Section C dealt with culture, including science, education, religion, Press, folk culture, and art.

Section D dealt with economics, including food, commerce, finance, industry, labour, colonial economics, and occupied regions.

Now, Amt IV, with which we are dealing here, was the Gestapo, and was charged with combating opposition. In 1945, as identified by these two former officials, it contained six subsections.

1. Subsection A dealt with opponents, sabotage, and protective service, including Communism, Marxism, Reaction and Liberalism.

2. Subsection B dealt with political churches, sects and Jews, including political Catholicism, political Protestantism, other Churches, Freemasonry, and a special section, B-4, that had to do with Jewish affairs, matters of evacuation, means of suppressing enemies of the people and State, and dispossession of rights of German citizenship. The head of this office was Eichmann.

3. Subsection C dealt with protective custody.

4. Subsection D dealt with regions under German domination.

5. Subsection E dealt with security.

6. Subsection F dealt with passport matters and alien police.

Now, Amt V, which will be referred to as the Kripo was charged with combating crime. For example, Subsection D was the criminological institute for the: Sipo and handled matters of identification, chemical and biological investigations, and technical research.

Amt VI was the S.D. outside Germany and was concerned primarily with foreign political intelligence. In 1944, the “Abwehr,” or Military Intelligence, was joined with Amt VI as military “Amt.” Your Honour will recall that the witness Lahousen was in the “Abwehr.” Amt VI maintained its own regional organisation.

And finally, Amt VII handled ideological research among enemies such as Freemasonry, Judaism, Political Churches, Marxism and Liberalism.

Within Germany there were regional offices of the S.D., the Gestapo, and the Kripo, shown on the chart at the right. The Gestapo and Kripo offices were often located in the same place and were always collectively referred to as the Sipo. You see that shaded line around the Secret Police, and kripo the Criminal Police. These regional offices all maintained their separate identity and reported directly to the section of the R.S.H.A., that is, under Kaltenbrunner, which had the jurisdiction of the subject matter. They were, however, co-ordinated by Inspectors of the Security Police and S.D., as shown at the top of the chart. The Inspectors were also under the supervision of Higher S.S. and Police Leaders appointed for each “Wehrkreis.” The Higher S.S. and Police Leaders reported to Himmler and supervised not only the Inspectors of the Security Police and S.D., but also the Inspectors of the Order Police and various sub-divisions of the S.S.

In the occupied territories, the organisation developed as the German armies advanced. Combined operational units of the Security Police and the S.D., known as Einsatz Groups, about which your Honour will hear in a few minutes, operated with and in the rear of the army. These groups were officered by personnel of the Gestapo, Kripo and the S.D., and the enlisted men were composed of Order Police and “Waffen S.S.” They functioned with various Army groups.. The Einsatz Groups - and, if your Honour will recall, they are simply task force groups for special projects - were divided into “Einsatzkommandos,” “Sonderkommandos,” and “Teilkommandos,” all of which performed the functions of the Security Police and the S.D., with or closely behind the Army.

After the occupied territories had been consolidated, these Einsatz Groups and their subordinate parts were formed into permanent combined offices of the Security Police and S.D. within the particular geographical location. These combined forces were placed under the Kommandeurs of the Security Police and S.D., and the offices were organised in sections similar to this R.S.H.A. headquarters. The Kommandeurs of the Security Police and S.D. reported directly to Befehlshaber of the Security Police and S.D. who in turn reported directly to the Chief of the Security Police and S.D.

In the occupied countries, the Higher S.S. and Police Leaders were more directly controlled by the Befehlshabers and the Kommandeurs of the Security Police and S.D. than within the Reich. They had authority to issue direct orders so long as they did not conflict with the Chief of the Security Police and S.D. who exercised controlling authority.

The above chart and the remarks concerning it are based upon two documents which I now offer in evidence. They are Document L-219, which is the organisation plan of the R.S.H.A. of 1st October, 1943, and document 2346-PS, which is Exhibit USA 480.

Now the primary mission of the Gestapo and the S.D. was to combat the actual and ideological enemies of the Nazi regime and to keep Hitler and the Nazi leadership in power as specified in Count 1 of the Indictment. The tasks and methods of the Secret State Police were well described in an article which is translated in Document 1956-PS, Volume 2 of the document book, which is an article published in January, 1936, in Das Archiv, at Page 1342, which I now offer in evidence and quote from. It is on Page 1 of the English translation, 1956. I will first read the first paragraph and then the third and fourth paragraphs. That is in January 1936:

“In order to refute the malicious rumours spread abroad, the Voelkischer Beobachter published on 22nd January, 1936, an article on the origin, meaning and tasks of the Secret Police; extracts from this read as follows:”

Now passing to the third paragraph:

“The Secret State Police is an official machine on the lines of the Criminal Police, whose special task is the prosecution of crimes and offences against the State, above all the prosecution of high treason and treason. The task of the Secret State Police is to detect these crimes and offences, to ascertain the perpetrators and to bring them to judicial punishment. The number of criminal proceedings continually pending in the People’s Court on account of high treasonable actions and of treason is the result of this work. The next most important field of operations for the Secret State Police is the preventive combating of all dangers threatening the State and the leadership of the State. As, since the National Socialist Revolution, all open struggle and all open opposition to the State and to the leadership of the State is forbidden, a Secret State Police as a preventive instrument in the struggle against all dangers threatening the State is indissolubly bound up with the National Socialist Leader State. The opponents of National Socialism were not removed by the prohibition of their organisations and their newspapers, but have withdrawn to other forms of struggle against the State. Therefore, the National Socialist State has to trace out, to watch over and to render harmless the underground opponents fighting against it in illegal organisations, in camouflaged associations, in the coalitions of well-meaning fellow Germans and even in the organisations of Party and State before they have succeeded in actually executing an action directed against the interest of the State. This task of fighting with all means the secret enemies of the State will be spared no Leader State, because powers hostile to the State from their foreign headquarters, always make use of some persons in such a State and employ them in underground activity against the State.

