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It was an arrogant, self-righteous and materialistic North that used the Federal government to invade, conquer and exploit the South’s human69 and natural resources.70 In their self-absorbed arrogance they found it easy to de-humanize the Southern people—a people who dared to resist their imperial embrace. For generations Northerners had been taught that the people of the South were intellectually inferior, racially tainted by prolonged close social relations with the black race, and morally corrupt sinners who needed to be redeemed by conversion to the New England ideal. This New England ideal required the abandonment of traditional Biblical Christianity, the embracing of various trendy “isms” and establishing, by whatever means necessary, an economic system of worldwide commercial dominance. From its earliest days New England had a unique view of its importance in the world. Southern scholar M.E. Bradford noted:
The New England sense of mission rests on a myth of covenant and of a special relation to the Deity. The region’s sense of itself as a “second Israel,” of its redemptive errand into the wilderness by means of which human history might be transformed, of the zealous labors of God’s elect, has been well and thoroughly described.... 71
The late 19th century New England Congregationalist minister, Reverend Josiah Strong, described the Yankee race thusly:
This race of unequalled energy, with all the majesty of numbers and the might of wealth behind it—the representative, let us hope, of the largest liberty, the purest Christianity, the highest civilization—having developed peculiarly aggressive traits calculated to impress its institutions upon mankind, will spread itself over the earth.72
The New England “City on a Hill” would be populated by the elect of the commercial masters and post-Puritan ideologues of the North. From their exalted vantage point they would rule an empire forced to submit to Northern views and Northern opinions, all the while enriching those aligned to those rulers residing in that Federal “City on a Hill.”
After the South’s surrender, this “American” arrogance expressed itself in the North’s surprise that the exhausted and defeated people of the South would not publicly admit their sins and appeal to their superiors of the North for absolution! The North’s post-Puritan mentality demanded punishment for Southern “sinners.” The Republican-controlled Reconstruction legislature of South Carolina went so far as to repeal prior legislation providing for thousands of artificial arms and legs for disabled Confederate veterans—after all, sinners deserve their punishment.73 Republican Thaddeus Stevens, while speaking in the United States House of Representatives prior to the war, promised to punish any Southerner who dared to resist, via secession, Northern demands for protective tariffs. He declared he would “lead an invasion to hang everyone involved.”74 He reasserted his demand to punish the South on January 22, 1862, declaring he wanted the United States to hang the leaders of the Confederacy and to crush the South, observing that “Our generals have a sword in one hand and shackles in the other.”75 The sword with which to kill Southerners and shackles with which to enslave and forever bind we the people of the South to the Yankee’s “one nation indivisible” Federal Empire.
After the South’s surrender at Appomattox, President Lincoln demonstrated the attitude toward the Southern people held by most Northerners when he declared that Southerners could return to the Union just like a “pardoned sinner.”76 United States troops held the opinion that Southerners were “wicked people” who had no rights that the “righteous were bound to respect.”77 But perhaps most telling was General Sherman’s declaration equating Southerners with Satan:
Satan and the rebellious saints of Heaven were allowed a continuous existence in hell merely to swell their just punishment. To such as would rebel against a Government so mild and just as ours was in peace, a punishment equal would not be unjust.78
Here we see one of Yankeedom’s greatest imperialist icons equating we the people of the Confederate States of America with Satan and his rebellion against God. He openly declares that the punishment received by the rebels was to remain eternally in Hell. The Federal Empire’s inflicted punishment on the South would be a “continuous” punishment as future generations of impoverished Southerners are seated upon the “stools of everlasting repentance.” 79
Henceforth, a politically subservient and docile South would no longer be a political barrier to the North’s vision of a worldwide industrial, commercial and financial empire. The reliable votes from impoverished and obedient white and black Southerners would assure the perpetual control of the federal government by a select group of national (Republican and Democratic) elites, while the treasures of Southern natural resources and cheap Southern labor would enrich Northern crony capitalists. In the meantime, impoverished Southern young men seeking to escape Northern-imposed Southern poverty would fill the ranks of the Federal Empire’s vast military complex—Southern cannon fodder80 for the Federal Empire’s future wars. Vae victis—Woe to the vanquished!
