The Second Despatch of Hernando Cortés to the Emperor: sent from Segura de la Frontera on the 30th of October, 1520.
Most High Mighty and Catholic Prince, Invincible Emperor, and our Sovereign Liege:
By the boat which left New Spain on the 16th of July 1519 I sent your Majesty a long and particular account of all that had occurred up to that time in the new land from the time of my first arrival here. Which account Alonso Hernández Puerto-carrero and Francisco de Montejo brought to you, as representatives of the city of Vera Cruz, which town I founded in your Majesty’s name. And from that time not having had the opportunity (as also lacking vessels and being occupied in the conquest and pacification of the land and hearing moreover nothing of the said ship and envoys), I have omitted to send a further account to your Majesty of what has since been done: for which omission God knows how grieved I have been. For I am desirous that your Majesty should know of matters concerning this land, which is so great and marvellous that, as I wrote in my former letter, your Majesty may well call himself Emperor of it with no less reason and title than he now does of Germany, which by the grace of God your Majesty possesses. And since to attempt to describe in detail even those things alone which are worthy of description in these new lands and dominions of your Majesty were an endless task, I must beg your Majesty to pardon me if I fail to give as lengthy an account as I ought; for neither my own forces nor the amount of time which I can at the moment command would suffice me for the task. In short I will endeavour to tell your Majesty the truth with as little falsehood as I can and particularly that which it is necessary your Majesty should know at the present moment. And I must also beg your Majesty to pardon me if I do not always specify time and place with any great certainty, or omit the names of certain cities and towns as also of their lords, who have offered their services to your Majesty and acknowledged themselves as his subjects and vassals. For a late misfortune, of which as I proceed your Majesty shall have full details, caused me to lose all the writings and deeds which I have made with the natives of these lands and many other belongings.
In my former letter, most excellent Prince, I informed your Majesty of all the towns and villages which up to that time had offered their services and which I held as subject and conquered. And I also mentioned that I had had news of a great ruler named Muteczuma who according to the reckoning of the natives lived from ninety to a hundred leagues from the coast and port where I had landed. And that, moreover, confiding in the power of the Almighty and with the royal name of your Majesty behind me, I intended to advance and see him wherever he might be found: and I even call to mind offering, so far as this lord was concerned, what was far beyond my unaided powers, for I promised your Majesty that I would bring him either dead or in chains if he would not submit himself subject to your Majesty’s crown.
With this avowed intention and aim I left the city of Cempoal, which I named Sevilla, on the sixteenth of August with fifteen horsemen and three hundred foot as well accoutred for war as my resources and the short space of time would permit. In the town of Vera Cruz itself I left one hundred and fifty men with a dozen horse busied in building the fortress which is now nearly finished; and the whole province of Cempoal with the neighbouring mountains I left under the charge of the same town; the province includes as many as fifty thousand warriors and fifty villages and strongholds, all very secure and of peaceable disposition, and as certain and loyal subjects of your Majesty at the present moment as they have ever been: for they became subjects of that same Muteczuma as I have been informed but little time past and that by force; but on hearing from me of your Majesty and of his great and royal state they declared themselves willing to be the subjects of your Majesty and my friends, begging me to defend them from that lord who ruled them by force and tyranny, taking their children to kill and sacrifice them to his idols and giving them other grievous causes for complaint of which they informed me. But since that time they have been ever sure and loyal servants to your Majesty and I think they will ever remain so having been delivered from the tyranny of Muteczuma and always being treated with kindness and consideration by myself. Moreover for the greater security of those who remain in the city I brought with me several of their chief men together with other persons who were of no small service to me on the way.
Now, as I believe I wrote to your Majesty, certain of those in my company who were friends and servants of Diego Velázquez were vexed at what I did in your Majesty’s service, and indeed certain of them were desirous of leaving me and quitting the land, in particular four Spaniards, by name, Juán Escudero, Diego Cermeño, Gonzalo de Ungría, pilots, and Alonso Peñate. These men, as they afterwards confessed, had decided to seize a brig which was in the port together with a certain amount of provisions in the way of bread and salt pork, kill the captain and set sail for Cuba to inform Diego Velázquez of the vessel which I was sending to your Majesty, what it contained and the route which it was to take, so that Velázquez might send out ships to intercept it, which indeed on getting to hear by other means of its departure he did: for, as I have been informed, he dispatched a light caravel after my vessel which would have captured it had it not already passed the strait of the Bahamas. These men confessed moreover that there were others who had the same design of informing Diego Velázquez of the treasure ship’s departure. In view of their confessions I punished them according to the law and (as it seemed to me) the exigencies of the moment and the furtherance of your Majesty’s interests. Further, in addition to those who desired to quit the land because they were friends or servants of Diego Velázquez there were others who seeing the great extent of the land, its natives, their manners and numbers, so large in comparison with so few Spaniards, were of the same mind. Accordingly, thinking that if I left the ships there they would make off with them and leave me practically alone, by which had been prevented the great service which has been done to God and to your Majesty in this land, I found a means under the pretence that the ships were no longer navigable to pile them up on the shore. On this all abandoned any hope of leaving the land and I set out relieved from the suspicion that once my back was turned I should be deserted by the men whom I had left behind in the town.
Eight or ten days after having broken up the ships on the coast and having already left Vera Cruz for Cempoal, which is four leagues distant, to pursue my march inland, news came to me from the town that four vessels were scouring the coast; the captain whom I had left in Vera Cruz went out to them, and they informed him that they belonged to Francisco de Garay, Lieutenant and Governor of the Island of Jamaica, and were on a voyage of discovery. My captain thereupon told them that I had settled this land in the name of your Majesty and had founded a town but a mile away from where their ships were riding, that he could accompany them thither and inform me of their coming, and would provide them with anything that they might need, himself offering to guide their ships into the harbour which he pointed out to them. They replied that they had already taken note of the harbour, for they had passed in front of it, and would do as he advised. The captain thereupon returned in his boat, but the ships did not follow him nor venture into the harbour, but were still sailing along the coast, no man knowing what they intended to do. On receiving this news from the captain I immediately returned to the town of Vera Cruz, where I was informed the ships were anchored some three miles down the coast and that no one had as yet landed. From there, accompanied by a few men, I went towards the coast to have speech with the strangers, and was hardly arrived within a league of them when I met three men coming from the ship, among whom was one who told me he was a notary and had brought the other two to act as witnesses to a certain document which the captain had ordered him to present to me: the document set forth for my information that he had discovered land and desired to settle it; he therefore bade me come to an agreement with him as to boundaries since he wished to make his settlement some five miles down the coast past Nauthla, a city some twelve leagues from Vera Cruz and now known as Almería. I bade these men tell their captain to come to the harbour of Vera Cruz where we would confer together so that I might know on what venture he was come. And if his ships or crew had need of anything I would help them to it as best I could; for since he said he was come on your Majesty’s service they were to tell him that I desired nothing better than the occasion of doing some service to your Majesty and that in helping him I deemed that I should be doing such. They replied that neither the captain nor any of his men would in any wise visit me on land: and thinking they must have done some evil deed on the land that they should be thus chary of meeting me, I ordered my men to hide very secretly (for night had already fallen) near to the coast and immediately opposite the point where their ships lay at anchor, and there remain until noon of the following day, for I thought that the captain or pilot would be sure to land and intended to find out from them what they had done or in what part they had been, and if they had done any harmful deed on the land to send them prisoners to your Majesty, but not a soul left the ship. Accordingly, seeing that they made no attempt to land I stripped off the clothes of those who had come to me with the demand and dressed three of my Spaniards in them, ordering them to go down to the beach and call to the ship. As soon as they were seen a boat put off for the shore containing as many as ten or a dozen men with crossbows and muskets, upon which the Spaniards withdrew a little from the beach to a grove hard by as if seeking its shelter. Four of the party leapt out, two with crossbows and two with muskets, who were immediately surrounded by the men whom I had placed in ambush on the beach and were forthwith captured. One of them, who was the captain of one of the ships, put a match to his flintlock and would have killed the captain (whom I had left in Vera Cruz) but owing to the mercy of God the match missed taking fire. Those who remained in the rowing boat put off to sea and before it had reached the big ships they were already hoisting sail without knowing or caring to know what became of the rest of their party. From those who were taken prisoners I learnt that they had reached a river some thirty leagues down the coast from Almería and had there been favourably received by the natives, had obtained food from them in exchange for wares and had seen them wearing a certain amount of gold but very little. They had however been successful in obtaining nearly three thousand castellanos7 of the metal. They had not landed but had seen certain towns so near to the river bank that they could be easily perceived from the ships. None of the houses was of stone but made entirely of straw, except that the floor was built up smooth by hand. All this later I had more certainly from the great lord Muteczuma and certain natives from that country at his court.
I proceeded, most powerful lord, through the land of Cempoal for three days, in which land I was everywhere received by the natives with great friendliness and hospitality. On the fourth day I entered a province by the name of Sienchimalen, in which there is one town in particular of great strength and built in a position immensely strong by nature, for it stands on the one side of a rocky hill, and to enter it there is but a narrow defile cut in steps, which can only be traversed by men on foot and even they would find it hard enough if the natives should decide to defend the pass. In the plain there are a number of villages and scattered farms with anything from two to three or even five hundred labourers working in them, so that in all there are some five or six thousand warriors; and all this is under the lordship of Muteczuma. Here they received me well and gave me very ample provisions for my journey, saying that they knew well that I was going to see Muteczuma, their lord, and that it was certain that he was my friend since he had sent to tell them that they would please him by welcoming me in every way. I repaid their courtesy, saying that your Majesty had knowledge of their lord, and had ordered me to visit him, which was now my sole intention. Thus I proceeded over a pass which lies at the further end of this province and which we named Nombre de Dios pass, it being the first we had crossed in this land. The pass moreover is so rocky and at such an altitude that there is not one in Spain more difficult to pass. We crossed, however, in safety and without any mishap. On the other side of the pass there are more farms scattered round a fortified town, Ceycoccnacan, which also belongs to Muteczuma. We were received here no less well than by the folk of Sienchimalen and were informed anew of the desires of their lord which did not differ from what we had been told before. I likewise left them well contented.
From there I proceeded three days’ march through a desert land uninhabitable on account of its barrenness, lack of water, and great cold; in which place God knows what hardships of thirst and hunger were suffered by my men, and in particular we were assailed by a whirlwind of hailstones and rain in which I thought many were like to die of cold: and certain Indians from Cuba who were scantily clothed did indeed thus perish. At the end of these three days we crossed another pass less rocky than the first at the top of which was a small tower almost like a roadside chapel, in which certain idols were kept and around which more than a thousand cartloads of logs neatly cut had been piled, for which reason we called it the Pass of Wood. Descending from the pass between two very steep ranges we came down into a valley, well populated though with folk, as it appeared, who were very poor. Having proceeded some two leagues through the land without learning its name we arrived at a flatter part where the chief of that region seemed to have his dwelling; for the houses there were the best and finest that we had yet seen since descending from the mountains, being built all of stone and very new, and containing many very fine large living-rooms and finely-built rooms for sleeping: the valley and town, we learnt from its lord and people, who received us very hospitably, both bore the name of Caltanmi. And after speaking with the chief on behalf of your Majesty, telling him the reason of my adventuring into these parts, I enquired whether he were a vassal of Muteczuma or of another persuasion. He, marvelling that I should ask him, replied by demanding who was not a vassal of Muteczuma? meaning by that that he was the lord of all the world. Upon this I hastened to contradict him, setting forth the great power and dominions of your Majesty and informing him that many other and greater lords than Muteczuma were vassals of your Majesty esteeming it no slight honour, and such Muteczuma and all the natives of these lands must also be: therefore I demanded that he should also submit himself as a vassal, for as such he would be honoured and favoured, but on the contrary if he should be unwilling to obey he would be punished. And that he should show himself willing in your royal service I requested him to give me some gold which I would send to your Majesty. To this he replied that he had gold but that he would not give it to me without Muteczuma’s orders; on receiving such orders, however, he would give up his gold, his person, and whatsoever he had. To avoid any unpleasantness or mishap in my intent or road I spoke him as fairly as I could telling him that very soon Muteczuma would send to him bidding him give up the gold and what more he had.
Two other chieftains came to see me here who owned farms in that district, one four leagues down the valley the other two leagues further up: they brought me a few golden collars of little weight or value and seven or eight slaves. Having been lodged by the ruler some four or five days I now left him very contented and passed on to the township of the other chieftain, standing as I said two leagues up the valley, and which is called Ixtacamaxtitlan. This township must extend for some three or four leagues along the bank of the little river which runs through the middle of the valley, the houses being built in a more or less rough line. Perched on an exceptionally lofty ridge is the chieftain’s house with as stout fortifications as you may find in the whole of one half of Spain and surrounded in addition with a wall, barbican and ditch: on this ridge there are as many as five or six thousand inhabitants, living in well-built houses and somewhat better off than the people lower down in the valley. I remained three days in this township, both to recover from the hardships which my men suffered in the desert and to await the return of four messengers, natives of Cempoal, who had come with me and whom I had sent from Caltanmi to a great province known as Tlascala which was said to be near us, as indeed it was: they had told me, moreover, that the people of Tlascala were friends of theirs but very deadly enemies of Muteczuma, and they were eager that I should ally myself with the Tlascalans since they were a strong, fierce tribe, their land was surrounded on two sides by that of Muteczuma with whom they had continuous wars, and they would in all probability be delighted to assist me if Muteczuma should decide to oppose me in any way. The aforesaid messengers however did not return during all the time that I was in the valley which was eight days in all; and on asking the principal guides whom I had brought with me from Cempoal the cause of their delay, they replied that they must have gone a long way and could not return so promptly. Upon this, finding that they did not come and being assured by the Cempoal guides in such unequivocal terms of the friendliness and trustworthiness of the people of that province, I departed thence.
At the exit of the valley I found a great wall of rough stone about one and a half times the height of a man, crossing the whole valley from one ridge to the other, about twenty foot broad and with a parapet about a foot and a half broad running its entire length, from which one could fight. The entrance, moreover, was ten paces wide and ran for about thirty yards in the form of a double arc like a ravelin, in such fashion that the entrance turned on itself instead of proceeding straightforwardly. On enquiring the object of this wall I was told that it was built as a frontier between themselves and the province of Tlascala who were enemies of Muteczuma and always at war with him. The inhabitants of the valley begged me, since I was going to visit Muteczuma, their natural lord, not to pass through the land of his enemies, for it might be that they would be evilly disposed and would do me some harm; they themselves would conduct me through territories all acknowledging Muteczuma’s sovereignty and in them I should be well received. Those of Cempoal, however, warned me not to do this but to accompany them, for my hosts were only desirous of losing me the friendship of the Tlascalans; Muteczuma’s subjects were all evil men and traitors and they would inveigle me into a position from which I could not escape. Since I put more trust in the Cempoallans than in my hosts I took their advice, which was to follow the road to Tlascala proceeding with my men as cautiously as I could. I myself with as many as seven horsemen rode on in front a good half league or more with no presentiment of what afterwards befell us, but in order to spy out the land, so that if anything untoward occurred I should know of it and be in a position to warn and give orders to my men.
Having thus proceeded four leagues over the brow of the hill, two horsemen who had gone on in front of me perceived several Indians wearing the feathers which they are accustomed to wear in time of war, together with swords and shields, who on seeing them immediately set off in flight. As soon as I rode up I ordered our guide to call to them that they should approach us without fear, and myself rode towards them. There would be about fifteen of them. On this they closed and began to throw javelins, calling out to the rest of their number who were in the valley, and finally attacking us with such fury that they killed two of our horses, wounded three others and likewise two horsemen. At this moment the rest of their company appeared to the number of some four or five thousand Indians. Eight horsemen had now joined me, not counting those who had dismounted when their horses were killed, and we held them, making several charges until the main body of Spaniards should come up, one of the horsemen having been sent back to tell them to do so: in these charges we did them some damage killing between fifty and sixty of them, without receiving any casualties ourselves, since they fought with tremendous fury and recklessness: but as we were all mounted we could charge forwards and backwards through their ranks without danger. On seeing our men draw near, they retired for they were but few8 and left us the field. Upon this, certain messengers came up claiming to be from the rulers of the province and with them two of the messengers whom I had sent, who declared that their lords had no hand in what had been done, that they were a confederation of townships and that it had been done without their permission; for the which they were deeply grieved and would requite me for the horses which had been killed, for they desired to be my friends, and that I was come in a good hour and would be well received by them. I replied thanking them and telling them that I would hold them as friends and would go as they said. That night I was forced to sleep in a dried-up river bed but a mile beyond where this took place, it being late and my men very tired. I observed the best precautions I could, posting guards and sentinels both on horse and on foot throughout the whole night until day was come, when I took road again, keeping the vanguard and main body well in touch with one another and the swiftest riders in front. On arriving at a small village soon after sunrise the other two messengers came up with us weeping, and informed us that they had been bound and would have been killed had they not escaped during that night. At that moment not two stones’ throw away a large number of Indians in full war-dress appeared with a tremendous shout and began to attack us, shooting innumerable arrows and other missiles.
I began to deliver my requerimiento in due form by means of the interpreters with me and in the presence of a notary: but the more I endeavoured to admonish them and treat them with peaceable words, the more fiercely they attacked us. Seeing then that demands and protestations were alike useless we began to defend ourselves as we could, and thus they continued attacking us until we were surrounded on all sides by more than a hundred thousand men, with whom we contended throughout the day until an hour before sunset when they retired. In this battle, with the half dozen cannon which I had, five or six muskets and the thirteen horsemen who remained, I did them great damage, without suffering anything worse than the toil and weariness of long hours of fighting without food.
