CHAPTER 6

UNIVERSITY KNOWLEDGE SPILLOVERS AND REGIONAL START-UP RATES: SUPPLY AND DEMAND-SIDE FACTORS

Karin Hellerstedt, Karl Wennberg and Lars Frederiksen

ABSTRACT

This chapter investigates how regional start-up rates in the knowledge-intensive services and high-tech industries are influenced by knowledge spillovers from both universities and firm-based R&D activities. Integrating insights from economic geography and organizational ecology into the literature on entrepreneurship, we develop a theoretical framework which captures how both supply- and demand-side factors mold the regional bedrock for start-ups in knowledge-intensive industries. Using multilevel data of all knowledge-intensive start-ups across 286 Swedish municipalities between 1994 and 2002 we demonstrate how characteristics of the economic and political milieu within each region influence the ratio of firm births. We find that knowledge spillovers from universities and firm-based R&D strongly affect the start-up rates for both high-tech firms and knowledge-intensive services firms. Further, the start-up rate of knowledge-intensive service firms is tied more strongly to the supply of university educated individuals and the political regulatory regime within the municipality than start-ups in high-tech industries. This suggests that knowledge-intensive service-start-ups are more susceptible to both demand-side and supply-side context than is the case for high-tech start-ups in general. Our study contributes to the growing stream of research that explains entrepreneurial activity as shaped by contextual factors, most notably academic institutions, such as universities that contribute to knowledge-intensive start-ups.

Keywords: Knowledge spillover; regional start-ups; university R&D

INTRODUCTION

A substantial literature in entrepreneurship, organizational ecology, and economic geography suggests that geographic factors are important in shaping the emergence of new entrepreneurial firms (Sorensen & Audia, 2000). Macro-oriented research in organizational ecology and economic geography reports significant differences in entrepreneurial start-up rates across regions and countries as well as between industries. The explanations vary from advantages of industrial clustering (Malmberg & Maskell, 1999), labor market characteristics, for example, flows and access to knowledge (Lorenzen & Frederiksen, 2008), and institutional thickness (Amin & Thrift, 1995),1 to location-based opportunities founded on localized learning (Malmberg & Maskell, 1999) and access to nearby knowledge hubs such as universities (Baptista, Lima, & Mendonça, 2011). Micro-oriented entrepreneurship research on the other hand demonstrates how resources and initial conditions present at the time of founding can influence new firms in long lasting ways, even if more resources are accumulated and environmental conditions change (Dahl & Sorensen, 2012; Delmar, Hellerstedt, & Wennberg, 2006). Fundamental to this line of argument is the assumption that resource endowments, economic conditions, and institutional conditions present during the founding process influences the firm’s development even though the environment and the firm will continue to change (Eisenhardt & Schoonhoven, 1990). Such resources tend to be strongly linked to particular regions (Giannetti & Simonov, 2009). Thus, our particular interest in this chapter is to better understand the role played by geographical context and universities for the creation and evolution of new firms.

Summarizing the two research orientations Feldman (2001) highlights that entrepreneurship is more than an individual act and it is therefore equally necessary to understand entrepreneurship as a “regional event.” We elaborate on this view by posing the question: To what extent do localized knowledge spillovers affect the rate of start-up in various regions? Our study revolves around how characteristics of the economic milieu of regions influence the births rate of new firms (Wagner & Sternberg, 2004). In particular, we explore the impact of human capital and knowledge spillovers from universities on regional start-up rates, controlling for an array of economic and institutional factors. Also, we are interested in the differences in start-ups rates for knowledge-intensive services and high-tech ventures which are triggered by variation in their context, for example, a strong local representation of individuals holding a university degree or presence of strong R&D activities from universities and the commercial sector.

We utilize a unique data set, which contains information on all knowledge-intensive start-ups across the 286 Swedish municipalities between 1994 and 2002. Our theoretical framework captures both supply- and demand-side factors, with a specific emphasis on the effect of the latter on entrepreneurial action. In doing so, we seek to complement the extant research that concentrate on the supply of entrepreneurial individuals in analyses of start-up rates (Thornton, 1999). The chapter is structured as follows: First, we discuss the literature on regional variation and new firm formation. We zoom in on the importance of initial conditions at the founding stage as they are treated and explained in the literatures of organizational ecology and industrial organization. Key emphasis is given to arguments from the literature on various types of knowledge spillovers from universities or private R&D, and their potential effect on new firm births. A descriptive analysis describes the variation in start-up rates across regions in the settings we investigate. In the methods section we derive a number of theoretical variables from the literature review, and explain how these are modeled in separate analyses of the regional start-up rates among knowledge-intensive services and high-tech manufacturing firms. We conclude by discussing our findings and their implications for theory and future research, as well as for regional public policy.

THEORY

A broad literature points to the importance of the initial conditions and resources available at the time of founding for firm evolution (Aldrich & Ruef, 2006; Kimberly, 1979). We draw on arguments from the literatures of organizational ecology, industrial organization economics, and entrepreneurship research to theorize about these patterns. Our theoretical framework of how knowledge spillovers affect start-up rates in geographical context takes inspiration from Helfat’s (2009) notion that “… papers waste a lot of ink on what may be premature hypotheses. To put it bluntly, the current state of affairs where researchers feel they have to come up with hypotheses in order to justify empirical work is counterproductive” (Helfat, 2009, p. 188). Consequently, we develop a broad theoretical framework that points us toward a set of particularly interesting explanations to be empirically explored rather than aim to build a narrow set of testable hypotheses.