1 Fleming, Walter Lynwood, The Sequel of Appomattox (Glasgow, Brook & Co., Toronto, Canada: 1970), 59.
2 Cisco, 27.
3 The term “Radical Republican” is used by national historians in an attempt to distinguish between Republicans during the War/Reconstruction and current day national Republicans. The truth is that there is no difference because the current Republican Party has never renounced its radical past and currently is a leader in the ongoing efforts to exterminate Southern heritage. Republican Governor Nikki Haley’s removal of the Confederate Battle Flag and the GOP- controlled Congress’s vote May 2016 to prohibit descendants of CSA veterans from displaying the Confederate flag in U.S. National cemeteries are but two examples. Republican anti-South Radicalism used in the 1860s to enhance and exploit political opportunity continues today—same song, different verse.
4 Tourgee, Albion W., A Fool’s Errand (1879, The Belknap Press, Cambridge, MA: 1961), 24, 27. (Just one of many examples of Northern intent to “repopulate” the conquered South—an effort that continues today!)
5 Ibid., 27, 381; also see 386, 402, demonstrating the Yankee view of a “sick” South that would not cure itself and had to be forcefully cured of its Southern disease by the North; and 381 showing their desire to “remake” the South. Albion Tourgee was a carpetbagger from Ohio who spent time in New England and New York prior to the war.
6 The importance of human capital was noted by economist Sowell: “Human capital is important, not just in helping a country recover from devastating losses of physical capital, such as after war. It is also a major factor in economic progress in normal times.” Sowell, Thomas, Wealth, Poverty, and Politics (Basic Books, NY: 2015), 83.
7 DiLorenzo, Thomas, “The Founding Fathers of Constitutional Subversion,” Rethinking The American Union (Pelican Publishing Co., Gretna, LA: 2013), 80.
8 Graham, John, A Constitutional History of Secession (Pelican Publishing Co, Gretna, LA: 2002), 385. A Connecticut “intellectual” estimated that 3.5 million former slaves were put at risk after the war due to the way in which the United States handled emancipation. Downs, Jim, Sick from Freedom; AfricanAmerican Illness and Suffering during the Civil War and Reconstruction (Oxford University Press, New York: 2012), 21.
9 Pollard, Edward A., Southern History of the War (1866, The Fairfax Press, New York: 1977), vol. 2, 198.
10 Wilson, Clyde, “Defeat and Occupation: The Cold War Known as Reconstruction,” To Live And Die In Dixie, 445.
11 http://www.africanamerica.org/topic/during-the-civil-war-authorities-in-natchez-mississippi-forcedtens-of-thousands-of-freed-slaves-into-camps-built-in-what-s-known-as-the-devil-s-punchbowl-of-natchez (Accessed 7/1/2016).
12 Connecticut “intellectual” Downs admitted that “historians fear that any indictment of freedom, would in some way substantiate a claim put forth by slaveholders 200 years ago.” See Downs, 181, footnote 13. Fear of the truth is the reason the Federal Empire richly rewards its propagandists (i.e., national historians) for their efforts in maintaining the slanderous, anti-South Yankee narrative about why the United States of America invaded a peaceful, democratic nation in 1861 and turned a sovereign nation into its colonial possession.
13 The Conduct of Federal Troops In Louisiana (David Edmonds, ed., The Acadiana Press, Lafayette, LA: 1988, originally published 1865), vii.
14 Wilson, “Defeat and Occupation,” 437.
15 David Conyngham as cited in Stokes, 107.
16 Benjamin S. Stafford as cited in Stokes, 109.
17 Historian J. David Hacker noted that 22.6% of Southern males between the age of 20-24 in 1860 died due to the war. http://www.history.com/news/civil-war-deadlier-than-previously-thought (Accessed 4/13/2016)
18 For a detailed timeline outlining Lincoln’s secret plan to instigate a war with the Confederate States of America see Kennedy, James Ronald, Uncle Seth Fought the Yankees, (Pelican Publishing Company, Gretna, LA: 2015), 348-51.
19 The Federal Empire’s “extinction” theory is discussed by Downs, 15, 97. Downs is a New England, P.C. “intellectual” and by no means a friend of the South.
20 Quote from Shepherd Pike, a correspondent for the New York Tribune who hated slavery but cared not in the least for blacks, as cited in Livingston, Donald, “Confederate Emancipation Without War,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 463-464.