And in this it was plainly manifest that God was fighting on our side, that among so great a multitude of people of such fury and skill in war and with such various arms with which to attack us, we came off so free. That night we made ourselves secure in a small tower containing their idols which stood on a slight eminence and then at very early dawn I sallied out leaving two hundred men in the camp and all the guns, and since I was now attacking I took with me the horsemen and a hundred Spaniards on foot together with four hundred Indians from among those whom I brought from Cempoal and three hundred from Ixtacamaxtitlan. And before they had time to gather together I burnt some five or six little villages, each of about a hundred inhabitants, took about four hundred prisoners both men and women, and regained the camp fighting with them but without receiving any casualties. Next day at daybreak more than a hundred and thirty-nine thousand men advanced upon our camp, so many that they seemed to cover the whole plain, and with such determination that several of them succeeded in forcing an entrance and came to handgrips with my men: we marched out against them and by the good will of our Lord helping us in four hours we had cleared a space so that they could not attack the camp directly although they still made a few charges in other parts of the field. And so we were fighting until darkness came and they retired.
Next day I again sallied out in a different direction before daybreak without being perceived by them and with my horsemen, a hundred foot and my faithful Indians, burnt more than ten townships, in some of which there were over three thousand houses, and the inhabitants there fought against me, for no other Indians came up. And as we bore the banner of the cross and were fighting for our faith and in the service of your Majesty, God gave us such victory in your Majesty’s cause that we killed many Indians without ourselves receiving any hurt: and shortly after noon, by which time the forces of the Indians had gathered together from all sides, we were back again in camp with the victory already won.
On the following day messengers came to me from the chieftains saying that they desired to be vassals of your Majesty and my friends, and begging me to forgive their past evil doing. They brought food and certain feather ornaments which they wear and value highly. I told them in reply that they had done very wrong but that it pleased me to be their friend and pardon them what they had done. On the morrow nearly fifty Indians came up who, it appeared, were men of some importance among them, saying that they were bringing us provisions, but paying close attention to the exits and entrances of the camp and certain huts in which we were living. The Cempoallan Indians came to me and bade me be warned that these men were evilly disposed, and had come to spy and find out how they could defeat us and (as it seemed very certain to them) for no other reason. I took one of them carefully aside without the others perceiving it and closeting him with myself and one or two interpreters threatened him that I might get the truth from him: upon which he confessed that Sicutengal who is the captain of this province was stationed with a large force beyond the range of hills which fronts the camp in order to fall upon us that night, for, said they, they had already attempted an attack by day and had nothing by it, and they would now try by night when their men would not fear the horses nor the cannon shot and swords. He confessed further that they had been sent to spy out our camp and those places in which it could be entered and in what way our straw huts might be set alight and burnt. Forthwith I took another of the Indians and questioned him in like manner, upon which he confessed almost in the same words, and I proceeded thus to threaten five or six, and they all confirmed these words. Seeing this I ordered the whole fifty to be arrested and their hands cut off, which done I sent them back to tell their lord that night and day whenever and however many times he should come against us he should see what manner of men we are.
With this I fortified the camp as strongly as I could, placed my men at such posts as seemed best and remained thus on guard until sunset: and as night was falling the Indians began to descend the valleys on either side of us, thinking that their advance to surround us and thus be nearer to execute their plan was unperceived. But as I was forewarned I saw them, and it occurred to me that to allow them to approach the camp would be extremely dangerous, for in the night being unable to see my preparations they would approach without fear, and moreover, the Spaniards being unable to see them might in certain instances lack their usual courage in fighting; above all I was afraid lest they should set fire to any part of the camp: for any such accident would have been so damaging to us that not one of us would have escaped: accordingly I determined to go out against them with all my horse either to await them or put them to rout in such wise that they should not reach the camp. And thus it fell out that when they learnt that we were advancing on horseback to attack them, without a moment’s delay or so much as a cry they took to the cornfields which covered the whole country and lightened themselves somewhat of the provisions they were carrying for feasting and triumphing over us if they should succeed in obtaining a complete victory: thus they retreated that night and left us unharmed. For several days after this I did not leave camp save to visit the immediate neighbourhood in order to prevent the advance of certain Indians who engaged in shouting and some slight skirmishing.
Having thus rested somewhat I rode out one night, after going the rounds of the first guard, with a hundred foot, the Indians and my own horsemen as before, and a league from the camp no less than five of the horses and mares fell and could in no wise proceed further, upon which I had to send them back to camp: and although all my companions urged me to turn back on account of the evil omen yet I held on my course, considering that God is more powerful than nature. Before dawn I lighted upon two towns in which I killed many people, but abstained from burning houses, since the flames would have betrayed my presence to other towns which were hard by: and just as dawn was breaking I fell upon another town so great that, as I afterwards found by a later examination, it contained more than twenty thousand houses. I attacked it so suddenly that all rushed out unarmed, the women and children naked, into the streets, and I was beginning to do them no small hurt. Upon this, seeing that they could make no resistance certain chieftains of the town came running up to me begging me to do them no more harm, for they were willing to be vassals of your Majesty and my friends, and saw plainly that they were to blame in having refused to believe me; but from that time onward I should see that they would always do what I should bid them in your Majesty’s name, and they would be your Majesty’s very loyal subjects. More than four thousand of them now came up to me desiring peace, and drew me aside to an excellent dish of food: and thus I left them pacified, and returning to the camp found all the men that I had left in it greatly terrified thinking that some peril had overtaken me, when they saw the horses return the night before: but on hearing of the victory which God had been pleased to give us and how I had left those people in peace they were right glad: for I can bear witness to your Majesty that there was not one amongst us who was not heartily afraid at finding himself so far in the interior of the country among so many and such warlike people and so destitute of help from any part. So much so that with my own ears I have heard groups of men saying almost publicly that it was Pedro Carbonero9 who had put them in a hole from which there was no getting out. Nay, more: I overheard some fellows in a hut saying (they did not see I was there) that I was mad to get myself into a position from which I could not escape, but that they were not going to stay in it, for they were going to make their way back to the coast, and if I liked to come back with them, well and good, and if not, they would abandon me. Many times indeed they begged me to go back, but I heartened them saying that they should remember that they were the subjects of your Majesty and that we had the opportunity of gaining for your Majesty the greatest kingdoms and dominions in the world. And in addition to doing that, as Christians we were obliged to fight against the enemies of our Faith, and were gaining treasure for ourselves in the other world by doing so, and winning the greatest honour and glory that any men had ever won up to our own times. Let them consider that God was on our side, and to Him nothing is impossible, which they might plainly see by the victories we had already won, in which so many of our enemies had fallen, but not a single one of ourselves. And other things I said to them of this nature, heartened by which and your Majesty’s royal favour they recovered their spirits, and I brought them to my opinion and to doing what I was set upon, which was to complete the discovery which I had begun.
On the following day at ten o’clock Sicutengal, the captain general of this province came to me, with as many as fifty of the principal citizens and begged me on his part and on that of Magiscatzin, the ruler of the whole province of Tlascala, and many other chieftains, that I would be pleased to admit them to the royal service of your Majesty and to my friendship, and would pardon them their past wrong-doing, for they knew not whom we were, and had now made trial of all their forces both by day and night attacks in order to avoid being the subjects of any man: for at no time had this province ever been subject, nor had they ever acknowledged a lord, but had always lived free and exempt from time immemorial; and had ever defended themselves against the great power of Muteczuma, his father and grandfathers, who held all the land in subjection, but them they had never succeeded in subduing, although surrounding their territory on every side so that no one could go out of it in any place: for which reason they ate no salt since there was none in their land and they could not venture abroad to buy it in other parts, nor did they wear any clothes of cotton since on account of the cold cotton did not grow in their land, and many other things they lacked on account of their being thus shut in, but the same they suffered cheerfully in return for being subject to no man. They had therefore wished to hold out against me in like manner, and to such end, as they had said, had exhausted all their forces, but they now saw clearly that neither those nor any traps which they had been able to devise would any longer suffice them; and hence they would rather become subjects of your Majesty than die and see their houses, their women and children all destroyed. I spoke them peaceably, telling them they should know that they had themselves to blame for the damage they had suffered, and that I had come to their land thinking that I was coming among friends, for so the Cempoallans had assured me they were and desired to be. I had therefore sent on my messengers ahead to let them know that I was coming and that I desired their friendship: but without replying to me they had attacked me as I came all unsuspectingly along the road and had killed three of my horses and wounded others: on top of this, having first fought with me they then sent messengers saying that what had been done was without their license and consent, certain tribes having taken the offensive unbeknown to them: but they themselves had punished them and desired my friendship. I, thinking it true, had told them that it pleased me well, and would visit them the next day safely in their houses as in the houses of my friends, but they again had waylaid me and fought against me throughout the day until nightfall, notwithstanding that I had saluted them peaceably; and I brought to their memory all the ills that they had done against me, and many other things which I omit from fear of fatiguing your Majesty. Finally they offered themselves as subjects and vassals of your Majesty in his royal service, and offered likewise their persons and fortunes, and this service they did and have done up to the present, and I think they will ever do so, from what I have to relate to your Majesty hereafter.
I remained in camp, not stirring from it for the next six or seven days for I dared not yet trust them, although they asked me to come to the great city in which all the chief men of the province resided: on the chiefs thus coming to beg me to enter the city, saying that I should be better entertained and provided there with all necessary things, for they were ashamed to see me so ill lodged seeing that they held me as their friend and we were both vassals of your Majesty, I at last yielded to their entreaties and came into the town which is about six leagues from my camp. The city is indeed so great and marvellous that though I abstain from describing many things about it, yet the little that I shall recount is, I think, almost incredible. It is much larger than Granada and much better fortified. Its houses are as fine and its inhabitants far more numerous than those of Granada when that city was captured. Its provisions and food are likewise very superior—including such things as bread, fowl, game, fish and other excellent vegetables and produce which they eat. There is a market in this city in which more than thirty thousand people daily are occupied in buying and selling, and this in addition to other similar shops which there are in all parts of the city. Nothing is lacking in this market of what they are wont to use, whether utensils, garments, footwear or the like. There are gold, silver and precious stones, and jewellers’ shops selling other ornaments made of feathers, as well arranged as in any market in the world. There is earthenware of many kinds and excellent quality, as fine as any in Spain. Wood, charcoal, medicinal and sweet smelling herbs are sold in large quantities. There are booths for washing your hair and barbers to shave you: there are also public baths. Finally, good order and an efficient police system are maintained among them, and they behave as people of sense and reason: the foremost city of Africa cannot rival them.
The province contains many wide-spreading fertile valleys all tilled and sown, no part of it being left wild, and measures some ninety leagues in circumference. The order of government so far observed among the people resembles very much the republics of Venice, Genoa and Pisa for there is no supreme overlord. There are many chieftains all of whom reside in the capital city, the common people being tillers of the land and vassals of these chieftains, each of whom possesses certain land of his own. It is to be supposed that they have some system of justice for punishing wrongdoers, for a native of this province stole some gold from a Spaniard, and on my informing Magiscatzin, who is the foremost chieftain, a search was made and the thief was pursued to the city of Cholula which is near by, the gold was recovered and the man handed over to me for punishment. I thanked them for the diligence they had shown in the matter, but told them that since I was in their land I should prefer them to punish the thief according to their custom, since it was an affair with which I did not wish to meddle. They thanked me, took the thief, and after a public announcement of his crime led him through the great market and there placed him at the foot of a sort of stage which is in the middle of it: the crier ascended the stage and in a loud voice again rehearsed his crime, which being perceived by all they struck him a few blows with great clubs on the head and so killed him. Moreover we have seen many other criminals in prisons for theft and other evil doing. According to a rough census which I had made, there are in this province some hundred and fifty thousand people, who together with another smaller adjoining province known as Guajocingo live all after this fashion without a supreme overlord: those of Guajocingo are no less vassals of your Majesty than the Tlascalans.
At the time, most catholic Lord, that I was encamped outside the city and while still at war with the natives, six of Muteczuma’s chief vassals came to me with some two hundred men in their service, to tell me that he would be very willing to be a vassal of your Majesty and my friend, and that I should bethink me what would be fitting for him to give your Majesty every year as tribute, whether in gold, silver and jewels, or slaves, stuffs and other such things as he had, for he would give all these on condition that I did not enter his land, the which he was unwilling I should do on account of its great sterility and lack of food, by reason of which I and all those who accompanied me would suffer hardship: with these chieftains he sent me a thousand pesos of gold and the same number of cotton garments such as they wear. The chiefs remained with me until the fighting was over and had good opportunity of seeing what my men could do, and later both the conditions of peace that were laid down for the province and the desire of all both high and low to enlist themselves as subjects of your Majesty. All this, as they showed, pleased them but little, and they tried in many ways to embroil me with the natives, saying that they did not speak the truth when they avowed friendship, and were only making such assertions in order to plan some treachery in safety. The natives of the province on the other hand were always advising me not to trust Muteczuma’s vassals, whom, they said, were traitors and always dealt treacherously, for by no other means had they subjected all the land. This, said they, was their advice which they gave as true friends and persons who had had long experience of Muteczuma’s men. I was not a little pleased to see such discord between the two, since it seemed highly propitious to my plan, and I should thus in all probability discover a means to subject them more swiftly: as a common proverb runs—De monte, etc.10: I even recalled to mind the passage of the Evangelist which says: “Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation.” Accordingly I continued to treat with both one and the other, thanking each in secret for the advice he gave me, and professing to regard each with greater friendship than the other.
After having stayed more than twenty days in the city, Muteczuma’s messengers, who were still with me, asked me to go to a town about six leagues off from Tlascala and called Cholula, whose inhabitants were friends of Muteczuma, their lord. There we should learn the will of Muteczuma whether I should visit his land or not, and some of them would return to speak with him and tell him what I had declared to them and would bring back a reply to me. The head men of the Tlascalans, however, on hearing of what was proposed and that I had agreed to go to the aforesaid city came to me in great grief begging me in no wise to go, for certain treachery was being prepared in that city by which both I and all my companions would be killed: to that end Muteczuma had sent fifty thousand men from his own country which borders the city on one side and now held them in garrison but two leagues off: the royal road, moreover, which was the one usually used had been barred and a new one made with many pits containing sharp stakes set up on end and then covered over in such fashion that the horses would fall therein and be maimed: many of the streets in the city, they added, had been walled up, and great quantities of stones piled up on the flat roofs, so that having once entered the city they could take us and overcome us at their pleasure: and as proof of what they said I was to consider that the rulers of that town had never come to have speech with me, though they were close at hand, and nearer than those of Guajocingo who nevertheless had come: let me but send to speak with them and I should see that they would refuse to come. I thanked them for their advice and asked them to give me messengers who would speak with them on my behalf. This they did, and I sent to the rulers asking them to come to see me, for I wished to speak with them on behalf of your Majesty and tell them of the cause of my visit to this land. The messengers departed and gave my message to the rulers of the city, upon which two or three persons of slight authority returned with them saying that they came on behalf of their lords who were prevented from coming by sickness. The Tlascalans assured me that this was a trick, that the messengers were men of no importance and that I should not on any account set out until the chief men of the city had visited me. I spoke to the representatives and told them that it was not fitting for the ambassador of so mighty a prince as your Majesty to deliver his message to such persons as themselves and that even their masters little merited to hear it; so that if within three days they had not appeared before me to render obedience to your Majesty and offer themselves as his vassals, I should march against them and destroy them, and deal with them as with rebels who were unwilling to submit to your Majesty’s dominion. And to this end I sent them an official order signed by myself and a notary, setting forth a full account of your Majesty’s royal person and of my arrival, declaring that all these parts and other greater lands and kingdoms belong to your Majesty, and that those who were willing to be his vassals would be honoured and rewarded, whilst on the other hand those who were rebellious would be punished according to the law.
On the morrow some if not all of the chief men of the aforesaid city came to me saying that the reason for their not coming before was that the Tlascalans were their enemies and they dared not enter their land. They were persuaded, moreover, that I had heard evil things spoken of them which I was not to believe since it was from the lips of their enemies that I had heard it, and that if I would come to their city I should recognise the falseness of what I had been told and the truth of what they now declared. Moreover, from that time forth they gave and offered themselves as vassals to your Majesty which they would ever be, serving your Majesty and giving as tribute whatsoever he might command. All these things a notary took down by means of the interpreter whom I had with me. Finally I determined to go with them, both to avoid any show of weakness and because I thought from that place to carry on negotiations with Muteczuma, since as I have said his land bordered the city, and travellers passed freely along the road from one state to the other without any search being insisted upon.
The Tlascalans were grieved at my decision and warned me repeatedly that I was making a mistake, but seeing that they had become vassals of your Majesty and my friends they were willing to accompany me and help me in whatever adventure might offer itself: so that in spite of my forbidding it and begging them to desist, for there was no need of them, yet nearly a hundred thousand well-armed men followed me to within two leagues of the city: and there after a great deal of persuasion on my part they left me, except for some five or six thousand. That night I camped in a dry river bed in order that my late hosts might return without causing scandal in Cholula and since it was now growing late I did not wish to enter the city at so advanced an hour. Early next morning they came out of the city to receive me on the road with great noise of trumpets and drums, and many of their so-called priests dressed in the vestments they wear in the temples and singing in the same fashion: with much ceremony they brought us to the entrance of the city and lodged us in fine buildings where all the men of my company were much at their ease. Thither they brought us food though in no very great quantity. On the way we came across many signs of that which the Tlascalans had warned us against; for we found the royal road closed and another made, a few pits though not many, some of the streets blocked and large quantities of stones on all the flat roofs of the houses. This put us more on our guard and determined us to act with greater caution.
