, none is more palpable, or susceptible of detection than the manner in which it is said they were obtained, by the capture of my Mulatto Billy, with a Portmanteau. All the Army, under my immediate command, could contradict this; and I believe most of them know, that no Attendant of mine, or a particle of my baggage ever fell into the hands of the enemy during the whole course of the War.”
9 Ibid., vol.33, 20-1794. To the Artillery Co. of Newport, RI. “Gentlemen: For your kind congratulations on the anniversary of my birthday, and the other obliging expressions of your Address I pray you to accept my grateful thanks. To cherish those principles which effected the revolution, and laid the foundation of our free and happy Government, does honor to your patriotism; as do the sentiments of commiseration for the sufferings of the unfortunate, and the good wishes for the happiness of the great family of mankind, to your philanthropy. Your prayer for me, is reciprocated by the best vows I can offer for your welfare.”
10 Ibid., vol. 29, 4-6-1787. To John Rumney, “Sir: However desirous I may be of accomodating the wishes of so deserving a Lady as you represent Mrs. Wilson to be, yet Mrs. Washington concurs in sentiment with me that my family already is, and soon will be too large to admit of an increase.”