Sociological Perspectives on University Knowledge Spillovers and Start-Up Rates

The logic behind the role of initial conditions for start-ups has been theorized by the macro-sociological ecological theories of density delay and red queen competition. Density delay proposes that the number of competitors present at the time of firms’ founding reduces the amount of resources for each firm, lowering the rate of local start-ups and also increasing the probability of exit throughout their entire life course because the lower resources available in periods of high density tend to become self-reinforcing (Carroll & Hannan, 1989). The theory of red queen competition, on the other hand, suggests that the number of competitors present at the time of firms’ founding can increase the viability of firms that manage to remain in business (Barnett & Pontikes, 2008). Hence, density delay stresses selection-based competition whereas red queen competition stresses adaptation from competition. Both theories originate from the model of density dependence in organizational ecology that investigates the dynamics of organizational entry, growth, and exit from a macro-sociological lens. In this line of research, organizational density is measured by the number of firms in a population, which include all firms with similar structural attributes (organizational form) but differ from the economic notion of industry (Boone & van Witteloostuijn, 1995). The equilibrium number of firms according to the density dependency model is called the carrying capacity which refers to the numbers of a specific organizational form that can be sustained in a particular environment in isolation from other populations (Hannan & Carroll, 1992, p. 29). When the actual number of firms in a market is larger than the carrying capacity firms that are ill adapted will exit due to external pressure. If the actual number of firms is smaller than the carrying capacity, this implies room for entry. While this line of macro-oriented sociology does not attend to the potential role of universities per se in affecting regional rates of firm formation, a related stream of sociological research addresses the potential role of university knowledge spillovers for regional start-up rates. It studies, for example, the role of geographically proximate social ties facilitating the mobilization of resources necessary for start-ups (Powell, Koput, & Smith-Doerr, 1996; Stuart & Sorenson, 2003). This line of research is closely aligned to the economic inspired perspectives on knowledge spillovers and regional start-up rates, which we will now review.

Economic Perspectives on University Knowledge Spillovers and Start-Up Rates

Work in industrial organization economics and economic geography highlights the importance of initial conditions for new firm’s evolution. The “revolving door” theory presented by Audretsch (1995) explain the fact that entry and exit rates are higher in economic booms, indicating that the average quality of start-ups increases and inefficient firms are closed when their founders exit and move on to other activities, as labor market conditions are fertile. These patterns are also shaped by the life cycle of different industries, as economic downturns lead to accentuated decline in mature industries (Freeman & Perez, 1988), such as is the case with the automobile industry during the worldwide financial crisis in 2008. Key features of the life cycle theories are: Young industries are dominated by a few early entrants who tend to demand high prices for their products. Often times these firms are geographically clustered (Klepper, 1997). This spurs the entry of more firms with increasingly higher output and lower prices. As the rate of growth in combined output falls below the average growth rate of individual firms, many firms are forced to exit – causing a “shakeout” in the industry (Jovanovic & MacDonald, 1994; Klepper & Graddy, 1990). While most industries go through a product life cycle that captures the way many industries evolve through their early years, when they reach maturity, the industry’s further development tends to be difficult to predict with the life cycle approach (Klepper, 1997).

The life cycle model suggests that there are benefits to achieve from starting during early stages in an industry’s development path as this provides new firms the time to develop capabilities that may lower risk of failure during a shakeout, similar to the density delay model in organizational ecology. However, research in economic geography advocates for a more fine-grained model. Entry of new firms in regions already characterized by many firms may feed into a self-reinforcing process that drives agglomeration of related firms, cooperating and competing with each other (Feldman, Francis, & Bercovitz, 2005). Thus, influence from agglomeration effects offers a more micro-oriented model of how environmental conditions shape firm births and evolution than the macro-oriented models in organizational ecology and industrial organization life cycle analysis. A related but highly relevant area constitutes the research on university–industry relations as a source of knowledge spillovers that affect local levels of entrepreneurship.

Current research on the impact of university research on entrepreneurship is predominantly micro-oriented, with a strong emphasis on university–industry collaboration, and its effects on entrepreneurship both within (Etzkowitz, 1998; Rothaermel, Agung, & Jiang, 2007; Siegel, Waldman, Atwater, & Link, 2003) and outside the university (e.g., Di Gregorio & Shane, 2003; Siegel, Wright, & Lockett, 2007; Wennberg, Wiklund, & Wright, 2011). Macro-oriented research tends to look at the effects of individual scientists and patent rates on entrepreneurship in regions but by and large ignored the overall effects of universities as localized sources of knowledge production, accumulation, and diffusion, on regional rates of entrepreneurship (e.g., Almeida & Kogut, 1999; Zucker, Darby, & Armstrong, 2002). Two important recent examples come from European data: Baptista et al. (2011) used longitudinal data on establishment of higher education institutions in Portugal during 1992–2002 and found these to have a positive impact on the levels of new firm entry among knowledge-based firms in the same municipality, but a negative effect on the levels of entry in other sectors such as low-tech manufacturing. Based on German data, Fritsch and Aamoucke (2013) conducted similar analyses, finding that regional public research and education have a strong positive impact on new business formation in innovative industries but not in industries classified as non-innovative. These studies highlight the potentially potent roles of universities as drivers of regional entrepreneurship, but leave several important questions outstanding. First, do universities facilitate localized entrepreneurship primarily through educational mechanisms such as the training of engineers and business graduates increasing the supply of potential entrepreneurs, or primarily through research such as increasing the number of innovations in the local economy (Shane, 2000)? Both of these represent knowledge spillover mechanisms, but they hold widely different implications for public policy and university entrepreneurship policy. Second, if the mechanisms pertaining to the role of universities for regional start-up rates lie primarily in their research increasing the number of innovations in the local economy, such an effect should be observed also for other sources of innovation such as those produced by research in private corporations. Third, do these mechanisms of knowledge spillovers from universities for regional start-ups differ across various industries or types of start-ups? Our chapter seeks to further this line of inquiry by simultaneously assessing the role of both university and private sources of knowledge spillovers for local rates of start-ups in knowledge-intensive manufacturing industries as well as for local rates of start-ups in knowledge-intensive service industries.