I found there certain messengers of Muteczuma who were come to speak with the Cholulans. To me they said nothing more than that they were come to learn from our hosts what had been decided upon between us in order that they might report the same to their lord: they thus departed after having spoken with them, including one who had been with me in Tlascala and was the chief among them. During the three days I was there they provided us with very indifferent food which grew worse each day, and the nobles and chief men of the city hardly ever came to speak with me. And being somewhat perplexed by this I learnt through the agency of my interpreter, a native Indian girl11 who came with me from Putunchan (a great river of which I informed your Majesty in my first letter), that a girl of the city had told her that a large force of Muteczuma’s men had assembled nearby, and that the citizens themselves, having removed their wives, children and clothes, intended to attack us suddenly and leave not one of us alive. The native girl had added that if she wanted to escape she had better go with her, and she would look after her. On hearing this I took one of the natives of the city secretly aside without anyone perceiving it and interrogated him: whereupon he confirmed all that the native girl and the Tlascalans had told me. On the strength of such evidence and the signs of preparation that I perceived, I determined to surprise rather than be surprised, and sending for some nobles of the city I told them that I wished to speak with them and assembled them all in a certain room; and meantime I ordered that our men should be on the alert and that at the sound of a musket shot they should fall upon a large number of Indians who were either close to or actually inside our quarters. So it was done; for having got the nobles into the room I left them, leapt on my horse and ordered the musket to be fired, upon which we fell upon the Indians in such fashion that within two hours more than three thousand of them lay dead. And that your Majesty may see how prepared they were, suffice to say that before I left our quarters the Indians had all the streets posted and their men ready armed, although as we took them by surprise it was no difficult matter to rout them, especially without their leaders whom I had already taken prisoner; I also set fire to several towers and fortified houses in which they defended themselves and continued to do us damage. In this manner I carried the fight through the city, leaving our quarters which were very strong under a stout guard for nearly five hours, until I had driven the natives out of the greater part of the city, in which task I was helped by some five thousand of the Tlascalan Indians and three hundred from Cempoal. Upon this, returning to our quarters I demanded from the nobles whom I had captured for what cause they desired to kill me thus treacherously. They replied that they were not to blame, for the Indians of Culua who are the vassals of Muteczuma had urged them to it, and Muteczuma himself had fifty thousand men ready armed at a place which as it afterwards appeared was not above a league and a half away to accomplish the project But now that they saw how they had been deceived, if I would permit (said they) one or two of them to leave the city they would recall the people, including women and children, and household belongings which they had removed outside and if I would but pardon them their fault they swore that henceforward no one should thus deceive them and they would ever be sure and loyal vassals of your Majesty and my good friend. Upon this having sternly reprehended their evil doing I released two of them and by the morrow the city was full of women and children, all going about in perfect safety, as if the past events had never occurred. I then set free all the other nobles whom I had imprisoned and they promised to serve your Majesty very loyally. By the end of fifteen to twenty days the city was become again so peaceful and so populous that the absence of any of its citizens seemed to pass unnoticed, markets and business generally being carried on through the city as before. Finally I persuaded the people of this city, Cholula, and the Tlascalans to become friends, for they had been so before, and it was but little time since Muteczuma had enticed the Cholulans by gifts into friendship with him and made them enemies of the Tlascalans.
A representation in Mexican picture-writing of the tribute owed by the City of Tazco to Muteczuma.
This city of Cholula is situated in a plain, with about twenty thousand houses within its walls and as many in the suburbs outside. It is self-governing and has definite boundaries. The people are on the whole better clothed than those of Tlascala for the higher class of citizens all wear a kind of Moorish cloak over their other clothes, in shape, cloth and trimming, very similar to those seen in Africa, but with this difference that they have slits through which the hands can be thrust. All have been very loyal subjects of your Majesty since the revolt and very obedient to what I have had occasion to command them in your Majesty’s name; and I think they will continue to be so. The city is very fertile, with many small holdings, for there is an abundance of land which is for the most part well irrigated, and indeed its exterior is as fine as any in Spain, for while built on the flat it has many towers. I can myself vouch to your Majesty to having counted more than four hundred of them from the height of a little mosque, and they were all turrets of mosques. The city is better fitted for Spaniards to live in than any other I have seen on our journey from the coast, for it possesses certain common lands and streams for pasturing cattle such as we have seen nowhere else; the number of people in these parts is usually so great that there is not a palm’s breadth of land which is not tilled: even so, many suffer from lack of bread, and there are many poor who beg from the rich in streets, houses and market places just as they do in Spain and other civilized countries.
I spoke to the messengers of Muteczuma who were with me of the treachery which was planned against me in that city, telling them that the rulers insisted that it had been done by Muteczuma’s advice, but that I could not think that such a powerful prince would send me such honoured messengers to declare his friendship and at the same time covertly attempt to injure me by another’s hand, so that if things did not turn out as he had thought he might escape the blame. For if such were the case and he did not keep his word with me I should change my intent, so that instead of coming to his land, as now, desirous of seeing and speaking with him as a friend, holding conference together in all peace and reasonableness, I should enter his territory at war, doing him all the damage that I could as to an enemy; the which would grieve me not a little, for I should always prefer to have him as a friend and take his advice on all things which should require to be done in this land. His men replied that they had been with me many days and knew no more of what had been planned than those within the city until after it had actually happened; but they could not believe that it had been done by the advice or consent of Muteczuma, and begged me before deciding to abandon his friendship and make war upon him, that I would inform myself well of the matter, giving permission to one of them to go and speak with Muteczuma on condition that he would return very quickly. This city is about twenty leagues away from Muteczuma’s palace. I accordingly gave permission for one of them to go and within six days he returned together with the first one who had gone, bringing me ten plates of gold, fifteen hundred different garments, and great store of chickens and panicap12, a kind of liquor which they drink. They reported that Muteczuma was much grieved to hear of the rising attempted in Cholula and especially that I should think that it had been by his consent or advice; for he assured me that it was not so, that the soldiers in garrison there were certainly his, but that they had been induced to revolt by the Cholulans themselves. In time to come I should see by his actions whether what he had sent to tell me was true or not, but still he begged that I would not trouble myself to visit his land, for it was sterile and we should suffer much privation: finally, wherever I might be I was to send to him for what I required and he would dispatch it to me in good measure. I replied that my visit to his land could not be put off, for I was bound to send an account of it to your Majesty, but that I believed what he said; so that since it was essential that I should visit him he should make the best of it and not oppose my coming in any way, for to do so would be to bring great danger upon himself and great regret to me for anything that might subsequently happen. Seeing that I was determined to visit him and his land he replied by messenger saying that I was welcome and that he would await my coming in the great city in which he lived and sent me a large number of his troops since I was already entering upon his territory. These men intended to lead me by a certain road on which they had prepared some kind of ambush, as was afterwards apparent, for many Spaniards whom I sent forwards to examine the land saw signs of it, and the road itself was intercepted by so many bridges and difficult places that had we gone by it the plan might very easily have been carried out. But as it has pleased God always to lead the affairs of your Majesty since your Majesty’s childhood, and I and my companions were venturing upon your royal service, another way was made manifest to us which although somewhat rough was less dangerous than that by which they wished us to travel, and it fell out in this wise:
Eight leagues from this city of Cholula there are two marvellously high mountains whose summits Still at the end of August are covered with snow so that nothing else can be seen of them. From the higher of the two13 both by day and night a great volume of smoke often comes forth and rises up into the clouds as straight as a staff, with such force that although a very violent wind continuously blows over the mountain range yet it cannot change the direction of the column. Since I have ever been desirous of sending your Majesty a very particular account of everything that I met with in this land, I was eager to know the secret of this which seemed to me not a little marvellous, and accordingly sent ten men such as were well fitted for the expedition with certain natives to guide them to find out the secret of the smoke, where and how it arose. These men set out and made every effort to climb to the summit but without success on account of the thickness of the snow, the repeated wind storms in which ashes from the volcano were blown in their faces and also the great severity of the temperature, but they reached very near the top, so near in fast that being there when the smoke began to rush out, they reported that it did so with such noise and violence that the whole mountain seemed like to fall down: thereupon they descended, bringing a quantity of snow and icicles for us to see, which seemed a novelty indeed, it being so hot everywhere in these parts according to the opinion of explorers up to now: especially since this land is said to be in the twentieth degree of altitude where great heat is always found. On their way to this mountain, as it happened, they came across a road, and on asking the natives whither it led they replied to Culua and that it was a good road, whereas the other by which the Culuans wished to take us was not. My men proceeded along it until they came to the two mountains between which it runs, and from the pass they looked down upon the plains of Culua, the great city of Tenochtitlan and the lakes which surround it, which I shall describe later to your Majesty, and returned very joyful at having discovered such a good road; at which God knows how relieved I was. Upon this I told the messengers of Muteczuma who were to guide me to his country, that I wished to go by that road since it was shorter than the one they spoke of. They replied that I was perfectly right, it was shorter and a better road, but that they did not use it because going by it one day’s march would lie through the land of the Guajocingo who were their enemies and that thus we should lack those necessary provisions which would be supplied to us in Muteczuma’s territory, but that since I was set on it they would arrange for provisions to be sent out from the city to us on the road. And in such manner we set out still fearing that they would attempt to practise some deceit upon us, but as we had already publicly declared our road to lie thither I thought it well not to abandon it or retrace our Steps lest they should think that we lacked spirit to attempt it.
Two days after leaving Cholula we climbed the pass between the two mountains which I have already described, from which we could discern the province of Chalco belonging to Muteczuma, and on descending it, two leagues before arriving at any town, I came upon some fine newly erected buildings, large enough to lodge both me and all my men very comfortably for the night, although I was accompanied by over four thousand Indians from Tlascala, Guajocingo, Cholula and Cempoal; moreover there was abundance of food, great fires and plenteous supply of wood in all the lodging houses, for the weather was very cold by reason of the nearness of the two mountains and the snow with which they were covered.
There came to speak with me here certain persons who appeared to be chiefs, among whom was one said to be the brother of Muteczuma. They brought me some three thousand pesos of gold, and on behalf of him who had sent them begged me to return and not to put myself out to visit his city, for, they said, his land was lacking in provisions, the road was extremely bad, and all was under water so that one could only enter it by canoes, together with many other hindrances which they put in the way of my going. They had orders to find out all that I lacked, for Muteczuma, their lord, would willingly give it to me: and they themselves would join to give to me each year a certain amount, which they would bring to me at the coast or wherever else I desired. I received them well and gave them several gifts from Spain such as they prize highly, especially to him whom they declared to be the brother of Muteczuma, and as to their embassy I replied that if it were in my hand to return I would do it to please Muteczuma, but that I was come to this land on the command of your Majesty and that what your Majesty had chiefly desired me to give him an account of was this same Muteczuma and his great city, of both of which your Majesty had long had knowledge. They should therefore tell him from my part that he should be reconciled to my visit, for neither to his person nor to his realm would any evil result but rather good, and if after seeing me his wishes were still that I should leave the land I would do so; finally that we should better arrive at the part which he was to play in your Majesty’s service by conversation with one another than by means of third persons however trustworthy they might be. With this reply they returned. In this lodging, from certain signs and preparations that we saw in it, the Indians thought that they would be able to attack us one night, upon which I observed such precautions that they changed their plans and that night secretly retired a large body of troops whom they had placed near to the buildings on the mountain ridges, the movement being seen by many of our guards and outposts.
Early the next day I struck camp for a town two leagues farther on called Amecameca, capital of the province of Chalco, which must number more than twenty thousand people, including the villages for some two miles round it. In this town we lodged in some excellent dwellings belonging to the chief ruler of the place. Many people of seeming importance came to speak with me there, saying that Muteczuma their lord had sent them to await my coming, and that they were bidden to provide me with all I needed. The ruler of the province gave me as many as thirty slaves and three thousand castellanos, and during the two days that we were there provided us very liberally with all our food. The next day, accompanied by the chiefs who had come from Muteczuma, I advanced four leagues to a little town lying on the shores of a great lake, half of it being indeed in the water, and the land half protected by a steep and rocky ridge, where we camped very comfortably. But here again they were desirous of trying their strength against us, though, as it seemed, without fear of danger to themselves, for they intended to attack us at night when we were unprepared. But as I was proceeding extremely cautiously they found me forewarned: and that night I posted such a Strong guard that the spies who came across the water in canoes as also those who climbed down the mountain slope to see if it were safe to attack were taken and killed by our men to the number of some fifteen or twenty before dawn came: in such wise that few indeed returned to report what they had seen, and seeing us thus ever on the watch they decidedtoabandon their plan and let us alone. Next morning as I was about to depart from the town some ten to a dozen chiefs came up, among whom was a great lord, a youth of some five and twenty years to whom they all showed great respect (so much so that on his descending from the chair in which he was carried all the rest proceeded in front of him clearing away the Sticks and Stones from his path) and informed me that they came at Muteczuma’s bidding to accompany me, and begged me to pardon their lord for not coming in person to see and receive me on account of his being sick; his city, however, was close at hand and since I was determined to go there we would journey together, and I should learn from his own lips the zeal he had in your Majesty’s service; nevertheless, he requested me that if it were possible I should abstain from going there, for I should suffer much hardship and want and he himself would be ashamed to be unable to provide for me as he would like, and on this last point the chiefs insisted at great length; indeed, they were almost come to the point of saying that they would hold the road against me if I continued my advance. I pacified them and satisfied them as best I could, giving them to understand that no evil could result from my visit but rather great good. So they departed after I had given them a few trinkets such as I carried with me.
I followed them, accompanied by many persons who seemed of great importance as indeed they afterwards turned out to be, continuing along the road which led by the shore of the vast lake, in which course I had not gone above a mile when I saw within the lake about two stones’ throw away a little town of perhaps one or two thousand inhabitants, completely fortified and surrounded by water so that there was no entrance by land whatsoever, and with an infinite number of turrets as it seemed from the shore. A league further on we entered upon a narrow causeway but some ten feet wide which led across the lake for two thirds of a league arriving finally at a city, which though small was the most beautiful that we had yet seen, both for its finely built houses and towers and the excellent arrangement of its foundations which were built entirely in the water. In this city, which would contain about two thousand persons, they received us very cordially and supplied us liberally with food. There the ruler and chief men came to me requesting that we should stay the night, but those of Muteczuma’s men who were accompanying me urged me not to stay there but to pass on to another city but three leagues distant called Iztapalapa which is ruled by a brother of Muteczuma, and this we did. The exit from this city where we fed and whose name escapes me for the moment is by another causeway rather over a league in length which leads to dry ground. On approaching Iztapalapa its ruler came forth to meet me as did the ruler of Culuacan, another large city some three leagues distant, and many other chief men, who presented me with four thousand castellanos, some slaves and garments, and made me very welcome.
This city of Iztapalapa must contain from twelve to fifteen thousand inhabitants, and is situated on the shore of a large salt lake half in and half out of the water. Its ruler possesses certain new houses not yet finished which are as fine as the best in Spain, I mean in size and workmanship as regards stonework, carpentry, floors, and fittings for every kind of household service, but excepting sculptures and other luxuries which are known in Spain but unknown here. There are many lofty rooms and sunk gardens with flowering trees and shrubs; likewise there are pools of fresh water very beautifully hollowed out with steps in them leading down to the bottom. This chief has a fine garden adjoining his house, with an observatory containing magnificent corridors and rooms commanding it, and within the garden a very fine lake of fresh water in the form of a square, the sides very delicately chiselled out, and round it a goodly path of well beaten earth broad enough for four people to pass abreast and extending four hundred paces along each side or sixteen hundred in all. Behind the path and between it and the outer wall of the garden the space is filled with a profusion of bamboos and reeds, behind which there are trees and flowering shrubs, and within the lake there are innumerable fish and birds, such as wild duck, widgeon, and other waterfowl, and in such number that often they almost cover the surface of the water.
On the following day I set out again and after half a mile entered upon a causeway which crosses the middle of the lake arriving finally at the great city of Tenochtitlan which is situated at its centre. This causeway was as broad as two lances and very stoutly made such that eight horsemen could ride along it abreast, and in these two leagues either on the one hand or the other we met with three cities all containing very fine buildings and towers, especially the houses of the chief men and the mosques and little temples in which they keep their idols. In these towns there is quite a brisk trade in salt which they make from the water of the lake and what is cast up on the land that borders it; this they cook in a certain manner and make the salt into cakes which they sell to the inhabitants and neighbouring tribes. I accordingly proceeded along this causeway and half a league from the city of Tenochtitlan itself, at the point where another causeway from the mainland joins it, I came upon an extremely powerful fort with two towers, surrounded by a six foot wall with a battlement running round the whole of the side abutting on the two causeways, and having two gates and no more for going in and out. Here nearly a thousand of the chief citizens came out to greet me, all dressed alike and, as their custom is, very richly; on coming to speak with me each performed a ceremony very common among them, to wit, placing his hand on the ground and then kissing it, so that for nearly an hour I stood while they performed this ceremony. Now quite close to the city there is a wooden bridge some ten paces broad, which cuts the causeway and under which the water can flow freely, for its level in the two parts of the lake is constantly changing: moreover it serves as a fortification to the city, for they can remove certain very long and heavy beams which form the bridge whenever they so desire; and there are many such bridges throughout the city as your MajeSty will see from that which I shall presently relate.