21 Ibid.
22 “Since 1865 an agrarian Union has been changed into an industrial empire bent on conquest of the earth’s goods and ports to sell them in. This means warfare, a struggle over markets, leading, in the end, to actual military conflict between nations.” Lytle, Andrew Nelson, “The Hind Tit,” in I’ll Take My Stand, 202.
23 For Lincoln’s secret plan to instigate a war with the Confederate States of America see Kennedy, Uncle Seth, 348-51.
24 Keys, Thomas Bland, The Uncivil War: Union Army and Navy Excesses in the Official Records (The Beauvoir Press, Biloxi, MS: 1991), 12. All of Keys’s citations are from the Federal Government’s own Official Records of the War of Rebellion.
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid., 24.
27 Ibid., 35.
28 Ibid., 38.
29 Ibid., 41.
30 Ibid., 45.
31 Ibid., 46.
32 Ibid., 90.
33 Ibid., 87-9.
34 Ibid., 106.
35 Ibid., 107.
36 Ibid., 108.
37 Ibid., 129.
38 Ibid., 56.
39 Ibid., 56-7.
40 Bancroft as quoted in, Livingston, Donald, “Confederate Emancipation,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 485.
41 Scruggs, Leonard M., “The Morrill Tariff: Northern Provocation to Southern Secession,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 156.
42 Ibid.
43 Because slavery still existed in the United States during the war and even after the Emancipation Proclamation (Lincoln made it applicable to the Confederate NOT the United States territory), all blacks were still technically “slaves,” usually referred to by Yankees as “contraband.”
44 The details of this account are from; Downs, Sick from Freedom; African-American Illness and Suffering during the Civil War and Reconstruction, 19-21.
45 Not the least of which was the promise made in 1787 to abide by the limitations imposed upon the federal government by the original constitution—a promise that was immediately broken. See Kennedy, Reclaiming Liberty, 45-53; Kennedy & Kenedy, Nullifying Tyranny, 141-148.
46 Downs, 219, footnote 15.; “As government employed freedmen, the military stipulated that dependents... (would be provided rations) ...yet the government failed to fulfill their promise.”
47 See Livingston, “Confederate Emancipation,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 455-89.
48 Keys, 35.
49 Ibid., 36.
50 Ibid., 22.
51 Ibid., 22.
52 Ibid., 44.
53 Ibid., 44.
54 Ibid., 64.
55 Ibid., 63.
56 Ibid., 75.
57 Ibid., 73.
58 Ibid., 106.
59 Ibid., 102.
60 Ibid., 113.
61 Ibid., 113
62 Ibid., 123.
63 Ibid., 120.
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid., 129
66 Cisco, 181.
67 Ibid., 175.
68 http://www.tbo.com/lifestyle/black-soldiers-faced-prejudice-in-tampa-245732 (Accessed 1/25/2016)
69 Downs, 196, footnote 25, noting Federal government’s primary interest was in the freed slaves “labor.” Also see similar treatment of Native Americans in an effort to use their labor, describing reservations as a “hybrid of contraband camps,” 175.
70 See, “Sharecropping: Northern- Imposed Post War Slavery,” Appendix V.
71 Bradford, M. E., Against the Barbarians (University of Missouri Press, Columbia, MO: 1992), 18-9.
72 Reverend Josiah Strong as cited by; McDonald, Forrest, “Why Yankees Won’t (and Can’t) Leave the South Alone,” http://www.theimaginativeconservative.org/2015/07/why-yankees-wont-and-cant-leavethe-south-alone.html (Accessed 2/9/2016).
73 Wilson, “Defeat and Occupation,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 444.
74 Scruggs, “The Morrill Tariff,” To Live and Die in Dixie, 143.
75 Bowers, Claude, The Tragic Era, (Halcyon House, New York: 1929), 72.
76 Johnson, Ludwell H., North Against South: The American Iliad, 1848-1877, (Foundation for American Education, Columbia, SC: 1978), 185.
77 Ibid., 187.
78 Sherman quoted in Johnson, 187.
79 Owsley, “The Irrepressible Conflict,” I’ll Take My Stand, 63.
80 Using locals from a conquered nation as cannon fodder is a long established method used by empires to inculcate loyalty to the empire and relieve the empire’s population from the burden of imperial military service. See, Johnson, Chalmers, The Sorrows of Empire, (Henry Holt and Co., New York: 2004), 131.