Organizational Ecology

To explicate how our theoretical pillars of organizational ecology, industrial organization economics, and entrepreneurship are commensurable with each other, it is important to first note that, for example, the density dependency’s model of the time trajectory of number of firms in a population clearly resembles the notion of the industry life cycle in industrial organization (van Wissen, 2004). However, the interpretation of competition in the organizational ecology view is not directly transferable into notions of agglomeration economies. The ecological process of competition is generally stated as “the negative effect of the presence of one or more actors on the life chances or growth rates of some focal actor” (Carroll & Hannan, 2000, p. 225). This view of competition basically states that given a fixed resource space (e.g., in a consumer market), competition rises geometrically with the number of firms in a population. This concept of competition does not assume the notion of profit maximization as the driving motivation for firms, or as in Cave’s (1998, p. 1947) words, ignoring “the need to cover costs to keep a firm’s coalitions together.” In organizational ecology, this role is rather taken by forces of natural selection and organizational inertia in adapting, for example, employment contracts to technological or market changes (Hannan, Burton, & Baron, 1996). A final distinction between the entry models suggested by organizational ecology and industrial organization economics is that organizational ecology focuses both on economic (carrying capacity) and socio-cognitive barriers (legitimacy) whereas industrial organization economics is concerned with distinct economic barriers such as how concentrated an industry is, and whether there are other barriers to entry such as legal regulations and high set-up costs. Socio-cognitive barriers are important considerations in theorizing on localized differences in start-up rates since we know from micro-oriented research that individuals’ perception of business opportunities are based on their social cognition. Two identical individuals in two different locations where one location is characterized by a more encouraging social setting for entrepreneurship tends to perceive different types of obstacles in setting up a start-up (Corbett, 2007; Etzkowitz, 1998).

A Socio-Economic Perspective on Knowledge Spillovers and Start-Up Rates

In economic geography, Marshall (1920) defined three broad forces leading to a geographic concentration of industries: Labor market pooling, availability of intermediate inputs into production processes, and spillovers of knowledge between firms. All of these are supply-side forces, stimulating the entry of new firms into regions that have already accumulated many firms. Because supply-side sources are relatively immobile (Tassey, 1991) the entry of new firms in regions already characterized by existing agglomeration feeds into a self-reinforcing process that can amalgamate agglomerated industries into an economic cluster.

A common and important definition of agglomerations and clusters is that they include both competition and cooperation among new or existing firms. Firms have industrially linked suppliers in a region that share between them tradable resources (Maskell & Malmberg, 1999), but they also share knowledge that is part and parcel of the social community, acting as a public good for many or all firms in the region. In many high-technology clusters, competitors have formed intricate networks of interdependencies (Porter, 1993). They share ties to a research base such as universities, skilled labor, highly qualified suppliers, and venture capitalists (Pouder & St. John, 1996). These interrelationships spur the initial formation of an economic cluster, and the very same relationships also contribute to holding the cluster together over time (McCann & Folta, 2008).

The competitive pressure that arises from agglomerations is likely to differ between firms of different sizes and with distinct market strategies. Studies in organizational ecology have addressed such differences for firms that are considered generalists – firms targeting several markets – and firms that are specialists – firms targeting a specific market niche (Swaminathan, 1996). This line of research suggests an evolutionary theory of resource partitioning, in which markets dominated by a small number of large generalists firms, smaller specialists enjoy greater relative opportunities and will therefore benefit more by co-locating than generalists (Carroll, 1985). Conversely, in markets dominated by many different specialized firms, competition between these firms for resources will be higher and therefore co-locating will be less beneficial. So, the proximity of similar firms might adversely affect the survival capabilities of these firms due to heightened competition, but only to the extent that the agglomeration depends on a concentrated industry where large generalists and small specialists neighboring firms have interlinked demand structure, co-location will instead increase their performance (Barnett & Carroll, 1987). Resource partitioning theory might explain both why some clustered regions enhance the performance and survival of new entrepreneurial firms whereas other clusters decrease the performance of new firm, and how a cluster that is beneficial for new firms evolves into a cluster that is detrimental to their survival.