The preventive activity of the Secret State Police consists primarily in the thorough observation of all enemies of the State in the Reich Territory. As the Secret State Police cannot carry out, in addition to its primary executive tasks, this observation of the enemies of the State, to the extent necessary, there marches by its side, to supplement it, the Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer of the S.S., set up by his deputy as the Political Intelligence Service of the movement, which puts a large part of the forces of the movement mobilised by it into the service of the security of the State.

The Secret State Police takes the necessary police preventive measures against the enemies of the State on the basis of the results of the observation. The most effective preventive measure is, without doubt, the withdrawal of freedom, which is covered in the form of protective custody, if it is to be feared that the free activity of the persons in question might endanger the security of the State in any way. The employment of protective custody is so organised by directions of the Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior and by a special arrest procedure of the Secret State Police that, as far as the preventive fight against the enemies of the State permits, continuous guarantees against the mis-use of the protective custody are also provided.”

THE PRESIDENT: Have we not really got enough now as to the organisation of the Gestapo and its Objective?

COLONEL STOREY: Your Honour, I had finished with the organisation. I was just going into the question of the action of protective custody, for which the Gestapo was famous, and showing how they went into that field of activity and the authority for taking people into protective custody - alleged protective custody.

THE PRESIDENT: I think that has been proved more than once in the preceding evidence that we have heard.

COLONEL STOREY: There is one more law I would like to refer to, to the effect that that action is not subject to judicial review, …. unless that has already been established. I do not know whether Major Farr did that, or not.

THE PRESIDENT: They are not subject to judicial review?

COLONEL STOREY: Review, yes.

THE PRESIDENT: I think you have told us that already this afternoon.

COLONEL STOREY: The citation is in the Reichsgesetzblatt of 1935 Page 577, which is Document 2347-PS.

I would like, if your Honour pleases, to refer to this quotation from that law.

The decision of the Prussian High Court of Administration on 2nd May, 1935, held that the status of the Gestapo as a special Police authority removed its orders from the jurisdiction of the administrative tribunal, and the Court said in that law that the only redress available was by appeal to the next higher authority within the Gestapo itself.

THE PRESIDENT: I think you told us that, apropos of the document of 10th February, 1936, where you said the Secret State Police was not subject to review by any of the State Courts.

COLONEL STOREY: I just did not want there to be any question about the authority. I refer your Honour to Document 1825-B-PS, which is already in evidence as Exhibit USA 449, also stating that theory, and also Document 1723-PS, and that is the decree, your Honour, of 1st February, 1938, which relates to the protective custody and the issuance of new regulations, and I would like to quote just one sentence from that law - “as a coercive measure of the Secret State Police against persons who endanger the security of the people and the State through their attitude, in order to counter all aspirations of the enemies of the people and the State”. The Gestapo had the exclusive right to order protective custody and that protective custody was to be executed in the State concentration camps.

Now, I pass to another phase where the S.D. created an organisation of agents and informers who operated through the various regional offices throughout the Reich and later in conjunction with the Gestapo and the Criminal Police throughout the occupied countries. The S.D. operated secretly. One of the things it did was to mark ballots secretly in order to discover the identity of persons who cast “No” and “invalid” votes in the referendum. I now offer in evidence Document R-142, second volume. I believe it is toward the end of Document R-142, Exhibit USA 481.

This document contains a letter from the branch office of the S.D. at Kochem to the S.D. at Koblenz. The letter is dated 7th May, 1938, and refers to the plebiscite of 10th April, 1938. It refers to a letter previously received from the Koblenz office and apparently is a reply to a request for information concerning the way in which people voted in the supposedly secret plebiscite. It is on Page 1 of Document R-142.

THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Storey, I am told that that has been read before.

COLONEL STOREY: I did not know it had, if your Honour pleases. We will then just offer it without reading it.

With reference to National Socialism and the contribution of the Sipo and the S.D., I refer to an article of 7th September, 1942, which is shown in Document 3344-PS. It is the first paragraph, Volume 2. It is the official journal. Quoting:

“Even before the taking over of power, the S.D. had added its part to the success of the National Socialist Revolution. After the taking over of power, the Security Police and the S.D. have borne the responsibility for the inner security of the Reich, and have paved the way for a powerful fulfilment of National Socialism against all resistance.”

In connection with the criminal responsibility of the S.D. and the Gestapo, it will be considered with respect to certain War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity, which were in the principal part committed by the centralised political police system. The development, organisation and tasks have been considered before. In some instances the crimes were committed in co-operation or in conjunction with other groups or organisations.

Now, in order to look into the strength of these various organisations, I have some figures here that I would like to quote to your Honour. The Sipo and S.D. were composed of the Gestapo, Kripo and S.D. The Gestapo was the largest, and it had a membership of about 40,000 to 50,000 in 1934 and 1935. That is an error; it is 1943 to 1945. It was the political force of the Reich.

THE PRESIDENT: Did you say the date was wrong?

COLONEL STOREY: Yes, it is ‘43 to ‘45.

THE PRESIDENT: Very well.

THE TRIBUNAL (MR. BIDDLE): Where are you reading from?