When we had passed this bridge Muteczuma himself came out to meet us with some two hundred nobles, all barefoot and dressed in some kind of uniform also very rich, in fact more so than the others. They came forward in two long lines keeping close to the walls of the street, which is very broad and fine and so Straight that one can see from one end of it to the other, though it is some two-thirds of a league in length and lined on both sides with very beautiful, large houses, both private dwellings and temples. Muteczuma himself was borne along in the middle of the Street with two lords one on his right hand and one on his left, being respectively the chief whom I described as coming out to meet me in a litter and the other, Muteczuma’s brother, ruler of Iztapalapa, from which only that day we had set out. All three were dressed in similar fashion except that Muteczuma wore shoes whereas the others were barefoot. The two lords bore him along each by an arm, and as he drew near I dismounted and advanced alone to embrace, but the two lords prevented me from touching him, and they themselves made me the same obeisance as did their comrades, kissing the earth: which done, he commanded his brother who accompanied him to Stay with me and take me by the arm, while he with the other lord went on a little way in front. After he had spoken to me all the other lords who were in the two long lines came up likewise in order one after the other, and then re-formed in line again. And while speaking to Muteczuma I took off a necklace of pearls and crystals which I was wearing and threw it round his neck; whereupon having proceeded some little way up the street a servant of his came back to me with two necklaces wrapped up in a napkin, made from the shells of sea snails, which are much prized by them; and from each necklace hung eight prawns fashioned very beautifully in gold some six inches in length. The messenger who brought them put them round my neck and we then continued up the Street in the manner described until we came to a large and very handsome house which Muteczuma had prepared for our lodging. There he took me by the hand and led me to a large room opposite the patio by which we had entered, and seating me on a dais very richly worked, for it was intended for royal use, he bade me await him there, and took his departure. After a short time, when all my company had found lodging, he returned with many various ornaments of gold, silver and featherwork, and some five or six thousand cotton clothes, richly dyed and embroidered in various ways, and having made me a present of them he seated himself on another low bench which was placed next to mine, and addressed me in this manner:
“Long time have we been informed by the writings of our ancestors that neither myself nor any of those who inhabit this land are natives of it, but rather strangers who have come to it from foreign parts. We likewise know that from those parts our nation was led by a certain lord (to whom all were subject), and who then went back to his native land, where he remained so long delaying his return that at his coming those whom he had left had married the women of the land and had many children by them and had built themselves cities in which they lived, so that they would in no wise return to their own land nor acknowledge him as lord; upon which he left them. And we have always believed that among his descendants one would surely come to subject this land and us as rightful vassals. Now seeing the regions from which you say you come, which is from where the sun rises, and the news you tell of this great king and ruler who sent you hither, we believe and hold it certain that he is our natural lord: especially in that you say he has long had knowledge of us. Wherefore be certain that we will obey you and hold you as lord in place of that great lord of whom you speak, in which service there shall be neither slackness nor deceit: and throughout all the land, that is to say all that I rule, you may command anything you desire, and it shall be obeyed and done, and all that we have is at your will and pleasure. And since you are in your own land and house, rejoice and take your leisure from the fatigues of your journey and the battles you have fought; for I am well informed of all those that you have been forced to engage in on your way here from Potonchan, as also that the natives of Cempoal and Tlascala have told you many evil things of me; but believe no more than what you see with your own eyes, and especially not words from the lips of those who are my enemies, who were formerly my vassals and on your coming rebelled against me and said these things in order to find favour with you: I am aware, moreover, that they have told you that the walls of my houses were of gold as was the matting on my floors and other household articles, even that I was a god and claimed to be so, and other like matters. As for the houses, you see that they are of wood, stones and earth.” Upon this he lifted his clothes showing me his body, and said: “and you see that I am of flesh and blood like yourself and everyone else, mortal and tangible.”
Grasping with his hands his arms and other parts of his body, he continued: “You see plainly how they have lied. True I have a few articles of gold which have remained to me from my forefathers, and all that I have is yours at any time that you may desire it. I am now going to my palace where I live. Here you will be provided with all things necessary for you and your men, and let nothing be done amiss seeing that you are in your own house and land.”
I replied to all that he said, satisfying him in those things which seemed expedient, especially in having him believe that your Majesty was he whom they had long expected, and with that he bade farewell. On his departure we were very well regaled with great store of chickens, bread, fruit, and other necessities, particularly household ones. And in this wise I continued six days very well provided with all that was necessary and visited by many of the principal men of the city.
I have already related, most catholic Lord, how at the time when I departed from the town of Vera Cruz in search of this ruler Muteczuma, I left in it a hundred and fifty men to finish the fortress which I had already begun: likewise how that I had left many neighbouring towns and strongholds under the dominion of your royal Majesty, and the natives very peaceably disposed and loyal subjects of your Majesty. Being in the city of Cholula I received letters from the officer whom I left in Vera Cruz, by which I learnt that Qualpopoca, the native ruler of Almería, had sent in messengers to say that he desired to become a vassal of your Majesty, the reason for his delay being that enemy country lay between him and Vera Cruz and he had been chary of passing through it, but that if four Spaniards would return to his land, the enemies through whose country they would have to pass would refrain from molesting them and he would come forthwith to make his submission. The officer, thinking the message to have been sent in good faith, for many others had done the same, sent four Spaniards as requested. But Qualpopoca having once received them into his house ordered them to be killed in such fashion that it should appear that he had no hand in it, and two of them thus died, but the other two escaped wounded through the woods. Upon this the officer went against the city of Almería with fifty Spaniards on foot and two on horse, and two field guns, together with eight or ten thousand Indian allies, fought with the natives of the city and killed many of them, and expelled the remainder from the town, which they burnt and utterly destroyed; for the Indians whom they took in their company being enemies of Almería went about this business with much diligence. Qualpopoca with certain other chiefs who had come to aid him escaped by flight, but from certain prisoners taken in the city they found out who were assisting in its defence and the reason for their having put the Spaniards to death. They declared that it was Muteczuma who had ordered Qualpopoca and the other chieftains as his vassals to fall upon those who had offered themselves as subjects in your Majesty’s service so soon as I should leave Vera Cruz, and to take every opportunity of killing the Spaniards whom I had left there, that they might not aid them in any way: this, they said, was the reason for their having acted in this manner.
Having passed six days, then, in the great city of Tenochtitlan, invincible Prince, and having seen something of its marvels, though little in comparison with what there was to be seen and examined, I considered it essential both from my observation of the city and the rest of the land that its ruler should be in my power and no longer entirely free; to the end that he might in nowise change his will and intent to serve your Majesty, more especially as we Spaniards are somewhat intolerant and stiff-necked, and should he get across with us he would be powerful enough to do us great damage, even to blot out all memory of us in the land; and in the second place, could I once get him in my power all the other provinces subject to him would come more promptly to the knowledge and service of your Majesty, as indeed afterwards happened. I decided to capture him and place him in the lodging where I was, which was extremely strong: and that there might be no scandal or public disturbance over his imprisonment I bethought me among all the means by which this might be effected of what the officer had written to me from Vera Cruz, and how he had found out that all had been done according to Muteczuma’s orders. Accordingly, posting a strong guard at all the crossways of the streets I went to Muteczuma’s palace as I had oftentimes done before, and after having conversed with him light-heartedly with many jokes and his having given me certain golden trinkets and a daughter of his together with other daughters of noble birth to some of my companions, I told him that I knew of what had occurred in the city of Nauthla or Almería and of the Spaniards who had met their death there; that Qualpopoca excused himself by declaring that all that he had done was by Muteczuma’s orders and that as his vassal he had been unable to do aught else; but since I believed that it was not as Qualpopoca had said but that rather he was attempting to excuse himself of the crime, it seemed to me that he and the other chiefs who had taken part in the murder of the Spaniards should be sent for, so that the truth might be known and they might be punished, above all that your Majesty might have clear proof of his (Muteczuma’s) loyalty, so that these evil tidings might not provoke your Majesty to wrath against him in place of the goodwill your Majesty bore him, since, I said, I was very well persuaded that the contrary of what these men declared was the truth.
Tribute owed to Muteczuma in picture-writing.
Forthwith he sent for certain of his men to whom he gave a small figure carved in stone after the fashion of a seal, which he wore tied round his arm, and commanded them to go to Almería, which is some sixty or seventy leagues from the capital, and bring back Qualpopoca together with such others as they should find were responsible for the death of the Spaniards, and if not willingly then in chains: and should they attempt to resist arrest they should enjoin certain neighbouring tribes, whom he detailed, to take up arms against them and capture them, so that in no wise should they return without them. The messengers forthwith set out: and on their departure I thanked Muteczuma for the zeal he displayed in the capture of those who had killed the Spaniards, of which affair I should have to give a particular account to your Majesty. It but remained for him to come to my lodging until such time as the truth of the matter should be more manifest and he be shown free of blame; and I earnestly begged him to be in no way grieved at this, for he should not be there as a prisoner but in all liberty; I would place no impediment in the ordering and command of his dominions, and he should choose whatever room he liked in the palace where I was lodged and be there entirely at his ease: for it was certain that he should receive no annoyance or grief, but that in addition to his domestics those of my company would serve him in whatever he should require. On this matter we conversed long rehearsing many things which would take too long to recount to your Majesty and indeed do not bear directly on the case: so that I will say no more than that he finally agreed to accompany me; and forthwith gave orders for rooms to be prepared, which was done in very elaborate and complete fashion. Upon this many nobles presented themselves and removing their clothes which they placed under their arms they brought in barefoot a litter somewhat roughly decorated: weeping, they conveyed him in complete silence to the palace where I was lodged and without any actual disturbances in the city although there were signs of some agitation. But on this being known to Muteczuma he gave orders that it should cease; and thus there was complete calm as there had been before, and as, indeed, continued during the whole time that I kept Muteczuma prisoner; for he was much at his ease, and waited upon with such service as was observed in his own palace which was of extraordinary magnificence as I shall afterwards describe. Moreover I and those of my company cheered him in every way we could.
Some fifteen to twenty days after his imprisonment those who had been sent for Qualpopoca returned bringing with them Qualpopoca himself, a son, and fifteen persons whom they declared had taken a principal part in the murder. They brought Qualpopoca in a litter quite in the manner of a great ruler, as indeed he was. The prisoners were handed over to me and I saw to it that they were well guarded. After they had confessed that they had murdered the Spaniards, I questioned them whether they were vassals of Muteczuma. On this Qualpopoca replied asking me, ‘Of what other lord could he be vassal?’ as much as to say that there was none other and that consequently he was his vassal. Likewise I asked them whether what had been done there was by his command, and they replied, “No,” although later when the sentence of burning was put into execution all declared with one voice that Muteczuma had sent them such a command and by his command it had been done. They were consequently burnt in a public square without any disturbance being made, and on the day of their execution seeing the confession they had made I ordered Muteczuma to be put in chains which terrified him not a little. After having held speech with him, however, that same day they were taken off at which he was greatly pleased and thereafter I constantly endeavoured to cheer and content him as much as I could; especially in that I always published and declared to the natives, both chiefs and such as came to see him, that your Majesty was well pleased that Muteczuma should retain his dominion, recognizing that which your Majesty held over him, and that they would be serving your Majesty in obeying him and considering him as their lord as they had done before I came to their land. And such was the good treatment which he received and his content that more than once or twice I offered him his liberty begging him to go to his own palace, and he told me whenever I suggested it that he was much at his ease there and had no wish to depart, since he lacked nothing of what he required, just as if he were in his own house; and it might be that returning to his former palace the nobles who were his vassals would importune him or persuade him to do something contrary to the services of your Majesty, whereas his wish was to serve your Majesty in everything that he could: but that now when they asked anything of him he could reply that such was not within his power and so excuse himself from doing it. Many times he asked leave of me to go and amuse himself in certain pleasure houses which he had both within and without the city, and on no occasion did I refuse him. Often he went out on pleasure bent with five or six Spaniards a league or two beyond the city, and always returned very cheerfully and contentedly to the palace in which I kept him. Always on such occasion he made many presents of jewels and clothes both to the Spaniards who went with him and to his own people, by whom he was always accompanied in such numbers as never fell below three thousand, the majority of whom were nobles and chiefs; always, too, he regaled them with numerous banquets and entertainments of which those who accompanied him were never tired of repeating.
When I recognized the very real desire that he had to serve your Majesty, I requested him, that I might give your Majesty a more minute account of this land, to show me the mines from which he drew his gold, the which he declared himself very ready and willing to do. Upon this he sent for certain of his servants and divided them two by two for each of the four provinces from which gold was obtained; and he made me choose Spaniards to go with them and see how the metal was mined; I accordingly appointed two Spaniards to accompany each pair of guides. One party went to a province known as Cuzula eighty leagues from the capital, whose natives are subject to Muteczuma, and there they were shown three rivers from all of which they brought me samples of gold of good quality, although obtained by very primitive apparatus similar to that used by other Indian tribes; on the way my men informed me they passed through three provinces, very fertile, with many towns, cities and other smaller centres, and with so many fine buildings that, so they said, there are not finer in all Spain. In particular they reported that they had seen a fortified garrison which is larger, stronger and better built than the castle of Burgos. The people, moreover, of one of these provinces, called Tamazulapa, were more fully clothed than in others we have seen and as it appeared to them very intelligent.
(The others had like success, bringing samples of gold, and reporting particularly favourably on the province of Malinaltepec, lying to the south close to the sea.)
And since according to the Spaniards who went there, there is everything needful for the settlement of small farms and the washing of gold, I made the request to Muteczuma that seeing that the province of Malinaltepec was most suited for it he should settle a small farm there for your Majesty, and he carried out the suggestion with such zeal that in two months’ time already about a hundred and ten acres of maize and ten of beans had been sown, and two thousand square feet of cacao, a fruit resembling our almonds which they sell crushed, and of which they have such stores that they are used as money throughout the land to buy all necessities in the public markets and elsewhere. Moreover he built several very fine dwellings in one of which in addition to ordinary rooms he constructed a large tank of water, and placed some five hundred ducks there, of which they have a great quantity, using their feathers which they pluck from them each year for making clothes; he added also as many as fifteen hundred head of chicken, together with much very useful furniture and equipment, which were reckoned by my men who examined them more than once to be worth something near twenty thousand golden pesos.
(Cortés here gives particulars of an attempt to find a really good harbour on the northern coast and of the expedition of ten of his men, accompanied by an Indian guide, to what was probably Guasacualco, where they met a very friendly native chief and established the beginning of a settlement at the mouth of the river there with his full consent and assistance.)
I have already described, most powerful lord, how on approaching the great city of Tenochtitlan an important chief came out to meet me on behalf of Muteczuma, who I afterwards discovered was a near relation of the king and ruled a province near by, called Culuacan. Its capital is a very fine city which is close to the salt lake and six leagues from Tenochtitlan by water though ten by land. This city is known as Tezcuco and must contain some thirty thousand inhabitants. Very fine houses and mosques are to be found in it as also large and beautifully decorated temples. There are also large market-places. Besides this city he owns two more, the one three leagues from Tezcuco called Oculma, the other six leagues away, Otumba. Each one has some three or four thousand inhabitants. The province of Culuacan has many other villages and scattered farms, with a quantity of very fertile land under tillage. It is bounded on one side by the province of Tlascala of which I have already spoken to your Majesty. Now this chief, whose name is Cacamazin, after the imprisonment of Muteczuma rebelled both against the dominion of your Majesty, which he had accepted, and against Muteczuma. And notwithstanding that many times he was ordered to obey your Majesty’s royal commands he Stubbornly refused, although in addition to my request Muteczuma himself also sent word to him: but he replied that if we required anything from him we should go to his land and should there see what he was worth and what manner of service he was under obligation to render. Accordingly, since neither threat nor request would move him I asked Muteczuma his opinion as to how best we might deal with him that his rebellion might not go unpunished; upon which he replied that to attempt to take him in open warfare would be to run great risk, for he was a powerful lord and had great Stores of arms and men, and would not be taken without the loss of many lives; but that he himself had secretly in his employ a number of chief men who lived in the land of Cacamazin and were in his pay, and he would instruct these persons to win over some of Cacamazín’s men to our side so that they could thus capture him in safety. Muteczuma accordingly laid his plans in such a manner that these hirelings persuaded Cacamazín to meet them in Tezcuco in order to confer with them as important persons upon such things as it was fitting should be done to maintain his position, for, said they, it grieved them to see him doing things which would bring about his ruin.
They met together in a very pleasant house belonging to Cacamazin situated on the border of the lake and built in such a manner that canoes can be paddled under it and so reach the lake: there they had canoes secretly in readiness with a Strong body of men in case Cacamazin should resist capture. In the middle of the conference he was arrested by the chief men before Cacamazin’s followers perceived anything, was lowered into the waiting canoes and conducted across the lake to the capital which as I said is about six leagues distance. On his arrival he was placed in a litter, as his position demanded or as was their custom, and brought before me: I immediately had him put in chains under a Strong guard. Later, on Muteczuma’s advice, I placed his son Cucuzcazin in command of the province in your Majesty’s name, and saw to it that all the smaller towns and nobles of the province recognized him as lord, which they did without dispute, and he himself has been very obedient to any commands which I have given him on the part of your Majesty.