Before plunging deeper into analyses of birth rates in Swedish regions, we return shortly to our theoretical outline to motivate the choice of explanatory variables (i.e., firm birth rates). First, knowledge spillover theory posits that society’s investment in human capital and R&D translate indirectly into potent entrepreneurial activities since it increased both the amount of knowledge in society, and the accessibility to that knowledge among various actors. Specifically, access to local sources of knowledge is believed to benefit entrepreneurship (Audretsch & Lehmann, 2006). Knowledge spillovers emanate from technological discoveries, commonly following R&D projects. Technological discoveries differ from other inputs in the sense that they can be exploited simultaneously by many people. In economic terms, knowledge is a non-rivalry good and one agent’s use of the knowledge does not limit its use by others. In this regard, knowledge-producing entities, foremost universities, are believed to play a significant role in both funneling society’s investment in human capital, as well as being the institutional actor primarily responsible for basic R&D efforts where ownership is often “diffuse” and knowledge may leak from researchers, students, and external collaborators (Audretsch & Lehmann, 2006).

Both the density dependence model in organizational ecology and the concept of agglomeration economies in economic geography involve a form of positive feedback between size of the population and the entry and growth of firms (Boone & van Witteloostuijn, 1995; van Wissen, 2004). For example, the suggested mechanisms within ecological process of legitimization where an organization receives a “social taken-for-granted character” (Carroll & Hannan, 2000, p. 223) resembles in many respects the emergence of agglomeration economies in the “new economic geography” research (Sorenson & Audia, 2000). Organization ecology suggests that the more firms that enter increase legitimation of the population since it is perceived as a viable way of organizing and producing an output, which is conceptually neighboring the notion of learning regions and regional knowledge accumulation in the agglomeration literature (cf. van Wissen, 2004). A related sociological theory maintains that firm births are facilitated by socioeconomic legitimacy in that other societal constituents such as consumers, regulators, and suppliers have predetermined ideas of what constitute “proper” modes of business activities and the coercive pressure from such constituents may hamper or facilitate the start-up activities of local firms (Lounsbury, 2007). Some recent work provides support for this theory. Giannetti and Simonov (2009) examined self-employment entry in all Swedish municipalities between 1995 and 2000 and found that the type of past political leadership in a focal country exhibited strong influence on the level of entries. Hence, our analysis of demand-side factors includes not only economic variables but also variables pertaining to the political situation in specific regions. The positive and negative benefits of firm agglomeration is believed to differ between services and industries, due to differences in sunk cost, barriers to entry, etc. (Caves, 1998). Service firms enter the market with lower initial costs while manufacturing firms have higher set-up costs and different economies of scale (Geroski, 1995; Klepper & Graddy, 1990). As such, it is important to differentiate between services and high-tech firms in empirical investigations of agglomeration economics for new start-ups. Our empirical investigation thus contains separate analysis of knowledge-intensive service-start-ups and knowledge-intensive manufacturing start-ups.

METHODS

Research Setting

The empirical setting for our test of these theoretical arguments is Sweden; a relatively small but geographically dispersed nation with a high variation in economic activity. In Sweden, famous cases of clusters or industrial districts consist of biotechnology firms in Copenhagen-Lund and Uppsala-Stockholm (Wennberg & Lindqvist, 2010). The Stockholm area is particularly dynamic. Similarly to other European cities like Copenhagen, Berlin, and Munich Stockholm has evolved from a city driven by public institutions, education, and research to a metropolitan area increasingly driven by entrepreneurship in a large variety of economic sectors (Acs, Bosma, & Sternberg, 2008). In 1994, the year in which our investigation initiates, the greater Stockholm area comprised 30% of Sweden’s GNP and the annual start-up rate of knowledge-intensive firms per inhabitants ranged between 0.3% and 0.6% in the largest Stockholm municipalities, more than three times the national average. Also in real counts of knowledge-intensive start-ups, the sheer size of Stockholm’s economy and population makes it stand out as an entrepreneurial hotspot (see Appendix A and Fig. 1).

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Fig. 1. Municipalities with Highest Relative Entry Rate (Shaded) 1994–2002.