COLONEL STOREY: Document 3033-PS, and it is an affidavit of Walter Schellenberg, one of the former officials I referred to a moment ago.

I think, if your Honour pleases, in order to get it in the record, I will read the whole affidavit. Document 3033-PS, Exhibit USA 488:

“The Sipo and S.D. were composed of the Gestapo, Kripo and S.D. In 1943-45 the Gestapo had a membership of about 40,000 to 50,000; the Kripo had a membership of about 15,000 and the S.D. had a membership of about 3,000. In common usage, and even in orders and decrees, the term ‘S.D.’ was used as an abbreviation for the term ‘Sipo’ and ‘S.D.’ In most cases actual executive action was carried out by personnel of the Gestapo rather than of the S.D. or the Kripo. In occupied territories, members of the Gestapo frequently wore S.S. uniforms with S.D. insignia. New members of the Gestapo and the S.D. were taken on a voluntary basis. This has been stated and sworn to by me today the 21st November, 1945.” And then, “Subscribed and sworn to before Lt. Harris, 21st November, 1945.”

I think I ought to say here, if your Honour pleases, that it is our information that a great many of the members of the Gestapo were also members of the S.S. We have heard various estimates of the numbers, but have no direct authority. Some authorities say as much as 75 per cent, but still we have no direct evidence on that.

I now offer in evidence Document 2751-PS, which is Exhibit USA 482. It is an affidavit of Alfred Helmut Naujocks, dated 20th November, 1945. This affidavit particularly refers to the actual occurrences in connection with the Polish Border incident. I believe it was referred to by the witness Lahousen when he was on the stand.

“I, Alfred Helmut Naujocks, being first duly sworn, depose and state as follows:

1. I was a member of the S.S. from 1931 to 19th October, 1944, and a member of the S.D. from its creation in 1934 to January, 1941. I served as a member of the ‘Waffen S.S.’ from February, 1941, until the middle of 1942. Thereafter, I served in the Economic Department of the Military Administration of Belgium from September, 1942 to September, 1944. I surrendered to the Allies on 19th October, 1944,

2. On or about 10th August, 1939, the Chief of the Sipo and S.D. Heydrich, personally ordered me to simulate an attack on the radio station near Gleiwitz, near the Polish border, and to make it appear that the attacking force consisted of Poles. Heydrich said, ‘Practical proof is needed for these attacks of the Poles for the foreign Press, as well as for German propaganda purposes.’ I was directed to go to Gleiwitz with five or six other S.D. men and wait there until I received a code word from Heydrich indicating that the attack should take place. My instructions were to seize the radio station and to hold it long enough to permit a Polish-speaking German, who would be put at my disposal, to broadcast a speech in Polish. Heydrich told me that this speech should state that the time had come for the conflict between Germans and Poles, and that the Poles should get together and smash down any Germans from whom they met resistance. Heydrich also told me at this time that he expected an attack on Poland by Germany in a few days.

3. I went to Gleiwitz and waited there 14 days. Then I requested permission from Heydrich to return to Berlin, but was told to stay in Gleiwitz. Between 25th and 31st August, I went to see Heinrich Mueller, head of the Gestapo, who was then nearby at Oppeln. In my presence Mueller discussed with a man named Mohlhorn plans for another border incident, in which it should be made to appear that Polish soldiers were attacking German troops. Germans in the approximate strength of a company were to be used. Mueller stated that he had 12 or 13 condemned criminals who were to be dressed in Polish uniforms and left dead on the ground of the scene of the incident, to show that they had been killed while attacking. For this purpose they were to be given fatal injections by a doctor employed by Heydrich. Then they were also to be given gunshot wounds. After the incident, members of the Press and other persons were to be taken to the scene of the incident. A police report was subsequently to be prepared.

4. Mueller told me that he had an order from Heydrich to make one of those criminals available to me for the action at Gleiwitz. The code name by which he referred to these criminals was ‘Canned goods’.

5. The incident at Gleiwitz in which I participated was carried out on the evening preceding the German attack on Poland. As I recall, war broke out on 1st September, 1939. At noon on 31st August, I received by telephone from Heydrich the code word for the attack which was to take place at 8 o’clock that evening. Heydrich said, ‘In order to carry out this attack, report to Mueller for Canned Goods.’ I did this and gave Mueller instructions to deliver the man near the radio station. I received this man and had him laid down at the entrance to the station. He was alive but he was completely unconscious. I tried to open his eyes. I could not recognise by his eyes that he was alive, only by his breathing. I did not see the shot wounds but a lot of blood was smeared across his face. He was in civilian clothes.

6. We seized the radio station as ordered, broadcast a speech of three to four minutes over an emergency transmitter, fired some pistol shots and left.”

And that was sworn to and subscribed before Lt. Martin.

The Gestapo and the S.D. carried out mass murders of hundreds of thousands of civilians of occupied countries as a part of the Nazi programme to exterminate political and racial undesirables, by the so-called Einsatz Groups. Your Honour will recall evidence concerning the activity of these Einsatz Groups or Einsatzkommandos. I now refer to Document R-102.

If your Honour pleases, I understand Major Farr introduced this document this morning, but I want to refer to just one brief statement which he did not include, concerning the S.D. and the Einsatz Groups and Security Police. It is on Page 4 of R-102.: Quoting:

“During the period covered by this report the stations of the Einsatz Groups of the Security Police and the S.D. have changed only in the Northern Sector.”

THE PRESIDENT: What was the document?