Some few days after the imprisonment of Cacamazin, Muteczuma proclaimed an assembly of all the chiefs of the neighbouring towns and districts; and on their coming together he sent for me to mount to the platform where he already was and proceeded to address them in this manner: “Brothers and friends, you know well that for many years you, your fathers and your grandfathers have been subjects and vassals to me and to my forefathers, and have ever been well treated and held in due esteem both by them and me, as likewise you yourselves have done what it behoves good and loyal vassals to do for their lords; moreover I believe you will recollect hearing from your ancestors that we are not natives of this land, but that they came to it from another land far off, being led hither by a powerful lord whose vassals they all were; after many years he returned to find our forefathers already settled in the land married to native wives and with many children by them in such wise that they never wished to go back with him nor acknowledge him as lord of the land, and upon this he returned saying that he would come again himself or send another with such power as to force them to re-enter his service. And you know well that we have always looked to this and from what the captain has told us of the king and lord who sent him hither, and the direction from which he came I hold it certain as ye also must hold it, that he is the lord whom we have looked to, especially in that he declares he already had knowledge of us in his own land. Therefore while our ancestors did not that which was due to their lord, let us not so offend now, but rather give praise to the gods that in our times that which was long expected is come to pass. And I earnestly beg of you, since all that I have said is notorious to everyone of you, that as you have up till now obeyed and held me as your sovereign lord, so from henceforth you will obey and hold this great king as your natural lord, for such he is, and in particular this captain in his place: and all those tributes and services which up to this time you have paid to me, do you now pay to him, for I also hold myself bound to do him service in all that he shall require me: and over and above doing that which is right and necessary you will be doing me great pleasure.”
All this he spoke to them weeping, with such sighs and tears as no man ever wept more, and likewise all those chieftains who heard him wept so that for a long space of time they could make no reply. And I can assure your Majesty that there was not one among the Spaniards who on hearing this speech was not filled with compassion. After some time when their tears were somewhat dried they replied that they held him as their lord and had promised to do whatever he should bid them, and hence that for that reason and the one he had given them they were content to do what he said, and from that time offered themselves as vassals to your royal Majesty, promising severally and collectively to carry out whatever should be required of them in your Majesty’s royal name as loyal and obedient vassals, and duly to render him all such tributes and services as were formerly rendered to Muteczuma, with all other things whatsoever that may be commanded them in your Majesty’s name. All this took place in the presence of the public notary and was duly drawn up by him in legal form and witnessed in the presence of many Spaniards.
Some days after this formal acknowledgment of service to your Majesty I was speaking to Muteczuma and told him that your Majesty was in need of gold for certain works which he had in hand; I asked him to send some of his own men, to whom I would add an equal number of Spaniards, to the estates and houses of those nobles who had publicly offered themselves as vassals of your Majesty, asking them to do your Majesty some service with what riches they might possess; for over and above your Majesty’s need of gold, it would be made manifest that they were beginning to serve him, and your Majesty would perceive more surely the zeal they had in his service: moreover I requested that he himself might give me some portion of his treasure that I might send it to Spain as I had already sent gold and other articles to your Majesty with my previous messengers. He thereupon asked me to send him the Spaniards whom I had chosen and immediately divided them two by two and five by five between the several cities and provinces, whose names (since they were numerous and my manuscripts have been lost) I cannot recollect, save that some of them were as much as eighty and a hundred leagues from the capital. With my men he sent his own, ordering them to visit the rulers of those cities and to require of each one of them in my name a certain measure of gold. And so it came about that each one of those lords to whom he sent gave very freely when he was asked, whether jewels, small bars and plates of gold and silver, or other valuables which he possessed; of all this treasure gathered together the fifth due to your Majesty amounted to over two thousand four hundred pesos of gold, exclusive of all the ornaments in gold, silver and featherwork, the precious Stones and other costly articles which I set aside for your Majesty, which would be worth some hundred thousand ducats and more; and which apart from their value were so marvellous on account of their novelty and Strangeness as to be almost without price, for it is doubtful whether any of all the known princes of the world possesses such treasures and in such quantity. And let this not appear fabulous to your Majesty, for in truth there was not a living thing on land or sea of which Muteczuma could have knowledge which was not so cunningly represented in gold, silver, precious Stones or featherwork as almost to seem the thing itself: of all of which Muteczuma gave me great Store for your Majesty, not to mention others of which I gave him examples to copy, and he had them reproduced in gold, such as images, crucifixes, medallions, carved jewels and necklaces, and many other ornaments belonging to us which I persuaded him to have copied. There fell likewise to your Majesty as a fifth part of the silver which was obtained over a hundred marks, which I bid the natives work up into dishes large and small, porringers, cups and spoons, the which they did as perfectly as we were able to give them instructions. In addition to this Muteczuma gave me many garments belonging to himself which, considering that they were woven of cotton without any admixture of silk, could not, I think, be matched in all the world: among them were both men’s and women’s clothes and bedspreads such as could not be bettered had they been of silk: there were also hangings resembling tapestry work which could be used in large rooms and churches, together with counterpanes and other coverings for the bed both of feathers and of cotton, variously coloured and likewise exquisitely made, and many other things so numerous and so ingenious that I cannot describe them to your Majesty. He also gave me a dozen blowpipes with which he used to shoot arrows, the workmanship of which I am again as little able to describe to your Majesty, for they were decorated all over with excellent little paintings in natural colours of birds, animals, trees, flowers, and other objects, and the mouthpieces and tips of gold extending some six inches as also a band in the middle of the same metal elaborately worked. He also gave me a gilded pouch of netting for pellets (such as they shoot with) which he told me he would also provide me with in gold, moulds of gold for making the same, and many other things too numerous to mention. For to give your Majesty a full account of all the strange and marvellous things to be found in this great city of Tenochtitlan would demand much time and many and skilled writers, and I shall be able to describe but a hundredth part of all the many things which are worthy of description.
But before beginning to relate the wonders of this city and people, their rights and government, I should perhaps for a better understanding say something of the state of Mexico itself which contains this city and the others of which I have spoken, and is the principal seat of Muteczuma. The province is roughly circular in shape and entirely surrounded by very lofty and rocky mountains, the level part in the middle being some seventy leagues14 in circumference and containing two lakes which occupy it almost entirely, for canoes travel over fifty leagues in making a circuit of them. One of the lakes is of fresh water, the other and larger one of salt. A narrow but very lofty range of mountains cuts across the valley and divides the lakes almost completely save for the western end where they are joined by a narrow strait no wider than a sling’s throw which runs between the mountains. Commerce is carried on between the two lakes and the cities on their banks by means of canoes, so that land traffic is avoided. Moreover, since the salt lake rises and falls with the tide sea water pours from it at high tide into the fresh water lake with the rapidity of a mountain torrent, and likewise at low tide flows back from the fresh to the salt.
The great city of Tenochtitlan is built in the midst of this salt lake, and it is two leagues from the heart of the city to any point on the mainland. Four causeways lead to it, all made by hand and some twelve feet wide. The city itself is as large as Seville or Córdova. The principal Streets are very broad and Straight, the majority of them being of beaten earth, but a few and at least half the smaller thoroughfares are waterways along which they pass in their canoes. Moreover, even the principal Streets have openings at regular distances so that the water can freely pass from one to another, and these openings which are very broad are spanned by great bridges of huge beams, very Stoutly put together, so firm indeed that over many of them ten horsemen can ride at once. Seeing that if the natives intended any treachery against us they would have every opportunity from the way in which the city is built, for by removing the bridges from the entrances and exits they could leave us to die of hunger with no possibility of getting to the mainland, I immediately set to work as soon as we entered the city on the building of four brigs, and in a short space of time had them finished, so that we could ship three hundred men and the horses to the mainland whenever we so desired.
The city has many open squares in which markets are continuously held and the general business of buying and selling proceeds. One square in particular is twice as big as that of Salamanca and completely surrounded by arcades where there are daily more than sixty thousand folk buying and selling. Every kind of merchandise such as may be met with in every land is for sale there, whether of food and victuals, or ornaments of gold and silver, or lead, brass, copper, tin, precious Stones, bones, shells, snails and feathers; limestone for building is likewise sold there, stone both rough and polished, bricks burnt and unburnt, wood of all kinds and in all stages of preparation. There is a Street of game where they sell all manner of birds that are to be found in their country, including hens, partridges, quails, wild duck, fly-ca chers, widgeon, turtle doves, pigeons, little birds in round nests made of grass, parrots, owls, eagles, vulcans, sparrow-hawks and kestrels; and of some of these birds of prey they sell the skins complete with feathers, head, bill and claws. They also sell rabbits, hares, deer and small dogs which they breed especially for eating. There is a Street of herb-sellers where there are all manner of roots and medicinal plants that are found in the land. There are houses as it were of apothecaries where they sell medicines made from these herbs, both for drinking and for use as ointments and salves. There are barbers’ shops where you may have your hair washed and cut. There are other shops where you may obtain food and drink. There are Street porters such as we have in Spain to carry packages. There is a great quantity of wood, charcoal, braziers made of clay and mats of all sorts, some for beds and others more finely woven for seats, still others for furnishing halls and private apartments. All kinds of vegetables may be found there, in particular onions, leeks, garlic, cresses, watercress, borage, sorrel, artichokes, and golden thistles. There are many different sorts of fruits including cherries and plums very similar to those found in Spain. They sell honey obtained from bees, as also the honeycomb and that obtained from maize plants which are as sweet as sugar canes; they also obtain honey from plants which are known both here and in other parts as maguey15, which is preferable to grape juice; from maguey in addition they make both sugar and a kind of wine, which are sold in their markets. All kinds of cotton thread in various colours may be bought in skeins, very much in the same way as in the great silk exchange of Granada, except that the quantities are far less. They have colours for painting of as good quality as any in Spain, and or as pure shades as may be found anywhere. There are leathers of deer both skinned and in their natural state, and either bleached or dyed in various colours. A great deal of chinaware is sold of very good quality and including earthen jars of all sizes for holding liquids, pitchers, pots, tiles and an infinite variety of earthenware all made of very special clay and almost all decorated and painted in some way. Maize is sold both as grain and in the form of bread and is vastly superior both in the size of the ear and in taste to that of all the other islands or the mainland. Pasties made from game and fish pies may be seen on sale, and there are large quantities of fresh and salt water fish both in their natural state and cooked ready for eating. Eggs from fowls, geese and all the other birds I have described may be had, and likewise omelettes ready made. There is nothing to be found in all the land which is not sold in these markets, for over and above what I have mentioned there are so many and such various other things that on account of their very number and the fact that I do not know their names, I cannot now detail them. Each kind of merchandise is sold in its own particular street and no other kind may be sold there: this rule is very well enforced. All is sold by number and measure, but up till now no weighing by balance has been observed. A very fine building in the great square serves as a kind of audience chamber where ten or a dozen persons are always seated, as judges, who deliberate on all cases arising in the market and pass sentence on evildoers. In the square itself there are officials who continually walk amongst the people inspecting goods exposed for sale and the measures by which they are sold, and on certain occasions I have seen them destroy measures which were false.
There are a very large number of mosques or dwelling places for their idols throughout the various districts of this great city, all fine buildings, in the chief of which their priests live continuously, so that in addition to the actual temples containing idols there are sumptuous lodgings. These pagan priests are all dressed in black and go habitually with their hair uncut; they do not even comb it from the day they enter the order to that on which they leave. Chief men’s sons, both nobles and distinguished citizens, enter these orders at the age of six or seven and only leave when they are of an age to marry, and this occurs more frequently to the first-born who will inherit their father’s estates than to others. They are denied all access to women, and no woman is ever allowed to enter one of the religious houses. Certain foods they abstain from and more so at certain periods of the year than at others. Among these temples there is one chief one in particular whose size and magnificence no human tongue could describe. For it is so big that within the lofty wall which entirely circles it one could set a town of fifteen thousand inhabitants.
Immediately inside this wall and throughout its entire length are some admirable buildings containing large halls and corridors where the priests who live in this temple are housed. There are forty towers at the least, all of stout construction and very lofty, the largest of which has fifty steps leading up to its base: this chief one is indeed higher than the great church of Seville. The workmanship both in wood and stone could not be bettered anywhere, for all the stonework within the actual temples where they keep their idols is cut into ornamental borders of flowers, birds, fishes and the like, or trellis-work, and the woodwork is likewise all in relief highly decorated with monsters of very various device. The towers all serve as burying places for their nobles, and the little temples which they contain are all dedicated to a different idol to whom they pay their devotions.
There are three large halls in the great mosque where the principal idols are to be found, all of immense size and height and richly decorated with sculptured figures both in wood and stone, and within these halls are other smaller temples branching off from them and entered by doors so small that no daylight ever reaches them. Certain of the priests but not all are permitted to enter, and within are the great heads and figures of idols, although as I have said there are also many outside. The greatest of these idols and those in which they placed most faith and trust I ordered to be dragged from their places and flung down the stairs, which done I had the temples which they occupy cleansed for they were full of the blood of human victims who had been sacrificed, and placed in them the image of Our Lady and other saints, all of which made no small impression upon Muteczuma and the inhabitants. They at first remonstrated with me, for should it be known, they said, by the people of the country they would rise against me, believing as they did that to these idols were due all temporal goods, and that should they allow them to be ill used they would be wroth against them and would give them nothing, denying them the fruits of the earth, and thus the people would die of starvation. I instructed them by my interpreters how mistaken they were in putting their trust in idols made by their own hands from unclean things, and that they must know that there was but one God, Lord of all, Who created the sky, the earth and all things, Who made both them and ourselves, Who was without beginning and immortal, Whom alone they had to adore and to believe in, and not in any created thing whatsoever: I told them moreover all things else that I knew of touching this matter in order to lead them from their idolatry and bring them to the knowledge of Our Lord: and all, especially Muteczuma, replied that they had already told me that they were not natives of this land but had come to it long time since, and that therefore they were well prepared to believe that they had erred somewhat from the true faith during the long time since they had left their native land, and I as more lately come would know more surely the things that it was right for them to hold and believe than they themselves: and that hence if I would instruct them they would do whatever I declared to be best. Upon this Muteczuma and many of the chief men of the city went with me to remove the idols, cleanse the chapels, and place images of the saints therein, and all with cheerful faces. I forbade them moreover to make human sacrifice to the idols as was their wont, because besides being an abomination in the sight of God it is prohibited by your Majesty’s laws which declare that he who kills shall be killed. From this time henceforth they departed from it, and during the whole time that I was in the city not a single living soul was known to be killed and sacrificed.
The images of the idols in which these people believed are many times greater than the body of a large man. They are made from pulp of all the cereals and greenstuffs which they eat, mixed and pounded together. This mass they moisten with blood from the hearts of human beings which they tear from their breasts while still alive, and thus make sufficient quantity of the pulp to mould into their huge statues: and after the idols have been set up still they offer them more living hearts which they sacrifice in like manner and anoint their faces with the blood. Each department of human affairs has its particular idol after the manner of the ancients who thus honoured their gods: so that there is one idol from whom they beg success in war, another for crops, and so on for all their needs.
The city contains many large and fine houses, and for this reason. All the nobles of the land owing allegiance to Muteczuma have their houses in the city and reside there for a certain portion of the year; and in addition there are a large number of rich citizens who likewise have very fine houses. All possess in addition to large and elegant apartments very delightful flower gardens of every kind, both on the ground level as on the upper storeys.
Along one of the causeways connecting this great city with the mainland two pipes are constructed of masonry, each two paces broad and about as high as a man, one of which conveys a stream of water very clear and fresh and about the thickness of a man’s body right to the centre of the city, which all can use for drinking and other purposes. The other pipe which is empty is used when it is desired to clean the former. Moreover, on coming to the breaks in the causeway spanned by bridges under which the salt water flows through, the fresh water flows into a kind of trough as thick as an ox which occupies the whole width of the bridge, and thus the whole city is served. The water is sold from canoes in all the streets, the manner of their taking it from the pipes being in this wise: the canoes place themselves under the bridges where the troughs are to be found, and from above the canoes are filled by men who are especially paid for this work.
At all the entrances to the city and at those parts where canoes are unloaded, which is where the greatest amount of provisions enters the city, certain huts have been built, where there are official guards to exact so much on everything that enters. I know not whether this goes to the lord or to the city itself, and have not yet been able to ascertain, but I think that it is to the ruler, since in the markets of several other towns we have seen such a tax exacted on behalf of the ruler. Every day in all the markets and public places of the city there are a number of workmen and masters of all manner of crafts waiting to be hired by the day. The people of this city are nicer in their dress and manners than those or any other city or province, for since Muteczuma always holds his residence here and his vassals visit the city for lengthy periods, greater culture and politeness of manners in all things has been encouraged.
Finally, to avoid prolixity in telling all the wonders of this city, I will simply say that the manner of living among the people is very similar to that in Spain, and considering that this is a barbarous nation shut off from a knowledge of the true God or communication with enlightened nations, one may well marvel at the orderliness and good government which is everywhere maintained.
The actual service of Muteczuma and those things which call for admiration by their greatness and state would take so long to describe that I assure your Majesty I do not know where to begin with any hope of ending. For as I have already said, what could there be more astonishing than that a barbarous monarch such as he should have reproductions made in gold, silver, precious stones, and feathers of all things to be found in his land, and so perfectly reproduced that there is no goldsmith or silversmith in the world who could better them, nor can one understand what instrument could have been used for fashioning the jewels; as for the featherwork its like is not to be seen in either wax or embroidery, it is so marvellously delicate.