In Table 1 it is interesting to note that a number of much smaller regions also have a relatively high start-up rate. Among these regions are both affluent areas with a large share of Stockholm expatriates and seasonal workers (Åre and Båstad) but also much smaller rural areas that are neither economically affluent nor dominated by industrial production. In particular, some municipalities in the rural area of Dalarna (in particular Malung in 2001) are found among the top municipalities in knowledge-intensive start-ups. Dalarna has been depicted as a region with a weak industrial manufacturing base and also lacking a knowledge-inducing sector of colleges and universities. Our data shows that the average level of education in these municipalities is quite low and the number of engineers and scientists in the lower 3rd percentile of the whole country. What, then, can explain the high rate of start-up activities in these regions? One potential explanation is local culture and another is political regulations (Giannetti & Simonov, 2009). The public government in these municipalities switched on average two times during the 1990s, indicating that significant changes in sociopolitical governance structure might have occurred. It should be pointed out that this association between political governance and entry rates is correlated but not necessarily causal. That is, it might not be the shift in political governance to a right-wing majority but rather a trend toward deregulation or other pro-market forces that are indirectly associated with political governance, that are the true determinant for the higher entry rates in municipalities such as Malå, Malung, Ljusdal, and Leksand in the mid-1990s. Another potential explanation pertains to the local culture. According to Johnson’s (2008) study of entrepreneurial regions, the socioeconomic heritage in Dalarna of low incomes and a “do it yourself” culture of mixed farming, seasonal work, and home-based small manufacturing has led to a strong tradition of small business activities in Dalarna compared to other similar regions. In such areas, the tradition of combining employment and self-employment as a mean to make enough earnings has again become more important as the industrial economy is gradually replaced by a knowledge-intensive economy (Folta, Delmar, & Wennberg, 2010). Table 1 also shows some striking examples of entrepreneurial municipalities. However, with the exception of, for example, Dalarna, the main urban areas of Malmö, Göteborg, and in particular Stockholm dominate the picture for knowledge-intensive start-ups. The predominant role of Stockholm as an engine of entrepreneurial growth in Sweden can be generalized to other contexts with the help of theoretical models of economic geography and organizational ecology depicted above. Because agglomerations are often much higher in urban areas, the increasingly “spatial” nature of entrepreneurship and especially growth-oriented entrepreneurship mean that the level of ambition in entrepreneurship rises where competition and local growth-prone institutions are existent (Autio & Acs, 2010). This can be seen around the world through the increasing rates of entrepreneurship in urbanized region. This pattern is strongly accentuated in Sweden where a few metropolitan areas, in particular Stockholm, comprise a large and increasing share of entrepreneurship and economic growth. The benefits of urban size for new firms are many: Large urban economies bring with them greater industrial and occupational diversity that facilitate the transfer of new innovations across industries (Jacobs, 1969; Rosenthal & Strange, 2005).

Table 1. The 10 Municipalities with Highest Relative Entry Rate 1994–2002.

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Note: Entry rate computed as start-up rate of knowledge-intensive firms per number of inhabitants.

Data

Our empirical analysis focuses on how characteristics of the economic milieu of regions influence firm births. For this purpose we employ the unique database maintained by Statistics Sweden: RAMS, which provides yearly data on all firms registered in Sweden. We used RAMS to sample all privately owned firms started between 1994 and 2002 in the knowledge-intensive sectors. Three considerations motivated the time period we chose: (1) In Sweden the years 1990–1993 was a time period with the lowest economic activity since the Great Depression. Because we are interested in how variation in contextual factors across regions affects firm births, basing our analysis on such a period could taint our results. (2) Several years of start-up history are needed to avoid cohort effects. For analyzing the contextual influences on firm births it is necessary to create a measure of births at the regional level. We did this by aggregating all yearly start-ups to the municipality level for each of the years 1994–2002 by summing all firm entries into a total value for the municipality. A value of 23 thus implies that 23 births occurred in municipality i at time j. We use a slightly narrower time frame than in preceding research since some of the important predictor variable were only available from 1994 onwards. (3) Several of our predictor variables were not available until 1994. The knowledge-intensive sectors in our sample constitute the complete set of high-technology manufacturing or knowledge-intensive service sectors, according to Eurostat and OECD classifications of such sectors (Götzfried, 2004). In total, 22 five-digit industry codes equivalent to the U.S. Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) system are included in the sample, comprising roughly 33% of the Swedish economy but over 40% of employment. See Appendix B for a complete list of sectors included.

Dependent Variable

The level of analysis in our investigation is the individual municipality and the focal variable of interest is firm births (there are 286 municipalities in Sweden). To analyze how the regional characteristics described above affect firm births we use the Negative Binomial (NEGBIN) regression model. This model is commonly used for analyses of count data (see, e.g., Cameron & Trivedi, 1998) and is appropriate if the mean exceeds the variance in birth. The number of start-ups are count data and take on discrete values 0, 1, 2 …, up to a maximum of 3,174, which is the highest number of births in a municipality (Stockholm in 1999) during the time period of investigation. The average number of births is 32 but the median number is only 13, hence indicating highly skewed values as shown in Fig. 2. This substantiates the usage of count data analysis.

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Fig. 2. Kernel Density Estimate of Knowledge-Intensive Start-Ups in Swedish Municipalities 1994–2002.

Independent Variables

Our analytical model is constructed in such a way so that it captures both supply- and demand-side factors, however with a specific emphasis on the demand side. Much of the existing literature on the link between entrepreneurship and characteristics of regions focuses on supply-side factors. We therefore control for supply-side effects that pertain to knowledge. The bulk of papers on differences in entrepreneurship across regions pay particular attention to the impact of concentrations of human capital- and knowledge-based investments in space.2 These often build on the “knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship” (Acs, Braunerhjelm, Audretsch, & Carlsson, 2009), focusing on the sources of knowledge that lead to the creation and development of new firms. The essence of the theory is that spillovers of knowledge and information are more frequent in regions with high densities of human capital and knowledge-based investments (Wright, Hmieleski, Siegel, & Ensley, 2007). Because of this, potential and existing entrepreneurs have higher probability of accessing knowledge that can constitute the basis for a new firm, such that accessibility to knowledge sources trigger start-ups. On the supply-side we include the overall knowledge-intensity of the workforce in the municipality. The variable – “% University educated” – is defined as the share of workers with a university education of at least three years. We also include a dummy for the presence of “University R&D in region” and another dummy for the presence of “Business R&D in a region.” The variables are in dummy format, denoting whether R&D among universities and companies in a region, respectively, exceeded that of the country's average. These three variables are included in view of the knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship (Acs et al., 2009) and controls for whether proximity to knowledge sources spurs knowledge-intensive entrepreneurship.