COLONEL STOREY: R-102, which is already introduced in evidence by Major Farr, and it is in Volume 2 toward the end of the book.

THE PRESIDENT: I have a document here. Page 4, is it?

COLONEL STOREY: Page 4, Yes, Sir. There are two reports submitted by the Chief of the Einsatz Group A available. The first report is Document L-180, which has already been received as Exhibit USA 276.

THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Storey, will you not pass quite so fast from one document to another?

COLONEL STOREY: Yes, Sir, pardon me, Sir. L-180, and I want to quote from Page 13. It is on Page 5 of the English translation. It is the beginning of the first paragraph, near the bottom of the page. Quoting:

“In view of the extension of the area of operations and of the great number of duties which had to be performed by the Security Police, it was intended from the very beginning to obtain the co-operation of the reliable population for the fight against vermin; that is, mainly the Jews and Communists.”

And also in that same document, Page 30 of the original, Page 8 of the English translation. Quoting:

“From the beginning it was to be expected that the Jewish problem could not be solved by pogroms alone.”

THE PRESIDENT: I am told that that has been read already.

COLONEL STOREY: I had it checked, and we did not find that it had, your Honour. I will pass on them.

Now, if your Honour pleases, we will pass to Document 2273-PS next. I offer in evidence now just portions of Document 2273-PS, which is Exhibit USA 487. This document was captured by the U.S.S.R. and will be offered in detail by our Soviet colleagues later. But with their consent, I want to introduce in evidence a chart which is identified by that document, and we have an enlargement which we would like to put on the board, and we will pass to the Tribunal photostatic copies.

If your Honour pleases, this chart is identified by the photostatic copy attached to the original report which will be dealt with in detail later. I want to quote just one statement from Page 2 of the English translation of that document. It is the third paragraph from the bottom on Page 2 of the English translation:

“The Esthonian self-protection movement formed as the Germans advanced and began to arrest Jews, but there were no spontaneous pogroms. Only by the Security Police and the S.D. were the Jews gradually executed as they became no longer required for work. Today there are no longer any Jews in Estonia.”

That document is a top secret document by Einsatz Group A, which was a special projects group. This chart, of which the photostatic copy is attached to the original in the German translation on the wall, shows the progress of the extermination of the Jews in the area in which this Einsatz Kommando Group operated.

If your Honour will refer to the top, next to St. Petersburg, or Leningrad as we know it, you will see down below the picture of a coffin, and that is described in the report as 3,600 having been killed.

Next over, at the left, is another coffin in one of the small Baltic States, showing that 963 in that area have been put in the coffin.

Then next, down near Riga, you will note that 35,238 were put away in the coffins, and it refers to the ghetto there as still having 2,500.

You come down to the next square or the next State showing 136,421 were put in their coffins, and then in the next area near Minsk, and just above it there were 41,828 put in their coffins.

THE PRESIDENT: Are you sure that they were executed, the 136,000, because there is no coffin there.

COLONEL STOREY: Here are the totals from the documents.

THE PRESIDENT: These photostatic copies are different from what you have there. In the area which is marked 136,421 there is no coffin.

COLONEL STOREY: Well, I am sorry. The one that I have is a true and correct copy.

THE PRESIDENT: Mine has not got it and Mr. Biddle’s has not got it.

COLONEL STOREY: Will you hand this to the President, please?

THE PRESIDENT: I suppose the document itself will show it.

COLONEL STOREY: I will turn to the original and verify it. Apparently there is a typographical error. If your Honour pleases, here it is, 136,421, with the coffin.

THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Parker points out it is in the document itself too.

COLONEL STOREY: Yes, sir, it is in the document itself. There is an error on that.

The 128,000 at the bottom shows that at that time there were 128,000 on hand; and the literal translation of the statement, as I understand, means “Still on hand in the Minsk area.”

I next refer to Document 1104-PS, Volume 2, Exhibit USA 483, which I now offer in evidence.

THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Storey, did you tell us what the document was? There is nothing on the translation to show what the document is.

COLONEL STOREY: If your Honour pleases, it is a report of the special purpose Group A, or the Einsatz Group A, a top secret report, in other words, making a record of their activities in these areas, and this chart was attached showing the areas covered.

THE PRESIDENT: Special group of the Gestapo?

COLONEL STOREY: The special group that was organised of the Gestapo and the S.D. in that area. In other words, a Commando Group.

As I mentioned, your Honour, they organised these special commando groups to work with and behind the armies as they consolidated their gains in occupied territories, and your Honour will hear from other reports of these “Einsatz” groups as we go along in this presentation. In other words, “Einsatz” means special action or action groups, and they were organised to cover certain geographical areas behind the immediate front lines.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but they were groups, were they, of the Gestapo?

COLONEL STOREY: The Gestapo and the S.D.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, that is part of the Gestapo.

COLONEL STOREY: There were some of the Kripo in it, too.

Now, the next document is 1104-PS, dated 30th October, 1941. This document shows on that date the Commissioner of the territory of Sluzk wrote a report to the Commissioner of Minsk, in which he severely criticised the actions of the Einsatz Commandos of the Sipo and the S.D. operating in his area for the murder of the Jewish population of that area, and I quote the English translation, on Page 4 of that document beginning at the first paragraph:

“On 27th October in the morning, at about 8 o’clock a first lieutenant of the Police Battalion No. 11, from Kauen (Lithuania) appeared and introduced himself as the adjutant of the Battalion Commander of the Security Police. The first lieutenant explained that the Police Battalion had received the assignment to effect the liquidation of all Jews here in the town of Sluzk within two days. The Battalion Commander, with his battalion in strength of four companies, two of which were made up of Lithuanian partisans, was on the march here and the action would have to begin instantly. I replied to the first lieutenant that I had to discuss the action in any case first with the Commander. About half an hour later the Police Battalion arrived in Sluzk. Immediately after the arrival, a conference with the Battalion Commander took place according to my request. I first explained to the Commander that it would not very well be possible to effect the action without previous preparation, because everybody had been sent to work and it would lead to a terrible confusion. At least it would have been his duty to inform me a day ahead of time. Then I requested him to postpone the action one day. However, he rejected this with the remark that he had to carry out this action everywhere and in all two days, the town of Sluzk had to be cleared of Jews by all means.”