I was unable to find out exactly the extent of Muteczuma’s kingdom, for in no part where he sent his messengers (even as much as two hundred leagues in either direction from this city) were his orders disobeyed; although it is true there were certain provinces in the middle of this region with whom, he was at war. But so far as I could understand his kingdom was almost as large as Spain. Most of the lords of these various provinces resided, as I have said, for the greater part of the year in the capital, and the majority of them had their eldest sons in Muteczuma’s service. The king had fortresses in all these provinces armed with his own men, and also overseers and tax-collectors to see to the services and rent which each province owed him, and which was inscribed in written characters and pictures on a kind of paper they have, by which they can make themselves understood. The manner of service rendered differed for each province according to the quality of its land, in such manner that every kind of produce that grew in the various parts of the country came to the royal hand. He was feared by all both present and distant more than was any other monarch in the world. He possessed many houses of recreation both within and without the city, each with its own special pastime, built in the most ingenious manner as was fitting for such a mighty prince: of which I will say no more than that there is not their like in all Spain. Another palace of his (not quite so fine as the one we were lodged in) had a magnificent garden with balconies overhanging it, the pillars and flagstones of which were all jasper beautifully worked. In this palace there was room to lodge two powerful princes with all their retinue. There were also ten pools of water in which were kept every kind of waterfowl known in these parts, fresh water being provided for the river birds, salt for those of the sea, and the water itself being frequently changed to keep it pure: every species of bird, moreover, was provided with its own natural food, whether fish, worms, maize or the smaller cereals. And I can vouch for it to your Majesty that those birds who ate fish alone and nothing else received some two hundred and fifty pounds of it every day, which was caught in the salt lake. It was the whole task of three hundred men to look after these birds. Others likewise were employed in ministering to those who were ill. Each pool was overhung by balconies cunningly arranged, from which Muteczuma would delight to watch the birds. In one room of this palace he kept men, women and children, who had been white since their birth, face, body, hair, eyebrows and eyelashes. He had also another very beautiful house in which there was a large courtyard, paved very prettily with flagstones in the manner of a chessboard. In this palace there were cages some nine feet high and six yards round: each of these was half covered with tiles and the other half by a wooden trellis skilfully made. They contained birds of prey, and there was an example of every one that is known in Spain, from kestrel to eagle, and many others which were new to us. Of each species there were many examples. In the covered part of every cage there was a stake on which the bird could perch and another under the wooden grating, so that the birds could go inside at nighttime and when it was raining and in the daytime come out into the sun and air. They were fed daily on chickens as their sole fare. Other large rooms on the ground floor were full of cages made of stout wood very firmly put together and containing large numbers of lions, tigers, wolves, foxes and wild cats of various kinds; these also were given as many chickens as they wanted. There were likewise another three hundred men to look after these animals and birds. In another palace he had men and women monsters, among them dwarfs, hunchbacks and others deformed in various ways, each manner of monster being kept in a separate apartment, and likewise with guards charged with looking after them.
His personal service was equally magnificent. Every morning at dawn there were over six hundred nobles and chief men present in his palace, some of whom were seated, others walking about the rooms and corridors, others amusing themselves in talk and other diversions, but none entering the actual apartment where he lay. The servants of these nobles filled two or three large courtyards and overflowed into the street, which was very large. They remained there all day, not quitting the palace until nightfall: at the time when the king took his meals food was served to them with equal profusion and rations were likewise dispensed to their servants and followers. His larders and wine cellars were open daily to all who wished to eat and drink. The meal was served by some three or four hundred youths. The dishes were innumerable since on every occasion that the king ate or drank every manner of dish was served to him, whether it were meat, fish, fruit, or herbs of whatever kind was found in the land. Since the climate is cold every plate and dish had under it a little brazier filled with lighted coals that it might not get cold. All the dishes were placed in a large hall in which he took his meals. It was almost entirely filled but kept ever fresh and clean, the King himself being seated on a small delicately fashioned leather cushion. While he ate some five or six ancient nobles stood a little way off to whom he gave morsels from his own dish. One of the youthful servitors remained on foot to place the dishes before him and remove them, and he requested from others who were further off anything which was lacking. Both at the beginning and end of the meal he was always given water with which to wash his hands, and the towel on which he dried his hands was never used again, nor likewise were the plates and dishes on which the food was brought ever used twice and the same with the little braziers which were also new for every meal. Every day he changed his garments four times, always putting on new clothes which were never worn more than once. The nobles always entered his palace barefoot, and those who were bidden to present themselves before him did so with bowed head and eyes fixed on the ground, their whole bearing expressing reverence; nor would they when speaking to him lift their eyes to his face, all of which was done to show their profound humiliation and respect. That such was the motive I am certain because certain of the nobles rebuked the Spanish soldiers for speaking to me without due shame in that they looked me full in the face, which seemed to them the height of disrespect. When Muteczuma went abroad, which was seldom, all who were with him or whom he met in the street turned away their faces and avoided looking at him, some of them prostrating themselves on the ground until he had passed. One of the nobles always preceded him bearing three long thin rods, for the purpose, as I think, of intimating the royal presence. For on his descending from the litter he bore one in his hand and carried it with him wherever he went. In short the various ceremonies which this ruler observed were so many and curious that there is not space here to recount them, and I think that not even the sultans themselves or other eastern potentates were surrounded by such pomp and display.
In this great city I was now busied in providing such things as seemed profitable to your Majesty’s service, pacifying and subduing many provinces containing great numbers of large cities, towns and fortresses, discovering mines, and finding out and enquiring many secrets of these lands under the rule of Muteczuma, as also of others bordering on them of which he knew, which are so extensive and marvellous that their existence is almost incredible: all this with the goodwill and pleasure of Muteczuma and all the natives of these lands as if they had recognized from the beginning your Majesty as their natural lord and governor, and now did with no less goodwill all these things which they were bidden in your Majesty’s royal name.
In such business and in other matters no less important I spent the months from November 1519 until the beginning of May of this year, when being in all peace and quietness in this city with many of my men abroad in various parts occupied in pacifying and settling the land, one day certain native messengers arrived from the coast somewhat below the port of San Juan to tell me of the arrival of eight or ten ships, and on their heels came a message from a Spaniard
whom I kept on the coast to send me news of any ship arriving, saying that “on that day he had just sighted a single ship off the harbour of San Juan but had seen no others, and believed it was the vessel which I had sent your Majesty which was now due back.”
I immediately dispatched two Spaniards to the port to find out how many ships had arrived and return with the news as quickly as possible: likewise two to the town of Vera Cruz, and another to the captain whom I had sent with one hundred and fifty men to settle the province and harbour of Guasacualco, telling him wherever he was when the messenger arrived to proceed no further until receiving further orders from me.
A whole fortnight followed in which I heard no more news nor had any reply to my messages, which disturbed me not a little. Then I heard from some Indians that the ships had anchored in the harbour of San Juan and carried in them eighty horses, some eight hundred men, ten or a dozen guns, all of which was set down in pictures on a piece of native paper to be shown to Muteczuma. Further, they said, the Spaniards whom I had placed on the coast together with the messengers whom I had sent were with the strangers and the captain had instructed them to tell me that he would not let them go. Upon this I decided to send a friar who was of my company with a letter signed by myself and the alcaldes and regidores of the city of Vera Cruz who were with me in the capital, addressed to the captain and his men who had come to the port, which set out in great detail all that had happened to me in this land, that I had conquered and pacified many cities and fortresses, holding them subject to your royal Majesty, and had imprisoned the native monarch in the city in which I now was: I desired to know who they were, whether they were subjects of your Majesty with royal license to settle or not; moreover, if they were in any want I would do my best to provide them with what they lacked, and this whether they were your Majesty’s subjests or not. But in the latter case I requested them on behalf of your Majesty to depart immediately from these lands, warning them if they did not that I should proceed against them with all the forces I could command both of Spaniards and natives and would capture or take them prisoner as strangers who were bent on trespassing on the land and dominions of my king and master. Five days later twenty Spaniards arrived from Vera Cruz bringing with them a priest and two citizens whom they had captured in the town. From these I learnt that the fleet and men came on the orders of Diego Velázquez under the command of a captain, by name Pánfilo Narváez, a citizen of Cuba. Among his eight hundred men, they said, he had eighty musketeers and twenty crossbowmen, and he was come calling himself captain general and Governor’s deputy over all these parts for the afore-said Diego Velázquez, for which title he bore due license from your Majesty. He had, they added, learnt from my messengers whom he was keeping imprisoned both where I was and all that I had succeeded in doing in this kingdom. They themselves had been sent by Narváez to Vera Cruz to see if they could bring the inhabitants over to his side and persuade them to rebel against me; and with them they brought me more than a hundred letters promising the citizens that if they would do as they were bidden they should receive great favours from Diego Velázquez and if not they should be treated with all harshness, together with many other threats and promises. Almost at the same time one of the Spaniards who had been sent to Guasacualco arrived with letters from his captain Juan Velázquez de León who sent me the same news and told me in addition that he had received a letter from Narváez urging him as a kinsman of Diego Velázquez to throw in his lot with him. Not only, however, had he refused to do so, but more faithful to your Majesty’s service he turned immediately to retrace his steps and rejoin me with all the men he had with him. From the captured priest and messengers I learnt further that Diego Velázquez had been moved to dispatch this force against me by reason of my having sent my report and the treasures of this land direct to your Majesty, and was now determined to kill both myself and many of my company whose names had already been decided upon. Moreover, so I discovered, Figueroa, the presiding judge in the island of Haiti together with others of your Majesty’s officials, had sent one Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón with power to Stop the aforesaid Diego Velázquez from sending the fleet, but had been unable to Stop him, and was even now in the port of San Juan, hoping to prevent the harm which must result from the arrival of the fleet, for its evil designs and intents were known to all.
Accordingly I sent a letter to Narváez saying that I had learnt who was in command of the forces which had arrived and was delighted that it should be he, because I had feared something very different when my messengers did not return: but that nevertheless I was surprised that he did not give me news of his arrival knowing as he did that I was in this land on the service of your Majesty, and seeing that he had long since been my friend and was as I had reason to believe come equally on your Majesty’s service; and Still more so that he should have sent letters in an endeavour to suborn people who were already of my company to rise against me and join forces with him, just as if we were on the one side infidels and on the other Christians, or one of us vassals of your Majesty and the other his enemies: which behaviour I begged he would no longer continue. Moreover, as I had heard, he had publicly proclaimed himself captain general and Governor’s deputy on behalf of Diego Velázquez, and had appointed alcaldes and regidores and administered justice, all which things were of great disservice to your Majesty and against the law, for this land now belonging to your Majesty and being peopled by your Majesty’s subjects, such things could only be done by one bearing the special license of your Majesty, which, if he bore, I requested him to present it before me and the council of Vera Cruz, and it should be obeyed by me as the command of my king and master and carried out in so far as should be fitting to your Majesty’s royal service. I likewise gave the priest a letter to the licenciado Ayllón whom, as I afterwards learnt, Narváez had already taken prisoner together with his two ships.
The day that this priest left, a messenger arrived from Vera Cruz to inform me that all the natives in those parts, especially the Cempoallans, had risen in favour of Narváez, and on account of the forces which he had would not assist in holding the city for me, for they had had news that Narváez intended to camp in that city and was already very near it. Moreover, knowing what his designs were against all of us, if he should march against them, they intended to abandon Vera Cruz and take to the mountains until receiving further instructions from me. Upon this, seeing the great danger which was imminent and thinking that the Indians would not dare to rebel in my presence, I decided to advance to where he was.
I accordingly quitted the capital that same day leaving the Spanish quarters very well provided with maize and water and garrisoned with five hundred men and several guns. I myself had about seventy Spaniards and certain of the chief nobles of the city. I spoke to Muteczuma himself before setting out, reminding him that he was a vassal of your Majesty, and that he was now to receive the reward of his services; I was leaving in the charge of my men all the gold and jewels which he had given me to send to your Majesty, and was going out against people whom I believed to be evil despots and not your Majesty’s vassals. He promised me to provide my men with all things necessary, to guard what I had left there for your Majesty, and that his men would take me by a road which led entirely through his dominions and would provide for me on the way. Moreover, if they were evil people as I thought, he begged me to acquaint him and he would go out with great numbers of his warriors to fight them and drive them from the land. For this I thanked him, assured him that your Majesty would grant him great favours, and gave many trinkets and clothes both to him, his son and many nobles who were with him. At Cholula I met Juan Velázquez who as I have said was returning with his men from Guasacualco, and fifty leagues further on Father Olmedo whom I had sent to the port. He brought me various news about Narváez, some of which I have already related; and in addition, that certain gold ornaments had been given him on the part of Muteczuma, and he had given certain things in return bidding the messengers tell Muteczuma that he would set him free and would take me and all my company prisoner and would then depart from the land. Finally I learnt that he was resolved to possess the land under his own authority, and that should we refuse to accept him as captain general in the name of Diego Velázquez he intended to attack us, for which reason he had treated with the natives of the land, especially with Muteczuma, by means of his messengers. Seeing then the great disservice that would follow to your Majesty, and although he bore orders from Diego Velázquez to take and hang certain of my company (myself included) if he should capture us, I continued steadily to advance until we were some fifteen leagues from his headquarters at Cempoal. There two priests together with Andrés de Duero met me, declaring on behalf of Narváez in answer to my letter that I was to acknowledge him as captain general and surrender the land to him; on which condition he was willing to hand over to me such ships and provisions as I needed and let me go free together with such men and treasure as I was able to take. I repeated that I had seen no license from your Majesty authorizing this request and if he possessed such it should be duly presented before me and the council of Vera Cruz according to Spanish law; but until that was done nothing should tempt me to do what he suggested: but rather I and my men would die in defence of the land which we had conquered and maintained in peace and order on behalf of your Majesty, not being traitors and disloyal subjects to our king. After much vain argument of a like nature we agreed that Narváez and ten persons should meet myself and ten others under a flag of truce, and he should there show me his license if such he had. I on my part sent him a signed declaration of truce and received one from him in exchange. I had good reason to believe, however, that he did not mean to observe this: indeed, two of the ten were instructed to kill me while the rest held off my men, for they deemed that with my death their object was achieved, as indeed it would have been, if God had not brought such plans to naught by certain news which came to my ears. Knowing this I wrote to Narváez telling him that I could not meet him in such circumstances and warning him that if he and his men would not appear before me to learn what their duty was towards your Majesty I should proceed against them as traitors and rebellious vassals and would take them prisoner according to the law.
The only reply which Narváez made to this was to take prisoner my messenger and certain other Indians whom I had sent, and after making great display of his troops before them, to threaten them with what would befall them if they would not consent to surrender the land. Seeing then that in no way could I prevent this evil, and that the natives were daily being led to rebel further, I put aside all fears of possible danger, thinking myself happy to die in the service of my king and defending his lands from usurpation; and therefore putting my trust in God I gave Gonzalvo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, orders to go with eight men and arrest Narváez and those who called themselves alcaldes and regidores in his name: I myself with one hundred and seventy men, all on foot and without any guns, followed close behind him, to support him if Narváez and his men should attempt to resist.
Narváez heard from the natives of our approach on Cempoal where he was stationed and sallied out on to the plain with eight horse and some five hundred foot, not counting those that he left behind in his camp, which was the largest temple in the city. Not perceiving us, however, he thought that the Indians had been tricking him and retired, keeping his men on the watch and posting two sentinels almost a league out from the city. Desiring to avoid all scandal I thought that our purpose would best be attained by proceeding by night, without being perceived if that were possible, straight to Narváez’s lodging, which I and all my men knew well, and there arresting him. Accordingly on the night of Whit Sunday a little after midnight I advanced upon his camp and immediately came across the two sentinels, one of whom was captured, from whom I learnt how Narváez’s men were positioned, but the other escaped. I consequently pushed on as fast as I could to prevent his giving them news of our advance, but he succeeded in arriving some half an hour before us. When finally I came up to where Narváez was, all his men were already armed and mounted, with two hundred soldiers ready posted to guard each building. We arrived so quietly, however, that when they at last perceived us and gave the call to arms I was already entering the courtyard of his lodging in which all his men were gathered. Three or four towers which rose at the corners and all the other strong buildings were also in their possession. In one of these towers where Narváez had his own rooms there were no less than nineteen guns placed in position, but we made such a rush to mount the steps that they only had time to fire one of them which by the mercy of God did not go off and so hurt no one. In this manner Sandoval and his men fought their way right up to Narváez’s bedroom where he and some fifty others were opposing them, and notwithstanding that many times they ordered him to give himself up to your Majesty he obstinately refused until the tower was fired and he surrendered. In the meantime, while Sandoval was arresting Narváez I with the rest of my men was defending the entrance to the tower against those who were coming to their master’s help, and training the guns on them which we had captured I thus fortified myself: in such wise, that without any fatalities (barring two men who were killed by a cannon-ball) in the space of one hour all those who were to be arrested were in chains and the rest disarmed; the latter now very readily promised obedience to your Majesty, saying that they had been misled by their commander: and all now recognizing the evil intent of the aforesaid Diego Velázquez and Narváez were very joyful in that God had thus remedied it. For I can assure your Majesty that had not God mysteriously worked in this matter and victory had fallen to Narváez, it would have been the greatest hurt done for many years in this land among Spaniards one to another.
Two days after Narváez’s arrest I sent one officer back to Guasacualco and another north to that river, which Francisco de Garay’s ships reported they had seen. I remained with the rest of my men and sent a messenger to Tenochtitlan to tell the Spaniards there what had occurred.