We also investigate sociological variables pertaining to demand-side factors known to affect entrepreneurship (Thornton, 1999). Specifically, we use the two variables suggested as imperative in the density dependency model of organizational ecology.

Firm density is the number of similar firms in existence during the time of founding in a focal municipality (and the squared term Firm density² to investigate nonlinearities).3 With an increasing number of firms in a new industry – such as IT consulting or Web design – knowledge and publication acceptation of this type of business spreads through media, business activities, and other types of knowledge flows. With increased knowledge this type of business becomes cognitively more accepted, hence alleviating investors and customers’ skepticism of the business and thus easing the ability of entrepreneurs to realize their idea in the socioeconomic sphere of daily life. The regional count of firms also captures legitimacy – it is easier to find role models on the other side of the street than in a far-away city (Bird & Wennberg, 2013) – however the regional count variable also is a strong indicator of competition, your neighboring firm might turn out to be your strongest competitor as well as a role model. The squared term is included to investigate nonlinearities, that is, when the negative hypothesized effect of competition on firm births overtakes the positive effect of legitimacy. These variables were taken from the RAMS database.

We include the variable “Political majority in region” as an indication of institutional conditions in the form of dominant political positions in each municipality (Bird & Wennberg, 2013). Our interest in this variable arrives from the socioeconomic models of firm emergence developed in organization theory (cf. Lounsbury, 2007). In such models, the birth and demise of organizations is not determined solely by economic forces but is portrayed as a social process shaped by a number of institutional actors such as governments, industrial associations, and trade unions that strive to advance their respective interests via persuasion and coercion (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). The validity of the variable denoting political control of a municipality hinges on the notion that local authorities wield coercive pressure that can hamper or facilitate the start-up activities of local firms, for example, indirectly or by influencing public administrators to avoid or delay application procedures and approval of operation in cases such applications are necessary. Obviously, this does not imply corruption but merely that sociocultural practice depends on the people set to administer such practices, and who dictates local parliamentary matters for administration and legislation. The interpretation of this variable demands caution since we cannot ascertain the exact theoretical mechanism by which the variable operates. Change in local governance might provide a source of sociopolitical legitimacy and/or simultaneously lead to some factual institutional reforms, and we cannot distinguish between the two. Similar to Giannetti and Simonov (2009) this variable takes the value −1 for socialistic majority, 1 for right-wing majority, and 0 for a mixed (coalition) majority, taken from Statistics Sweden’s public databases.

We investigate economic conditions that differ across municipalities and over time by four different variables. First, “GRP in region” controls for the general economic size of each municipality with a measure of Gross Regional Product (GRP). We also control for the “Median income in region” with a measure of income per capita in a focal municipality (approximates both supply of potential entrepreneurs and demand for their services). Finally, we introduce three dummy variables denoting regional characteristics of the local economy: “Metropolitan area” is a dummy variable that takes the value 1 for large urban areas and 0 otherwise. “Large public sector” takes the value 1 for municipalities that are dominated by public sector employment and 0 otherwise. “Large agricultural sector” takes the value 1 for municipalities that have a large agricultural sector (10% or more of GRP) or 0 otherwise. All these variables were taken from Statistics Sweden’s public databases.

Since the data constitutes a repeated cross-sectional time series panel, we include dummy variables for each year of analysis to control for unobservable effects pertaining to the economic cycle. All variables are time varying between 1994 and 2002, updated yearly for each municipality. The variables are summarized in Table 2. The maximum and minimum values, mean values, and their correlations are displayed in Appendix B. We estimate separate models for the births of high-tech manufacturing firms and the births of knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS) Firms. In both models, our variables for local economic conditions, ecological conditions, knowledge spillovers, and institutional conditions are entered hierarchically, with separate test of log-likelihood ratio to investigate the improvement in model fit when each block of variables are introduced (Appendix C).

Table 2. Explanatory Variables in the Empirical Analysis (Conditions across Municipalities).

Types of Variable Variable Explanation
Economic conditions GRP Gross Regional Product
Economic conditions Median income Median income per capita in municipality
Economic conditions Agriculture Dummy for a large agriculture sector (35% employment) in municipality
Economic conditions Public sector Dummy for a large public sector (>35% employment) in municipality
Ecological conditions Density Number of firms (KIBS or high-tech manufacturing firms, respectively) in municipality
Ecological conditions Density² Squared number of firms (KIBS or high-tech manufacturing firms, respectively) in municipality
Knowledge spillovers University educated Proportion of university educated in the municipality
Knowledge spillovers University R&D Dummy for the presence of university R&D in the municipality (1 of positive R&D investments, 0 otherwise)
Knowledge spillovers Business R&D Dummy for the presence of business R&D in the municipality (1 of positive R&D investments, 0 otherwise)
Institutional conditions Politics Political majority in municipality (−1 = socialistic majority, 0 = mixed majority, 1 = right-wing majority)

RESULTS

Table 3 shows NEGBIN regression models of firm births across all Swedish municipalities during the time period of analysis. We show separate models for high-tech start-ups and KIBS, the latter representing the majority of firm births by far. Our results show that both supply- and demand-side factors matter for KIBS start-ups by the category of individuals studied, but that demand-side factors dominate. In terms of local conditions, the coefficients for both municipality GRP and median income among residents show positive effects on firm birth for both high-tech and business services start-ups. The positive effects are most pronounced in the coefficient for median income. Although this is a control variable, the effect is supportive of the notion that demand-side factors are important determinants of firm births. The dummy variable denoting the presence of a large agricultural sector in a municipality reveal negative effects on all types of firm birth, however the presence of a large public sector in a municipality has a positive effect, contrary to expectation. This indicates that a high level of public spending does not necessarily crowd out entrepreneurship in the municipality.