That report was made to the Reich Commissioner for the Eastern Territories through Gauleiter Heinrich Lusch at Riga. Your Honour will recall that he was referred to in another presentation.

Now, skipping over to Page 5. The first paragraph, I would like to quote it:

“For the rest, as regards the execution of the action, I must point out to my deepest regret that the matter bordered on sadism. The town itself offered a picture of horror during the action. With indescribable brutality on the part of both the German Police officers, and particularly the Lithuanian partisans, not only the Jewish people, but also White Ruthenians, were taken out of their dwellings and herded together. Everywhere in the town shots were to be heard, and in different streets the corpses of shot Jews accumulated. The White Ruthenians were in the greatest distress to free themselves from the encirclement. Regardless of the fact that the Jewish people, among whom were also tradesmen were mistreated in a terribly barbarous way, in front of the White Ruthenian people, the White Ruthenians themselves were also worked over with rubber clubs and rifle butts. There was no question of an action against the Jews any more. It rather looked like a revolution.”

And then I skip down to the next to the last paragraph on that same page; quoting:

“In conclusion, I find myself obliged to point out that the Police Battalion has looted in an unheard of manner during the action, and that not only in Jewish houses but just the same in those of the White Ruthenians, anything of use such as boots, leather, cloth, gold and other valuables, has been taken away. On the basis of statements of members of the Armed Forces, watches were torn off the arms of Jews in public, on the street, and rings were pulled off the fingers in the most brutal manner. A major of the Finance Department reported that a Jewish girl was asked by the police to obtain immediately 5,000 roubles to have her father released. This girl is said to have actually gone everywhere in order to obtain the money.”

There is another paragraph with reference to the number of copies - on the third page of the translation - to which I would like to call your Honour’s attention. The last paragraph on Page 3 of the translation, quoting:

“I am submitting this report in duplicate so that one copy may be forwarded to the Reich Minister. Peace and order cannot be maintained in White Ruthenia with methods of that sort. To bury seriously wounded people alive who worked their way out of their graves again, is such a base and filthy act that the incident as such, should be reported to the Fuehrer and Reich Marshal.

The civil administration of White Ruthenia makes very strenuous efforts to win the population over to Germany, in accordance with the instructions of the Fuehrer. These efforts cannot be brought in harmony with the methods described herein.”

Signed by the Commissioner General for White Ruthenia.

And then on 11th November, 1941, he forwarded it on to the Reich Minister for Occupied Countries, in Berlin.

THE PRESIDENT: Who was that at that time?

COLONEL STOREY: The Reich Commissionere (I believe it was shown for the Easter occupied country) was the defendent Rosenberg. I think that is correct. On the same date by separate letter the Commissioner General of White Ruthenia reported to the Reich Commissioner for the Eastern Territories that he had received money, valuables, and other objects taken by the police in the action at Sluzk, and other regions, all of which had been deposited with the Reich Credit Institute, for the disposal of the Reich Commissioner.

On 21st November, 1941, a report on the Sluzk incident was sent to the personal reviewer of the permanent deputy of the Minister of the Reich with a copy to Heydrich, who was the Chief of the Security Police and the S.D. That is shown on the first page of Document 1104.

The activities of the Einsatz Groups continued throughout 1943 and 1944 under Kaltenbrunner as Chief of the Security Police and S.D. Under adverse war conditions, however, the programme of extermination was to a large extent changed to one of rounding up slave labour for Germany.

I next refer to Document 3012-PS, which has heretofore been introduced as Exhibit USA igo. This is a letter from the headquarters of one of the Commando Groups, a section known as Einsatz Group C, dated 19th March, 1943. This letter summarises the real activities and methods of the Gestapo and S.D., and I should like to refer to additional portions of the letter, to those previously quoted on Page 2, of Document 3012-PS, and I think I will read the first page beginning with the first paragraph:

“It is the task of the Security Police and of the Security Service (S.D.) to discover all enemies of the Reich, and to fight them in the interest of security and, in the zone of operations, especially to guarantee the security of the Army. Besides the annihilation of active opponents all other elements who by virtue of their convictions or their past may prove to be active enemies, favourable circumstances provided, are to be eliminated through preventive measures. The Security Police carries out this task according to the general directives of the Fuehrer, with all of the required toughness. Energetic measures are especially necessary in territories endangered by the activity of hostile gangs.

The competence of the Security Police within the zone of operations is based on the ‘Barbarossa’ decrees.”

The Tribunal will recall the famous “Barbarossa” code, namely, the decrees that were issued in connection with the invasion of Russia:

“I deem the measures of the Security Police carried out on a considerable scale during recent times necessary for the two following reasons:

1. The situation at the front in my sector had become so serious, with the population partly influenced by Hungarians and Italians who streamed back in chaotic condition and took, openly, positions against us.