He was back in twelve days bringing me letters from the alcalde from which I learnt that the Indians had attacked the garrison on all sides, fired many parts and made several mines: my men were in great difficulty and danger and would surely die, unless Muteczuma would order the attack to cease, for they were still completely surrounded and although not actually fighting could not venture so much as two steps outside the garrison. A large part of the stores I left them had been captured and the three brigs burnt. They were in great need and begged me for the love of God to come to their relief as soon as I could. Seeing their necessity and that if they were not rescued, besides their being killed by the Indians, and all the gold and jewels belonging to your Majesty and ourselves being captured, we should also lose the greatest and noblest city of all that have been discovered in the new world, which lost all else would follow, I immediately recalled the officers whom I had sent out, telling them to assemble by the shortest way in the province of Tlascala where I was with all my men. We accordingly joined forces again and I found myself at the head of seventy horses, five hundred foot and a fair number of guns. I immediately gave the order to advance as quickly as possible on the city, and the whole way not a single servant of Muteczuma’s came out to meet me as was usual, and the whole land seemed disturbed and practically deserted. I was not a little suspicious at this, thinking that the Spaniards whom I had left in the town were now all killed, and that the whole forces of the nation were gathered together waiting to ambush me in some defile where they would be able to take me at a disadvantage. I therefore advanced as cautiously as I could until reaching Tezcuco, which as I have mentioned to your Majesty is on the shore of the great lake. There I enquired of the inhabitants about the Spaniards in the capital and was informed that they were still alive. On this I told them to bring me a canoe and I would send one of my men to find out, adding that in the meantime while he was gone one of their chiefs was to stay with me under custody. At the moment that he was embarking another canoe arrived from across the lake containing a Spaniard from whom I learnt that they were all alive except four or five whom the Indians had killed, but that the natives had surrounded the garrison, would not let them pass beyond, and would only provide necessary food at exorbitant rates of exchange, but that since they had heard of my approach, they had behaved somewhat better; Muteczuma himself, they said, had declared that they were only waiting for my return to allow us to go freely about the city as formerly. In the same canoe there was a native bearing a message from Muteczuma in which he said that he could well imagine that I should be vexed at what had taken place in the city and should come with intent to do him harm, but begged me to put aside my wrath for it had grieved him as much as myself: nothing, he said, had been done with his will and consent, and many other things he added by which he hoped to placate my wrath: finally he begged me to lodge in the city as before, when my commands would be obeyed with no less promptitude than in the past. I sent back word saying that I was in no wise angry with him for I knew well his good will towards me, and that I would do as he said.
Next day (being the eve of Saint John the Baptist) I set out and camped for the night on the road but three leagues from the capital. On the day of Saint John after having heard mass I entered the city about midday, seeing few people about, and certain doors at the crossroads and turnings taken down, which appeared to be a bad sign, although I considered that it was done out of fright for what had already occurred and that my entrance would serve to calm them. I went straight to the fortress and the great temple next to it in which my men had taken up their quarters, and where they received us with such joy as if we had given them back their lives which they counted already lost and so we remained there very much at ease throughout the rest of that day and night, thinking that all disturbance had settled down. Next day after hearing mass I despatched a messenger to Vera Cruz giving them the good news that I had entered the city to find the Christians alive and the city now quiet. But in half an hour he returned all covered with bruises and wounds, crying that the whole populace of the city was advancing in war dress and all the bridges were raised. And immediately behind him came a multitude of people from all parts so that the Streets and house-roofs were black with natives; all of whom came on with the most frightful yells and shouts it is possible to imagine.
The Stones from their slings came down on us within the fortress as if they were raining from the sky; the arrows and darts fell so thickly that the walls and courtyards were full of them and one could hardly move without treading on them. I made sallies in one or two parts and they fought against us with tremendous fury; one of my officers led two hundred men out by another door and before he could retire they had killed four of them and wounded both him and many others. I myself and many of my men were also wounded. We killed but few of them for they were waiting for us on the other side of the bridges, and did us much damage from the flat house-tops with stones: some of these flat roofs we gained possession of and burnt the houses. But there were so many and so strongly fortified, being held by such numbers of natives and all so well provided with stones and other missiles, that we were not numerous enough to take all of them nor to hold what we had taken, for they could attack us at their pleasure.
The fight went on so fiercely in the fortress itself that they succeeded in setting fire to it in many parts, and actually burnt a large portion, without our being able to stop the flames until at last we broke down a Stretch of wall and thus prevented it from spreading further. Indeed, had it not been for the Strong guard I placed there of musketeers, crossbowmen and guns they would have entered under our eyes without our being able to Stop them. We continued thus fighting all day until night was well come, though even then the yelling and commotion did not cease. During the night I ordered the doorways which had suffered by the fire to be repaired and all other places of the fortress which seemed to me weak. I decided upon the squads that were to defend the various parts of the fortress on the morrow and also the one that was to sally out with me to attack the Indians outside: I also ordered the wounded to be looked to, who numbered more than eighty.
As soon as it was day the enemy began to attack us with greater fury even than the day before: they came on in such numbers that the gunners had no need to take aim but simply poured their shot into the mass. Yet in spite of the damage done by the guns, for there were three arquebuses without counting muskets and crossbows, they made so little impression that their effect could hardly be perceived, for wherever a shot carried away ten or a dozen men, the gap closed up with others so that it seemed as if no damage had been done. Upon this, leaving such suitable guard as I could in the fortress I sallied out and got possession of a few houses, killing many of those who were defending them: but their numbers were so great that although we had done still greater damage it would have had but slight effect. Moreover, whereas we had to continue fighting all the day they could fight for several hours and then give way to others, for their forces were amply sufficient. They again wounded as many as fifty to seventy Spaniards that day, although no one was killed, and so we fought on till nightfall when we had to retire worn out to the fortress.
Seeing then the great damage that our enemies did us, and that they could wound and kill us almost unhurt themselves, we spent the whole of that night and next day in making three wooden engines, each one of which would protect twenty men when they had got inside it: the engines were covered with boards to protect the men from the stones which were thrown from the housetops; and those chosen to go inside were crossbowmen and musketeers together with others provided with pickaxes, hoes and iron bars to burrow under the houses and tear down the barricades which they had erected in the streets. All the while these wooden affairs were being made fighting did note ease for a moment, in such wise that as we prepared to make a sally out of the fortress they attempted to force an entrance, and it was as much as we could do to resist them. Muteczuma, who was still a prisoner together with his son and many other nobles who had been taken on our first entering the city, requested to be taken out on to the flat roof of the fortress, where he would speak to the leaders of the people and make them stop fighting. I ordered him to be brought forth and as he mounted a breast-work that extended beyond the fortress, wishing to speak to the people who were fighting there, a stone from one of their slings struck him on the head so severely that he died three days later: when this happened I ordered two of the other Indian prisoners to take out his dead body on their shields to the people, and I know not what became of it; save only this that the fighting did not cease but rather increased in intensity every day.
The day that Muteczuma was wounded they called out to me from the place where he had been struck down saying that some of the native captains wished to speak to me; and thither I went and spent much time talking with them, begging them to cease fighting against me, for they had no reason to do so, and should consider that I had always treated them very well. They replied that I should depart and abandon their land when they would immediately stop fighting; but otherwise they were of a mind to kill us, or die themselves to a man. This they said, as it appeared, in order to persuade me to leave the fortress, when they would fall upon us at their pleasure between the bridges as we left the city. I replied that they were not to think that I besought them for peace because I feared them in any way, but because I was grieved at the damage I was doing them and should have to do them, and in order not to destroy so fine a city: to which they still replied that they would not cease fighting until I should leave the city.
The wooden constructions having been finished I sallied out next day to capture certain roofs and bridges. The wooden affairs went first, and behind them four guns and numerous crossbowmen and soldiers bearing shields, with more than three thousand Tlascalan Indians who had come with me and acted as servants to the Spaniards. Coming to a bridge we placed the engines close against the walls of the house and put up the ladders which we carried with us to mount on to the roof. The enemy, however, were so numerous defending the bridges and roofs, and the stones which they cast down on us so many and large that they put the wooden erection out of action, killed one Spaniard and wounded many more, without our being able to gain so much as a foot of ground, although we fought stubbornly for it from early morning until noon, upon which we returned sad at heart to the fortress.
This check roused their spirits to such an extent that they forced their way almost to the inner towers and succeeded in taking the temple, the chief tower of which was quickly filled with as many as five hundred Indians, all seemingly of high rank. Forthwith they proceeded to carry up large stores of bread, water and other food, together with plentiful supplies of stones. Most of them, moreover, were armed with long lances with heads of flint broader but no whit less sharp than our own; and from their position they did great damage to my men within the fortress for they were very close. The Spaniards two or three times attacked this tower and attempted to mount it, but as it was very tall and steep, having more than a hundred steps, and those above were well provided with stones and arms and moreover protected to a certain extent since we had been unable to take the neighbouring roofs, they were forced to descend every time they attempted, and suffered many casualties; whereupon the natives in other parts of the city were so encouraged as to rush on the fortress without any signs of fear. Seeing that if our enemies were allowed to hold the tower they would not only do us much damage but would encourage the rest, I sallied out from the fortress, though disabled in the left hand from a wound received in the first day’s fighting. Tying my shield on to my arm, however, I made for the tower followed by certain others and we surrounded it entirely at its base; this was done with no great difficulty, although not without danger, since my men had to deal with the enemy who were rushing up on all sides to support their comrades. I myself with a few behind me began to mount the staircase of the tower. And although they defended themselves very furiously, so much so that three or four Spaniards were knocked spinning downstairs, nevertheless with the help of God and our Gracious Mother, to whose honour the building had been dedicated and crowned with her statue, we finally got up the tower, and fought with them on top so fiercely that they were forced to leap down on to certain flat roofs, between which and the tower there was a gap of about a yard. There were about three or four of these all about eighteen feet below the top of the tower. Some fell right to the ground and were either broken by the fall or dispatched by the Spaniards who were below. Those who escaped on to the flat roofs continued to fight with extreme bravery so that it was more than three hours before we finished with them, and then there was not a man left alive. And your Majesty may well believe that had not God broken their ranks twenty of them might have stopped a thousand men from mounting the tower. Nevertheless those who died fought very valiantly. When it was all over I set fire to this tower and the other towers of the temple, having already abandoned them and removed all the images of the saints which we had placed there.
They lost somewhat of their pride on our taking this stronghold from them; so much so that on all sides their attack slackened, on which I returned to the housetop and spoke to the captains with whom I had already held speech and who were somewhat dismayed by what they had seen. On their approach I bade them note that they could not help themselves, that each day we should do them great hurt and kill many of them; already we were burning and destroying their city and would have to continue so to do until nothing of it or of them remained. To which they replied that they plainly perceived this but were determined to die to a man, if need be, to finish with us. And they bade me observe that the streets, squares and rooftops were all packed full of people, and that they had reckoned that if twenty-five thousand of them were to die for every one of us yet we should perish sooner, for we were few and they were many; and they gave me to know that all the bridges in the streets had been removed, as was indeed the case excepting a single one. We had therefore no way of escape except by water. Moreover, they knew well that we had but slight store of food and drinking water so that we could not hold out long without dying of hunger, even if they should not kill us themselves. And in truth they were perfectly right: for had we no other foes than hunger and general shortness of provisions, we were like to die in a short time. Many other arguments were put forward each supporting his own position.
After nightfall I went out with a few Spaniards and taking them off their guard succeeded in capturing a whole street in which we burnt more than three hundred houses. So soon as the natives had rushed there I returned by another street where I likewise set fire to many houses, especially to certain ones with low flat roofs lying close to the fortress from which they had inflicted great damage upon us. What was done that night inspired them with great terror, and the same night I turned my engineers on to repairing the wooden structures which had been put out of action the previous day.
In order to follow up the victory which God had given us I sallied out as soon as dawn broke along the street where they had repulsed us the day before and which we found no less strongly defended than on the former occasion. However, our lives and honour were at stake, for the road joined up with the causeway leading to the mainland; though there were eight broad, deep gaps to be crossed where the bridges had been, and the whole street was lined with many flat-roofed houses and high towers: nevertheless we pushed forward with such determination and spirit that God helping us we gained four of the bridges from the enemy during the day and burnt all the towers and houses right up to the last one of them: notwithstanding that during the previous night they had built up strong barricades of clay and earth so that our guns and crossbows were rendered ineffective. The bridges or rather where the bridges had been were filled up with clay and earth from the barricades and a great quantity of wood and stones from the houses we had destroyed. All this was not done without grave danger and the wounding of many of my men, but that night I placed a strong guard at the bridges to make certain that they should not be recaptured. Early next morning I again advanced; and God granting us equal good fortune and success, in spite of the innumerable natives who were defending the huge barricades in front of the gaps they had made during the night, we won them all and blocked them up: in such wise that certain of my men on horseback followed up the victory by charging along the causeway right to the mainland. In the mean-time while I was busied in the work of repairing and blocking up the bridges they came to call me in great haste saying that the Indians were advancing on the fortress and asking for peace, certain of their chieftains being come there to speak with me. Immediately, leaving all my men there and a few guns I went back with only two horsemen to see what they wished. The chieftains told me that if I would give my word that they should not be punished for what had already been done, they would raise the blockade, restore the bridges and roads, and serve your Majesty as heretofore. They begged me to send for one of their priests whom I had captured who was in some way the chief priest of their religion. He was sent for, spoke to them and made an agreement between them and myself. Then, it seemed, they sent messengers, or so they said, to the captains and people who were in the town to tell them to cease attacking the fortress and all other fighting. With this we bade farewell to each other and I went inside to eat. But while I was still at my meal they came running to tell me that the Indians had attacked the bridges which we had won from them during the day and had killed several Spaniards: which news, God knows, came to me as a sore blow, for I thought we should have no more difficulty having once cleared our way of retreat. I leapt to my horse and galloped as fast as I could along the causeway followed by a few others on horse-back. Without stopping I charged straight at the Indians and succeeded in winning back the bridges, pursuing them right to the mainland. The infantry was tired, wounded and dismayed, and not one of them followed me: in a moment I saw the great danger I was in, and thinking to return across the bridges I found them taken again and already partially unblocked. The causeway was lined with people on either side both on land and in canoes on the water, who attacked us with spears and stones so fiercely that had it not been the will of God mysteriously to save us, it would have been impossible for us to escape, and already it was being published among those who remained in the fortress that I was dead. On coming to the last bridge before the city, I found all those who had accompanied me on horseback already fallen into the gap and one horse swimming about without a rider. It was therefore impossible for me to pass, and I was forced to turn and face my enemies single-handed, keeping them at bay for some time so that the horses could get across. The bridge itself was almost destroyed and I finally passed over with some difficulty, there being one place where my horse had to leap across a gap some six feet wide. Both my horse and myself, however, were well armed and were consequently not wounded, suffering only bruises. We thus remained victorious that night with the four bridges in our possession. I left a strong guard over those newly won and went back to the fortress, where I ordered a wooden bridge to be built capable of allowing forty men to pass at once. Seeing then the great danger we were in and the damage that the Indians did us each day, and fearing that they might entirely break up the causeway as they had done the others, in which case there was nothing but death for all of us, being moreover repeatedly requested by all my men to leave the city, most of them now being so badly wounded that they could hardly fight, I decided to make the attempt that very night. Accordingly I got together all the gold and jewels belonging to your Majesty that I could and placed them in a separate room, where I had them made up into various bundles, and handed them over to certain officials of your Majesty whom I specially appointed in your Majesty’s royal name. I likewise besought the alcaldes and regidores together with all others present to assist me in carrying the treasure to a place of safety, for which purpose I gave one of my own mares which was loaded with as much as it could carry: I appointed certain Spaniards, both my servants and those of others, to accompany the mare with the gold, and the remaining amount was divided between all the men by the aforesaid royal officials, the alcaldes and regidores and myself. Upon this, abandoning the fortress we sallied out as secretly as we could with great treasure both of your Majesty and of my soldiers and myself, taking with us a son and two daughters of Muteczuma, Cacamacin, ruler of Culhuacan, and his brother whom I had put in his place, together with other rulers of cities and provinces whom I held prisoners. On coming to the first of the gaps in the causeway from which the Indians had removed the bridges the wooden bridge which I had ordered to be made was thrown across without much difficulty, for there was no one to offer any resistance save a few sentinels. These however gave the alarm so effectively that before we had arrived at the second an innumerable mass of the enemy were upon us, attacking us on all sides both from the water and the land. I myself hurried forward with five horsemen and a hundred foot, swimming across the gaps in the causeway, and thus reached the mainland. Leaving that body as a vanguard, I turned back to the rear where I found them fighting very desperately, and receiving infinitely more damage than they had yet done, both the Spaniards and the Tlascalan Indians who were helping us. Frightful execution was done on these, as also on the natives by the Spaniards. Many Spaniards and horses had been killed, all the gold, jewels, clothing and other things we were carrying were lost, and in addition all the guns. Rallying those who were still alive I urged them forward, and myself with three or four horsemen and as many as twenty foot who were brave enough to stay with me kept in the rear, beating off the Indians until we arrived at the city of Tacuba which is at the other end of the causeway, in which fighting God knows the peril and toil I suffered. Every time that I charged the enemy I returned covered with arrows and darts and beaten with stones: for since there was water on both sides they could strike at us unharmed and without fear of those who were on the land. Then on our charging them they would leap into the water, in such wise that they received very little hurt, though there were some who in the press stumbled one against the other and thus fell and were killed. With such difficulty and fatigue I got all my men to Tacuba without losing any further Spaniard or Indian save one horseman who was with me in the rearguard, and not for a moment did the enemy stop fighting both in front and on either flank but principally in the rear where all the people came pouring out upon us from the city.