Table 3. NEGBIN Models of Births of High-Tech Manufacturing Firms.

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We now turn to investigate the theoretical variables of interest: Ecological conditions, knowledge spillovers from universities and R&D centers, and the effect of the local regulatory regime. Ecological conditions enter our analysis according to the density-dependency model with linear and squared coefficients for the number of firms in the same industry present in the overall country.4 The density model predicts that linear effect should be positive for the emergence of new organizations due to the enhancing effect of legitimacy through a “safety in numbers” logic, but that the quadratic effect should be negative due to the competition that follows with large numbers of similar firms vying to occupy a part of the market space. Tables 3 and 4 demonstrate support of both effects for the birth of knowledge-intensive service firms, and high-tech manufacturing firms respectively. The effects are especially pronounced for high-tech manufacturing firms despite the fact that the number of service firms is vastly higher.

Table 4. NEGBIN Models of Births of KIBS Firms.

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The multivariate analysis of firm births in the knowledge-intensive sector revealed strong support for our demand-based model of firm births. Ecological conditions as well as knowledge spillovers, and the local regulatory regime exhibited strong influence on the number of new firms across Swedish municipalities. Calculating marginal effects enables us to gauge the relative size of these effects. Marginal effects in the NEGBIN model denotes the relative change in the outcome variable given a one unit increase in the predictor variable, also called Instant Incident Ratios (IIR). Calculation of marginal effects for our key predictor variables show that after holding all other variables constant at their means, the presence of business R&D in the municipality (measured by a dummy variable) increase the number of KIBS start-ups by 42%. Further, the presence of strong University R&D in the municipality increase the number of KIBS start-ups by a whopping 52%. These are strikingly strong results that speak broadly to the research arguing the importance of universities for local regional development . The effects for high-tech manufacturing start-ups are similar but even more closely linked to University R&D (57% marginal effect) compared to business R&D (28%). Further, we find that the level of university educated persons residing in the municipality have a positive impact on the level of KIBS start-ups, but is not significantly related to the number of knowledge-intensive manufacturing start-ups.

When estimating marginal effects for our other variables of interest, we also find that the shift in political dominance in a municipality from left wing to right wing increase the number of KIBS start-ups by 6%, but has no effect on high-tech manufacturing start-ups. A likely explanation is that entry and exit barriers are higher for manufacturing firms, hence their set-up costs are higher and the short-term influence of a change in regulatory regime is small (regardless of whether this provides a source of sociopolitical legitimacy or simultaneously leads to some factual institutional reforms). This represents 29 new firms for the average municipality. The marginal effects size thus reveal substantial influence of both economic and sociological demand-side variables on firm birth, substantiating the relevance of research exploring the geographic source of demand-side factors affecting entrepreneurial processes. Since our unit of analysis in this chapter is the local municipality, our model conceals a substantial heterogeneity in what type of firms that are founded. It is possible that the demand-side variables of economic and sociological type identified are contingent depending on the size, composition, and scope of activities of the new firm. More advanced analysis would be necessary to investigate such contingencies.

DISCUSSION

In this chapter we investigated the role of contextual factors, such as university knowledge spillovers, for the birth of new knowledge-intensive firms. To challenge prevailing frameworks focusing mainly on supply-side economic factors, we integrated insights from economic geography and population ecological research on firm births in our analytical framework. Thereby we also emphasize demand-side factors that influence firm births. The empirical analysis of birth rates of knowledge-intensive firms across all Swedish 286 municipalities during the period 1994–2002 revealed a number of interesting patterns. We found that the level of firm births varied strongly across municipalities. Large and economically dominant regions. such as greater Stockholm and Malmö-Lund, dominated entrepreneurial activity in terms of firm births, yet a number of much smaller rural municipalities revealed high levels of start-ups. We demonstrate that both economic and sociological variables of demand-side type exhibited strong influences on firm births across Swedish municipalities. Knowledge spillovers from universities and firm R&D were revealed to play a particularly important role by positively influencing the number of births. It is interesting to note that our study supports the idea that academia led R&D constitutes an important driver to motivate individuals to start up new firms. This finding is aligned with other studies that emphasize university research as an important ingredient for promoting entrepreneurship and the potential development of new industries (Powell et al., 1996). Thus, not only does academia provide the supply of well-educated labor and potential entrepreneurs to the local context but university activities in R&D do also contribute positively to the rate of firm birth via opportunities for collaboration with new start-ups, as training ground for future entrepreneurs as well as for other types of knowledge spillovers (Audretsch & Lehmann, 2006; Siegel & Renko, 2012; Siegel et al., 2007).