2. The strong expeditions by hostile gangs who came especially from the Forest of Bryansk were another reason. Besides that, other partisan groups formed by the population appeared suddenly in all districts. The providing of arms was evidently no difficulty at all. It would have been irresponsible if we had observed this whole activity without acting against it. It is obvious that all such measures necessitate some harshness.”

I want to take up the significant point of the harsh measures.

1. Shooting of Hungarian Jews

2. Shooting of Agronoms.

3. Shooting of children.

4. Total burning down of villages.

5. “Shooting” - I quote -“while trying to escape”, of Security Service (S.D.) prisoners.

“Chief of Einsatz group C confirmed once more the correctness of the measures taken, and expressed his recognition of the energetic action. With regard to the current political situation, especially in the armament industry in the Fatherland, the measures of the Security Police have to be subordinated to the greatest extent to the recruiting of labour for Germany. In the shortest possible time the Ukraine has to put at the disposal of the armament industry 1,000,000 workers, Some of whom have to be sent from the territory daily.”

Your Honour, please, I believe the numbers have been quoted before by Mr. Dodd. I refer on the next page, to the first order in sub-paragraphs 1 and 2:

“1. Special treatment is to be limited to the minimum.

2. Communist functionaries, agitators, and so on, will only be listed for the time being, without being arrested. It is, for instance, no longer feasible to arrest all the close relatives of a member of the Communist Party. Also members of the Konisomolz are to be arrested only if they occupied leading positions.”

The next paragraphs have been read into evidence, 3 and 4, in a previous presentation. I will read:

“No. 5. The reporting of hostile gangs, as well as drives against them, is not affected hereby. All drives against those hostile gangs can take place only after my approval has been obtained. The prisons have to be kept empty as a rule, and we have to be aware of the fact that the Slavs will interpret the soft treatment on our part as weakness, and that they will act accordingly right away. If we limit our harsh measures of the Security Police through the above orders for the time being, that is only done for the reason that the most important thing is the recruiting of workers. No check of persons to be sent into the Reich will be made. No written certificates of political reliability check, or similar things, will be issued. Signed by Christensen, S.S. Sturmbannfuehrer and commanding officer.”

I understood that your Honour wanted to adjourn at four o’clock, and I believe that I can introduce one more statement. It was the Einsatz Groups of the Security Police and S.D. that operated the infamous death vans. Document 501-PS, which was received as Exhibit USA 288, has previously referred to this operation. The letter from Becker, which is a part of this exhibit, was addressed to Obersturmbannfuehrer Rauff at Berlin. We now refer to Document L-185. I simply refer to Document 501-PS as a reference to the death vans. The Document L-185, Exhibit USA 484, is the one I am now offering in evidence, Page 7 of the English translation, L-185. It will be observed that the Chief of Amt. II D of the R.S.H.A. in charge of technical matters was Obersturmbahnfuehrer Rauff. Mr. Harris advises me that the only point to be proved by that is that Amt. II of the R.S.H.A., who made this report on technical matters, was the Obersturmbahnfuehrer Rauff, and then he refers in the same connection to Document 2348-PS, which is Exhibit USA 485. The previous one was to identify Rauff, and then to offer his affidavit, which is Document 2348-PS, second volume. Reading from the beginning of the affidavit, which was made on 19th October, 1945, in Ancona, Italy,

“I hereby acknowledge the attached letter written by Dr. Becker on 16th May, 1942, and received by me on 29th May, 1942, as a genuine letter. I did, on 18th October, 1945, write on the side of this letter a statement to the effect that it was genuine. I do not know the number of death vans being operated, and cannot give an approximate figure. The vans were built by the Saurer Works, Germany, located, I believe, in Berlin. Some other firms built these vans also. In so far as I am aware these vans operated only in Russia. In so far as I can state these vans were probably operating in 1941, and I personally believe that they were operating up to the termination of the war.”

If your Honour pleases, I do not think that we will have time to go into the next exhibit.

THE PRESIDENT: Very well. Then the Tribunal will now adjourn until Wednesday, 2nd January.

(The Tribunal adjourned to 2nd January, 1946, at 1000 hours.)

WEDNESDAY, 2ND JANUARY, 1946

THE PRESIDENT: I call on the Counsel for the United States.

COLONEL STOREY: If the Tribunal please, when your Honours adjourned on 20th December we were presenting the Gestapo, and had referred to the use of the death vans by the Einsatz Groups in the Eastern Occupied Territories and had almost concluded that phase of the presentation. Your Honours will recall that we had referred to the use of some death vans made by the Saurer Works, and the final reference that I want to make in that connection is to a telegram attached to Document 501-PS, which it is not necessary to read, establishing the fact that the same make of truck or vans was the death van used by the Einsatz Groups.

The final document in connection with the Einsatz Groups in the Eastern Occupied Territories which we desire to offer is Document 2992-PS, and I believe it is in the second volume of the Document Book. This is an affidavit made by Hermann Graebe. Hermann Graebe is at present employed by the United States Government in Frankfurt. The affidavit was made at Wiesbaden, and I offer excerpts from Document 2992-PS, Exhibit USA 494.

This witness was at the head of a construction firm that was doing some building in the Ukraine and he was an eye-witness of the anti-Jewish actions at the town of Rowno, Ukraine, on 13th July, 1942, and I refer to the part of the affidavit which is on Page 5 of the English translation. Beginning at the first paragraph:

“From September, 1941, until January, 1944, I was manager and engineer-in-charge of a branch office in Sdolbunow, Ukraine, of the Solingen building firm of Josef Jung. In this capacity it was my job to visit the building sites of the firm. The firm had, among others, a site in Rowno, Ukraine.