On arriving at Tacuba I found all my men gathered together in a square not knowing where to go. I immediately ordered them to hasten to the outskirts of the city before more troops should come in and capture the flat rooftops, from which the natives would do us much hurt. Those of the vanguard said they did not know in which direction to go, on which I ordered them to remain in the rear, and myself led the vanguard out of the city and waited there in some ploughed fields. When the rearguard came up I found that they had had several casualties, both Spaniards and Indians having been killed, and much gold had been dropped on the way which the natives were busy in picking up. There I remained until all my forces had passed, holding off the Indians and thus giving the foot soldiers time to take possession of a strong tower and buildings situated on a hill which they took without further casualties. For I did not leave the place nor allow any of the enemy to pass until they had succeeded in taking it, and God knows what fatigue and toil we suffered there, for there was not a horse out of the twenty-four remaining to us which could run, nor a horseman who could raise his arm, nor a foot soldier unwounded or fit to fight. Coming up finally to the buildings we fortified ourselves in them, and there the enemy surrounded us and kept us surrounded until nightfall without giving us a moment’s rest. In this retreat it was found later on calling the lists that one hundred and fifty Spaniards lost their lives, forty-five horses and more than two thousand of the Tlascalan Indians who had come to serve the Spaniards; among those killed were also the son and daughter of Muteczuma and all the other chiefs whom I held prisoner.
That night at midnight thinking not to be seen we abandoned the tower and outbuildings very cautiously, leaving many fires lighted inside, but ignorant of the road or in what direction to go, having only one of the Tlascalan Indians as a guide who said he would bring us to his country providing they did not stop us on the way. Their sentinels, however, perceived us very soon and immediately gave the alarm to a number of townships close by from which crowds of natives sallied out and followed close on our heels until morning. Just as dawn was breaking five of our horse going on in front as an advance guard came upon some squadrons of the enemy drawn up in the road, and succeeded in killing some of them and scattering the rest who thought there were more horse and foot in the rear. Seeing that the enemy was increasing on all sides I gathered my men together and those who were fit to strike a blow I split up into squadrons, placing them in the van, in the rear and on both sides, with the wounded in the middle, and dividing up the horsemen in the same manner. So we continued all that day beating off the enemy on all sides in such wise that from the time we set out in the middle of the previous night we did not go above three leagues. However it was God’s will as night was coming on that we should see a tower and buildings perched on a hill where we fortified ourselves as we had done before. That night they left us in peace, although a little before dawn there was another alarm caused by nothing more than the fear which we all possessed of the multitudes of the enemy who were continuing in pursuit.
The next day I again set out in the same order, keeping an eye upon both van and rearguard. The enemy still kept up with us on one side and another, yelling and giving the alarm to the whole district which is thickly populated. Those of us who were on horseback though few in number charged them several times, but did little damage, for as the ground was somewhat broken they retreated before us to the hills. We continued thus throughout that day marching along the shore of the lakes until we came to a fair-sized town where we expected to meet with some opposition from the inhabitants. But as we came up they abandoned it and fled to other townships near by. Accordingly we camped there both that day and the next, for the men whether wounded or whole were weary and worn out with hunger and thirst, and the horses were no less exhausted: there, fortunately, we found some maize which we ate and cooked to take with us on the march. Next day we again set off still harassed by the enemy who attacked us in the van and rear, yelling and making charges from time to time. We pursued the road as directed by our Indian guide and suffered much toil and hardship by it for we were many times forced to go out of our way. It was already late when we came to a collection of huts grouped together in a plain where we camped that night. We were now running very short of provisions. Early next day we began our march but were not yet on the road when the enemy had already come up with the rearguard and had begun skirmishing with them. After proceeding two leagues we came to a large town at the right of which there were a few Indians gathered together on a little hill. Thinking to capture them, for they were very near the road, and also to discover whether any more of the enemy could be seen from the hilltop, I left the main body accompanied by five horsemen and ten or a dozen foot and rode round the hill. Behind it there was a large town filled with people with whom we engaged so fiercely, that the ground being rocky and covered with stones and their numbers far exceeding ours, we were at last forced to retreat to the village occupied by our main body. I myself came off badly, being wounded in the head from two stones. Having had my wounds bound up I gave orders to leave the village for it seemed to me too insecure as a camping place. In this wise we continued our march, the Indians still following us in large numbers and attacking us so fiercely that four or five Spaniards and as many horses were wounded and one horse killed. God knows what a loss it was to us and our grief at its death, for our whole safety lay (after God) in the horses; however, its flesh somewhat consoled us and we ate every bit of it, leaving neither skin nor anything else, such was our hunger. For since leaving the large town by the lake we had eaten nothing except maize cakes (and there were not enough of those to go round) and greenstuff which we had gathered from the fields.
Seeing then that the enemy increased each day in numbers and in fury while we were growing weaker I gave orders that night for the wounded and sick whom we had hitherto carried on the haunches of the horses and our own backs to make themselves some kind of crutches and other contrivances by which they could manage to get along so that the horses and fit men might be free to fight. It seemed as if the Holy Spirit himself inspired me in this matter according to what befell us on the following day: for in the morning having advanced on our road about a league and a half from where we had been encamped, a great number of Indians sallied out to meet us, so many that in front, rear and on all sides the whole plain as far as one could see was black with them. They attacked us so fiercely on every side that we could hardly recognize each other so closely were the enemy mingled with us. And in truth we thought our last day had come, the strength of the Indians being overpowering and our own powers of resistance almost at an end, seeing that we were worn out and almost all wounded and faint with hunger. Nevertheless Our Lord deigned to show His great power and mercy towards us; so that in spite of all our weakness we broke down their pride and obstinacy, killing many of them, including many chieftains and leaders; for their numbers were so great that they got in each other’s way and could neither fight nor fly. Struggling thus we continued a great part of the day until by God’s will one of their chieftains was killed who must have been so important that with his death the battle entirely ceased. So we continued our way somewhat relieved although still consumed with hunger until we arrived at a little house set in the midst of the plain where we camped that night and in the open fields. Already a few hills in the province of Tlascala could be descried, at which our hearts were filled with not a little thankfulness. For we knew the land now and the road by which we should have to travel. Nevertheless we were not very certain in our minds of finding the natives of that province still subject to your Majesty and friendly to us; for on seeing us returning in such plight they might decide, we thought, to put an end to our lives and thus recover the liberty which they once enjoyed. This thought and anxiety made our hearts as heavy as they had been when we were engaged in battle with the Culuans.
The following day was clear and we set out on a broad road leading straight to the province of Tlascala, for few of the enemy were now following us although there were numerous large townships close by; far in the rear, however, from the top of several small hills they still uttered yells of defiance. And so that day which was Sunday, the 8th of July, we left the whole land of Culua and came to the province of Tlascala to a town called Gualipán of some two or three thousand inhabitants, where we were very well received by the natives, and our hunger and fatigue somewhat appeased. Most of the provisions which they gave us, however, had to be paid for in money, and they even refused to take anything but gold which in our great need we were forced to give them. We remained in this town three days. Magiscatzin and Sicutengal both came to see me, together with all the lesser chieftains of Tlascala and some of Guasucingo. They all showed much grief for what had befallen us and endeavoured to console me, saying that they had warned me many times that the Culuans were traitors and that I should beware of them, but I had never been willing to believe it. Still seeing that I had escaped with my life I must be of good heart, for they would aid me to the death in revenging myself on the Culuans for the hurt they had done me. For besides being obliged to do so as being vassals of your Majesty they themselves mourned many sons and brothers who had met their death in my company and many other injuries which in the past they had received; so that I could hold it very certain that they would be my loyal and faithful friends to the death. Moreover seeing that I was wounded and all my men worn out they bade us go to the city four leagues away and take our rest there, and they would help us to recover from our fatigue and labours. I thanked them and agreed to their suggestion, giving them sundry little trinkets which I had preserved and with which they were very pleased, and we set off with them for the city where we were also very well received. Magiscatzin himself brought me a finely made bed of wood with certain coverings such as they use on which to sleep, for we had nothing with us, and likewise he helped all in so far as he was able.
I had left in this city a few sick men when I was returning to Tenochtitlan and certain of my servants with plate, clothes and other household furniture and light provisions which I had with me, in order to travel seeing that anything might happen to us on the way. Likewise all my diaries and the treaties I had made with the natives of these parts were left together with the beds and clothes of all the men who accompanied me and who carried with them nothing more than what they stood up in. I now learnt that another of my servants had arrived from Vera Cruz in my absence bringing food and other things for me and accompanied by five horsemen and five and forty foot. He had set out with those I had left in the city and all my plate and belongings as well as that of my companions—including seven thousand pesos of gold melted down which I had left in two large chests together with other ornaments loose, more than thirteen thousand pesos of gold in pieces brought back by the captain who had been sent to settle the province of Guasacualco, and many other things totalling rather more than thirty thousand pesos— and all had been murdered on the way by the Culuan Indians who captured all the treasure that they were carrying. Many other Spaniards, I learnt, had been killed by the Culuans on the road leading to Tenochtitlan, thinking, that I was peacefully settled in the capital and that the roads were safe as they had been before.
At this news, I assure your Majesty we were as sad as we could well be, for in addition to the actual loss of men and goods, it brought to our memory all those whom we had lost at the hands of the enemy at the bridges in the capital and on the road. More especially I was put in great anxiety lest the natives should also have risen against the townsfolk in Vera Cruz, and that those whom we took to be our friends might not have rebelled on hearing of our repulse. I immediately sent out messengers to find out the truth accompanied by Indian guides, who were to make their way to Vera Cruz across country, and let me know as quickly as possible what had occurred there. God be praised, they found the Spaniards there in good health and the natives very peaceful. Which news requited us for our past loss and sadness; although for them it was bad news enough to hear of the ill fortune of our expedition and our final retreat. I remained in this province of Tlascala twenty days recovering from the wounds I had received, for what with the long journey and lack of attention they had become much worse. I attended likewise to the healing of those of my company who were wounded. Some died either from their wounds or the fatigue of the march, others remained maimed and lame, for their wounds were very severe and there was very little in the way of effective treatment. I myself lost the use of two fingers of my left hand.
Seeing that many were killed, and that those who had escaped were weak, wounded, and demoralized by the perils and toils which they had passed through, and fearing those dangers which were still to come (and in truth it seemed they might be upon us at any minute) my men more than once begged me to return to Vera Cruz and there fortify ourselves, before the natives of the land, who for the moment seemed friendly but might soon realize our weakness and unpreparedness, should join with our enemies and seize the passes that lay between us and Vera Cruz; they could then attack us and the inhabitants of that city separately, whereas if we once joined forces at Vera Cruz with the boats there as well, we should be infinitely stronger, and could defend ourselves in case of attack until help should arrive from the Islands. But I considered that to show signs of weakness to the natives, especially to our friends, would result in their abandoning us and going over to our enemies all the sooner; so calling to mind that fortune always favours the brave, that we were Christians, and confiding in the infinite goodness and mercy of God who would not permit us all to perish, or that such a noble land which was already on the point of being subjected should be lost to your Majesty, I determined that nothing should prevail upon me to cross the passes between us and the sea: but rather, putting aside all thought of toils and dangers that might beset us, I told them that in no wise would I abandon this land for I considered that to do so would not only be shameful to my person and full of danger for us all, but also disloyal in the highest degree to your Majesty. I was therefore determined to turn upon the enemy wherever I could, and attack him by whatever means were possible.
Having been in this province twenty days, although I was not yet recovered from my wounds and my men were still very weak, I left it for Tepeaca, the natives of whom were allies of the Culuans, and had, I was informed, killed a dozen or so Spaniards on the road from Vera Cruz. Immediately on my entering the province large numbers of the natives came out to oppose us and stop our advance as best they could, taking up their positions in strongholds built on the top of steep hills. There is not space to give your Majesty all the particulars of this war, so I will simply say that although the province is very large in about three weeks I had pacified most of the towns and villages in it; and the chieftains had duly come in to offer themselves as vassals of your Majesty. I have moreover banished from this province all those Culuans who had come hither to persuade the natives to make war on us and prevent them whether they were willing or not from being our friends. In such wise that up to this moment I have been busied in carrying on the war, which is still not quite finished, a few towns and villages still remaining to be subjected: the which with God’s help will soon be accomplished and they will remain like the others subject to your Majesty. In a certain part of this province, namely where the ten Spaniards were killed, since the natives were always very rebellious and warlike, I made slaves of those who were captured in arms, of whom a fifth were handed over to your Majesty’s officials. For in addition to having murdered the Spaniards and rebelled against your Majesty’s service they eat human flesh, a fact so notorious that I send your Majesty no further proof of it. I was also moved to enslave them in order to frighten the Culuans, and because moreover the natives are so numerous that if a signal and severe warning is not given them, they will never mend their ways. In this war we had the aid of the Indians from Tlascala, Cholula and Guasucingo, by which our friendship with them has been much strengthened and we are confident that they will continue to serve your Majesty as his loyal vassals. When the province had been thus pacified I held many conversations with your Majesty’s officials as to the order which should be observed in its future government. Seeing that the natives had rebelled before, that the Culuans were their neighbours and might persuade them to revolt again, and above all that the coast road to Vera Cruz has only two bad passes very rocky and steep, both of which are on the borders of this province and could be easily defended by the natives, we finally decided that a town should be established in the most suitable part of this province of Tepeaca, and that the necessary officials should be appointed. Whereupon I christened the town Segura de la Frontera in your Majesty’s name and appointed alcaldes, regidores and other officials according to the law. And for the greater security of the townsfolk, in the place decided upon, they have already begun to bring materials for a fortress, for there is plenty of suitable stone in these parts and they will make haste to finish building it as quickly as possible.
(Cortés proceeded straightway with the reconquest of the central provinces of Mexico, which on hearing of the Christians’ retreat from Tenochtitlan had thrown off their allegiance to the Spaniards. Thirteen horse and two hundred foot with thirty thousand Tlascalan Indians were sent off to the city of Guacahula to aid the ruler against the Culuans. The Spaniards feared treachery from the city and finally Cortés went thither himself. Great slaughter was done on the enemy and both Guacahula and Izzucan, four leagues off, surrendered to Cortés. Other rulers began to come in from the cities and provinces round about and were accepted again as vassals. Cortés then continues):
In such wise your Majesty may rest assured that in a very short space of time all that was lost or at any rate the greater part of it will have been regained, for daily messengers arrive from many provinces and cities which were formerly subject to Muteczuma, seeing that those who do so are well received and well treated by me, whereas those who oppose me are daily destroyed.
From those who were taken prisoner in Guacahula, in particular from one badly wounded Indian, I learnt in some detail what had happened in Tenochtitlan. On the death of Muteczuma a brother of his, Guatimucin, ruler of Iztapalapa, had succeeded him, for Muteczuma’s two sons were killed in crossing the bridges; and of his two remaining sons one was reputed to be mad and the other paralyzed. They were fortifying the capital as also all other cities within their territory; and were making many enclosures, pits and ditches, and many kinds of weapons. In particular I learnt that they were making lances as big as pikes to use against the horses, some of which we have already seen in this province of Tepeaca.
I am sending four ships to Hayti to bring back horses and men to reinforce us; and also sending to purchase another four to be loaded at Santo Domingo with horses, arms, crossbows, and powder, which is what is most lacking in these parts. For foot soldiers with shields are of little use by themselves, the enemy being so numerous and defending themselves in such great cities and fortresses. When these reinforcements arrive I intend to return to attack the capital and the surrounding country, and I believe, as I have already told your Majesty, that in a very short space of time it will return to the state in which it was before, and the past losses will be restored. Meanwhile I am building twelve brigs to use on the lake which surrounds the capital. The decking and other parts of them are already being made so that they can be carried overland and then put together close to the lake so as to save time. Nails are also being made for them, pitch and oakum prepared, and also sails and oars, and all other things necessary. And I can assure your Majesty that until I have succeeded in this end I think to take no rest nor spare any possible effort or means, taking no account or whatsoever toil, peril or cost in which it may involve me.
I have already said that Guatimucin was preparing for war, and I have just heard that he has sent messengers through all the provinces once subject to Muteczuma granting his vassals exemption from all taxes for a year on condition that they wage relentless war in every way they can on all Christians so as to kill them and banish them from the land, and likewise on such tribes as allied themselves to us as our friends. And although I trust God that his intentions will be frustrated, yet I find myself at great difficulty to aid and reinforce our Indian allies, who come daily from villages all over the land to beg for aid against the Culuans, their enemies and ours, who are waging war upon them with all their strength, on account of the friendship they have shown us: and I am unable to succour them as I should like. However I am confident, as I said, that it will please God to supplement our feeble resources and send help swiftly, both His own and that which I am sending for from Hayti.
From what I have seen and noted as to the similarity which the whole of this country bears to Spain, in fertility, size and the cold, as well as in many other things in which they resemble one another, it seemed to me that the most suitable name for this land would be New Spain, and so it was duly christened in the name of your royal Majesty. I humbly beg your Majesty to approve this and order that it be so named.
I have now written to your Majesty though in uncouth speech the true account of all that has happened in these parts which it is most necessary for your Majesty to know. In another letter which accompanies this one I entreat your Majesty to send out a trustworthy person to make enquiry and examination of everything and inform your Majesty of it; I venture humbly to make this request a second time and shall esteem it a signal favour as a means of giving entire credit to all that I have written.
Most high and excellent prince, may Our Lord God long preserve the life and royal person of your sacred Majesty and increase his powerful state for many years to come, with addition of many greater kingdoms and dominions, as your royal heart desires.
From the town of Segura de la Frontera in New Spain on the 30th of October in the year 1520.
From your Sacred Majesty’s very humble slave and vassal who kisses the royal hands and feet of your Highness.
HERNÁN CORTÉS.