Our study also provides findings that feed into an emerging stream of research focusing on the role of universities as institutional sources of regional entrepreneurship (Baptista et al., 2011; Fritsch & Aamoucke, 2013). Controlling for the number of university graduates in a region as well as private sector R&D and other regional factors, we find that the presence of universities exhibit a strong and significant impact on the start-up rates of knowledge-intensive manufacturing firms and KIBS firms, respectively. The number of university graduates has a weak but positive effect on local start-up rates of KIBS firms, but not on knowledge-intensive manufacturing firms. This implies that the access by which universities foster local entrepreneurship does not reside primarily in the education of local graduates,5 but rather through the research increasing the number of innovations in the local context. This finding holds important implications for public policy and university entrepreneurship policy. Specifically, local community colleges and similar institutions may benefit from building research capacity in niche areas, since that will provide stronger sources of knowledge spillovers benefiting the economy of the local context.

Our study also suggests that the regulatory regime within the municipality has a positive effect on the number of firm births. It is possible however that our findings in relationship with the local regulatory regime being influenced by a left or right leaning government, can be attributed to other, hitherto unmeasured, factors. While these types of analyses are still rare in the literature, a somewhat similar study by Wagner and Sternberg (2004) investigated start-up behavior on 10 German planning regions and found that start-up behavior was more frequent in densely populated and faster growing regions, while it did not matter whether the region has a left or right leaning government. These are interesting findings that should be worthy of further investigation. In unreported models estimated separately for each year of analysis we found the effect of regulatory regime to be strongest in 1994, 1995, and 1996 and then diminished during the latter half of the observation period. That indicates that during the 1990s, the regulatory regime became less important for start-up efforts among knowledge-intensive firms in the nation we study. This may indicate that the public legitimacy of entrepreneurship increased as a whole.

Together, our theory and the empirical results point to support for the notion of “the geographic connection” as an important factor for analyzing entrepreneurial processes. Our analysis posits a number of research questions for further investigation. The large variety in firm birth rates between municipalities implies that more intricate analyses of outliers – both low entrepreneurial regions and high entrepreneurial regions could provide interesting evidence. But we would like to add that it is specifically regions that “goes against the tide,” that is, low-entrepreneurship regions where firm births suddenly increases, that merits specific investigation. The prevalence of a high start-up rate in a number of small and rural municipalities suggests that more fine-grained social-cultural or historical analyses of such regions might be fruitful. These interesting outliers notwithstanding, our overall analyses posits strong path-dependency in firm births which works in tandem with recent economic studies focusing on the “persistence in start-up rates” across regions (Andersson & Koster, 2011). Also, research in organization theory maintains that the spatial dimensions for the emergence and spread of new firms remain an underresearched topic (Cattani, Pennings, & Wezel, 2003). Such theories have suggested that social networks of individuals and firms may play a role in “spreading” entrepreneurial efforts. From a historical perspective, how patterns of firm births evolve across regions and how this persists over longer periods of time – even decades – remains an interesting question for future research.

NOTES

1. Institutional thickness refers to the totality of social, cultural, and institutional forms and supports available to enterprises. This includes trade associations, universities, voluntary agencies, sectoral coalitions, concrete institutions, and local elites – their effects on local policy, and their consensus institutions: common agreements, shared views and interpretations, and unwritten laws.

2. Audretsch and Lehmann (2006) suggest some theoretical reasons why proximity to knowledge sources might enhance entrepreneurial performance emanate in their “resource theory” of entrepreneurship.

3. In our chapter investigating firm exits we return to this model and supplement it as to also include explanatory variables from the density delay model in order to investigate the path-dependency of entry conditions in explaining firm survival.

4. We experimented also with density variables on both the national and regional level but this made the models difficult to converge. Quite possible, the number of firms in a small country such as Sweden is too limited to be measured locally. This is not a theoretical problem, since the arguments behind competition and legitimacy in the density dependency model suggest that competition can be both local and national while the effect of legitimacy operates much more nationally – or even internationally (Hannan, Carroll, Dundon, & Torres, 1995).

5. Our design does not allow us to gauge the potential effect of university graduates that move to other locations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We are grateful for enlightening discussions on this topic with Erik Stam, Pontus Braunerhjelm, and Frederic Delmar, and for developmental feedback from Andrew Corbett, Donald Siegel, and Jeremy Katz. Generous funding was provided by the Swedish Research Council and Handelsbanken Research Foundations. All errors remain those of the authors.

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APPENDIX A: TEN MUNICIPALITIES WITH HIGHEST ABSOLUTE ENTRY RATE 1994–2002

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APPENDIX B: MODAL VALUES AND CORRELATION MATRIX FOR VARIABLES IN ANALYSES OF FIRM BIRTHS

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APPENDIX C: SECTOR CODE DESCRIPTIONS FOR THE SAMPLE OF KNOWLEDGE-INTENSIVE INDUSTRIES (SIC EQUIVALENT)

Sector Description SIC Codes
Manufacturing 15–37
(1) High-tech manufacturing 30, 32, and 33
(2) Medium high-tech manufacturing 24, 29, 31, 34, and 35
Services 50–99
(3) High-tech services 64, 72, 73
(4) Business services 61, 62, 70, 71, 74
(5) Financial services 65, 66, 67
(6) Other knowledge-intensive services 80, 85, 92