During the night of 13th July, 1942, all inhabitants of the Rowno Ghetto, where there were still about 5,000 Jews, were liquidated.

I should describe the circumstances of my being a witness of the dissolution of the Ghetto and the carrying out of the pogrom during the night and morning, as follows:

I employed for the firm, in Rowno, in addition to Poles, Germans and Ukrainians, about 100 Jews from Sdolbunow, Ostrog and Mysotch. The men were quartered in a building, 5 Bahnhofstrasse, inside the Ghetto, and the women in a house at the corner of Deutsche Strasse, 98.

On Saturday, 11th July, 1942, my foreman, Fritz Einsporn, told me of a rumour that on Monday all Jews in Rowno were to be liquidated. Although the vast majority of the Jews employed by my firm in Rowno were not natives of this town, I still feared that they might be included in this pogrom which had been reported. I therefore ordered Einsporn at noon of the same day to march all the Jews employed by us - men as well as women - in the direction of Sdolbunow, about 12 km from Rowno. This was done.

The senior Jew had learned of the departure of the Jewish workers of my firm. He went to see the Commanding Officer of the Rowne, Sipo and S.D., S.S. Major (S.S. Sturmbannfuehrer) Dr. Putz. as early as Saturday afternoon to find out whether the rumour of a forthcoming Jewish pogrom - which had gained further credence by reason of the departure of Jews of my firm - was true. Dr. Putz dismissed the rumour as a clumsy lie and, for the rest, had the Polish personnel of my firm in Rowno arrested. Einsporn avoided arrest by escaping to Sdolbunow. When I learned of this incident I gave orders that all Jews who had left Rowno were to report back to work in Rowno on Monday, 13th July, 1942. On Monday morning I myself went to see the Commanding Officer, Dr. Putz, in order to learn, for one thing, the truth about the rumoured Jewish pogrom and, for another, to obtain information on the arrest of the Polish office personnel. S.S. Major Putz stated to me that no pogrom whatever was planned. Moreover, such a pogrom would be stupid because the firms and the Reichsbahn would lose valuable workers.

An hour later I received a summons to appear before the Area Commissioner of Rowno. His deputy Stabsleiter and Cadet Officer Beck, subjected me to the same questions as I had undergone at the S.D. My explanation that I had sent the Jews home for urgent delousing appeared plausible to him. He then told me - making me promise to keep it a secret - that a pogrom would, in fact, take place in the evening of Monday, 13th July, 1945. After lengthy negotiation I managed to persuade him to give me permission to take my Jewish workers to Sdolbunow - but only after the pogrom had been carried out. During the night it would be up to me to protect the house in the Ghetto against the entry of Ukrainian Militia and S.S. As confirmation of the discussion he gave me a document, which stated that the Jewish employees of Messrs. Jung were not affected by the pogrom.”

And this original which I hold in my hand, I will now pass to the translator for reading. I call the attention of your Honour to the fact that it has the letterhead of “Der Gebietskommissar in Rowno,” and it is dated 13th July, 1942, and is signed by this area commissioner. I now read this document:

“The Area Commissioner” - which means Gebietskommissar - Rowno.

“Secret.

Addressed: Messrs. Jung, Rowno.

The Jewish workers employed by your firm are not affected by the pogrom - in parenthesis “Aktion.”

As I understand, that means action.

“You must transfer them to their new place of work by Wednesday, 15th July, 1942, at the latest.”

Signed by the Area Commissioner Beck. And then the stamp - the official stamp of the area commissioner at Rowno.

Now, just the following paragraph on the original, Page 5 or 6, I believe it is, one more paragraph 1 would like to read after the reference “Original attached”:

“On the evening of this day I drove to Rowno and posted myself with Fritz Einsporn in front of the house in the Bahnhoffstrasse in which the Jewish workers of my firm slept. Shortly after 22.00 hours the Ghetto was encircled by a large S.S. detachment and about three times as many members of the Ukrainian Militia. Then the electric arclights which had been erected in and around the Ghetto were switched on. S.S. and Militia squads of 4 to 6 men entered or at least tried to enter the house. Where the doors and windows were closed and the inhabitants did not open at the knocking, the S.S. men and Militia broke the windows, forced the doors with beams and crowbars and entered the houses. The people living there were driven into the street just as they were, regardless of whether they were dressed or in bed. Since the Jews in most cases refused to leave their houses and resisted, the S.S. and Militia applied force. They finally succeeded, with strokes of the whip, kicks and blows with rifle butts in clearing the houses. The people were driven out of their houses in such haste that in several instances, small children in bed had been left behind. In the streets women cried out for their children and children for their parents. That did not prevent the S.S. from driving the people along the road, at running pace, and hitting them, until they reached a waiting freight train. Car after car was filled, and the screaming of women and children, and the cracking of whips and rifle shots resounded unceasingly.

Since several families or groups had barricaded themselves in especially strong buildings and the doors could not be forced with crowbars or beams, these houses were now blown open with hand grenades. Since the Ghetto was near the railroad tracks in Rowno, the younger people tried to get across the tracks and over a small river, to get away from the Ghetto area. As this stretch of country was beyond the range of the electric lights, it was illuminated by signal rockets. All through the night these beaten, hounded and wounded people moved along the lighted streets. Women carried their dead children in their arms, children pulled and dragged their dead parents by their arms and legs down the road toward the train. Again and again the cries ‘Open the door!’ Open the door!’ echoed through the Ghetto.”

I will not read any more of this affidavit. It is a very long one. There is also a second affidavit, but the part I wanted to emphasise is the fact that the original exemption was signed by the Area Commissioner, and that the S.D. and the S.S. participated in this action.

THE PRESIDENT: Ought you not to read the rest of that page, Colonel Storey?

COLONEL STOREY: All right, sir. I really had eliminated that because I thought it might be cumulative.

“About 6 o’clock in the morning I went away for a moment, leaving behind Einsporn and several other German workers who had returned in the meantime. I thought the greatest danger was past and that I could risk it. Shortly after I left, Ukrainian Militia men forced their way into 5 Bahnhoffstrasse and brought seven Jews out and took them to a collecting point inside the Ghetto. On my return I was able to prevent further Jews from being taken out. I went to the collecting point to save these seven men. I saw dozens of corpses of all ages and both sexes in the streets I had to walk along. The doors of the houses stood open, windows were smashed. Pieces of clothing, shoes, stockings, jackets, caps, hats, coats, etc., were lying in the street. At the corner of a house lay a baby, less than a year old, with his skull crushed. Blood and brains were spattered over the house wall and covered the area immediately around the child. The child was dressed only in a little shirt. The commander, S.S. Major Putz, was walking up and down a row of about 80 - 100 male Jews who were crouching on the ground. He had a heavy dog whip in his hand. I walked up to him, showed him the written permit of Stabsleiter Beck, and demanded the seven men whom I recognised among those who were crouching on the ground. Dr. Putz was furious about Beck’s concession and nothing could persuade him to release the seven men. He made a motion with his hand encircling the square and said that anyone who was once here would not get away. Although he was very angry with Beck, he ordered me to take the people from 5 Bahnhofstrasse out of Rowno by 8 o’clock at the latest. When I left Dr. Putz, I noticed a Ukrainian farm cart with two horses. Dead people with stiff limbs were lying on the cart. Legs and arms projected over the side boards. The cart was making for the freight train. I took the remaining 74 Jews who had been locked in the house to Sdolbunow. Several days after 13th July, 1942, the Area Commissioner of Sdolbunow, Georg Marschall, called a meeting of all firm managers, railroad superintendents, and leaders of the Organisation Todt and informed them that the firms etc. should prepare themselves for the ‘resettlement’ of the Jews which was to take place almost immediately. He referred to the pogrom in Rowno where all the Jews had been liquidated, i.e., had been shot near Kostolpol.”

Finally, his signature is sworn to on 10th November, 1945.

THE PRESIDENT: What nationality is Graebe?

COLONEL STOREY: He is German. Graebe is a German, and is now in the employ of the Military Government at Frankfurt - the United States Military Government.

Your Honour, in that connection there is another separate affidavit, which I will not attempt to read, attached to this, a part of the same document. But it has to do with the execution of some people in another area and is along the same line. I am not reading it because it would be cumulative, but it is a part of this same document.

I now pass from that subject to the next one.

The Gestapo and S.D. stationed special units in prisoner-of-war camps for the purpose of screening racial and political undesirables and executing those who were screened. The programme of mass murder of political and racial undesirables carried on against civilians was also applied against prisoners of war who were captured on the Eastern Front. In this connection I call the attention of the Tribunal to the testimony of General Lahousen, which your Honours will recall, of the 30th November, 1945. Lahousen testified to a conference which took place in the summer of 1941, shortly after the beginning of the campaign against the Soviet Union, which he attended; and I want to emphasise this, because we will later have a document that emanated from this conference, attended by Lahousen himself, General Reinecke, Colonel Breuer, and Mueller, the Head of the Gestapo. At this conference the command to kill Soviet functionaries and Communists among the Soviet prisoners-of-war was discussed. The executions were to be carried out by Einsatz Commandos of the Sipo and the S.D.

Lahousen further recalled that Mueller, who was the head of the Gestapo, insisted on carrying out the programme, and that the only concession he made was that, in deference to the sensibilities of the German troops, the executions would not take place in their presence. Mueller also made some concessions as to the selection of the persons to be murdered; but, according to Lahousen, the selection was left entirely to the commanders of these screening units. I refer to Page 281 of the transcript.

Now I offer Document 502-PS as the next exhibit, Exhibit USA 486. This document is a Gestapo directive of 17th July, 1941.

If you will recall, Lahousen said this conference was in the summer of 1941.

It is addressed to commanders of the Sipo and S.D. stationed in camps and provides in part as follows, and I read from the first page of the English translation.

Now, if the Tribunal please, our colleagues, the Soviet prosecutors, will present most of that document, and I am only going to read enough to show that the Gestapo were the ones that took part in it. From the beginning:

“The action of commandos will take place in accordance with the agreement of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces as of 16th July, 1941. Enclosure I.

The commandos will work independently according to special authorisation and according to the general directive given to them in the limits of the camp regulations. Naturally the commandos will keep close contact with the camp commander and the intelligence officer assigned to him.

This mission of the commandos is the political investigation of all camp inmates, the elimination and further treatment:

(a) of all political, criminal, or in some other way undesirable elements among them;

(b) of those persons who could be used for the reconstruction of the occupied countries.”

Now I pass to the beginning of the fourth paragraph:

“The commandos must use for their work as far as possible now, and even later, the experiences of. the camp commanders, which the latter have gathered from observation of the prisoners and examination of the camp inmates. Further, the commandos must make efforts from the beginning to seek out among the prisoners elements which would appear reliable, regardless whether there are communists concerned or not, in order to use them for intelligence purposes inside the camp, and, if advisable, later in the occupied territories also.