THE THIRD LETTER

Sent by Don Hernando Cortés, Captain-General and Chief Justice of Yucatán to the Emperor Don Carlos.

Most High and Mighty Prince, very Catholic and Invincible Emperor, and our Sovereign Lord:

By the hand of one Alonso de Mendoza, a citizen of Medellín, I sent to your Majesty from this New Spain on the 5th of March of last year, 1521, a second account of all that had happened here; this I had already completed on the 30th of October 1520, but bad weather and the consequent loss of three ships prevented my sending it to your Majesty earlier, I informed your Majesty that after being forced to quit Tenochtitlan, I had subsequently attacked the province of Tepeaca which had rebelled, and reduced them to the service of your Majesty. It was my firm resolution to return and avenge ourselves on the inhabitants of the capital who were the prime movers in these rebellions; and to that end I was beginning to make thirteen boats to engage the enemy on the water if those of the city persisted in their evil designs. Meanwhile I sent to Hayti for reinforcements of men, horses, guns and arms, and sent money to your Majesty’s officials there to cover all necessary expenses. And I can assure your Majesty that until such time as we should be victorious over our enemies I gave no thought to rest, nor ceased to strain every nerve to that end, putting aside as of no account whatever danger, toil or cost it might involve me in and hurrying forward preparations to leave the province of Tepeaca with the fixed resolve to return and combat against the inhabitants of the capital.

Accordingly, most powerful Prince, in the middle of the month of December of the said year, 1520, I marched out from the town of Segura de la Frontera, leaving at the earnest request of the natives a Captain and some seventy men behind, and sent all the foot ahead to Tlascala, some nine or ten leagues off, where the brigs were being built; I myself with some twenty horse went to sleep that night at Cholula. The natives had asked me to go there, since many of their chief men had died of the smallpox which rages in these lands as it does in the Islands, and they wished me with their approval and consent to appoint other rulers in their place. We were very well received upon our arrival, and having satisfactorily concluded the business which called me there, I explained that my road lay toward the provinces of Mexico on whom I was going to make war, and begged them, since they were vassals of your Majesty and therefore sworn friends with us to the death, to assist us with troops in the war and give those Spaniards who might pass through their lands such treatment as is due between friends. They promised me this, and after two or three days more in the city I left for Tlascala which is some six leagues distant, where I was received with much pleasure by both Spaniards and the natives of the city. On the following day all the chieftains of the city and province came to me saying that Magiscatzin, the principal ruler of them all, had died of the smallpox, but left a son about thirteen years old, who thus inherited his father’s territories: they begged me to invest him with them, which I did in your Majesty’s name, and all were very well contented.

On arriving in the city I found that the master carpenters and shipwrights were working hard at the timbers and decking of the boats and had made good progress with them. I immediately sent to Vera Cruz for all the iron and nails that they had, together with sails, rigging and other necessary gear. Moreover, since there was no pitch, I got certain Spaniards to manufacture it on a nearby hill. In such wise everything needful for the boats was being prepared so that when, God willing, we should have advanced into the central provinces of Mexico, I should be able to send for them thence, which would be some ten or a dozen leagues from Tlascala. Accordingly, during the fifteen days that I was there my only cares were to hurry on the work of the carpenters and see that every man’s arms were ready for our march.

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Title page of the first edition of the Third Letter, printed at Seville, 1524

On Boxing Day I held a review of all troops in Tlascala: they were 40 horse, 550 foot, including 80 crossbowmen and musketeers, and eight or nine field guns but very little powder. I split the horsemen up into four squadrons, ten in each, and the foot into nine companies of up to seventy in each. Having thus arranged them I addressed them all in these terms: “You are aware that in order to do service to his Majesty the Emperor we came to settle in this land, the inhabitants of which declared themselves vassals of his Majesty, and so remained for some time receiving good works from us, as we from them. But without cause the people of Culua, who are those dwelling in the great city of Tenochtitlan and all other provinces subject to them, not only rebelled against his Majesty but also slew many of our company, our kinsmen and our friends, and drove us forcibly from their land. Remember what trials and toils we have passed through, and consider how fitting it is to the service of God and his Catholic Majesty to turn and recover that which is lost, for which we have on our side just cause and reason; first, we are fighting to spread the faith against a barbarous people, second, we are serving his Majesty, third, we have to secure our very existence, fourth, many of the natives are joining us as our allies, all of which are potent causes to cheer our spirits. I beg you then, be cheerful and of a good courage.”

I had drawn up certain orders in the name of your Majesty touching discipline and other details of active service, and now ordered these to be publicly read, requesting that they should be duly observed and kept, from which great profit would accrue to God and to your Majesty. All promised to do so, and said that they would either die with a good will for our faith and in the service of God and your Majesty, or they would succeed in recovering what had been lost, and avenging the treachery of the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan and their allies. I thanked them in the name of your Majesty; and so highly contented we returned to our lodgings.

On the following day, that of Saint John the Baptist, I called all the rulers of Tlascala together, and told them, as they knew already, that I was going to take the road against our enemies on the morrow; they could see for themselves that Tenochtitlan could only be taken by means of the brigs which were being built there; and I begged them to provide the Spaniards whom I left there in charge with whatever they needed and continue the fair treatment we had ever received from them, so that the boats might be ready when I should send for them from Tezcuco (if God should give us the victory). They promised to do as I asked and wished to send certain warriors with me on my way. Moreover they would themselves come with the boats with every fit man in the land, and were willing to die with me or avenge themselves on the Culuans, their deadly enemies. Next day, on the 28th of December, the Day of the Holy Innocents, I left with all my men in marching order, and we slept that night at Tezmoluca, a township some six leagues off, in the province of Guajucingo, the natives of which have ever maintained with us the same friendship and alliance as those of Tlascala.

I was aware, most Catholic Lord, that the natives of Mexico were preparing armies and making numerous pits, barricades and blockades throughout their land in order to prevent our entering it, which they now knew that I was determined to do. Knowing this, and moreover how cunning and fierce they are in warfare, I had many times considered where best we could take them unawares. They knew that we had knowledge of three roads, and I therefore decided to take the Tezmoluca road (between the volcano and the mountain land) because the pass through which it led was the stiffest and roughest of the three; I thought that they would therefore guard it less strongly. On the following day, accordingly, having heard mass and commended ourselves to God we set out for Tezmoluca. I myself led the van with ten horse and some seventy light-armed foot, all picked men. We proceeded thus by the pass in as orderly fashion as we could, and halted four leagues from the town, at the top of the pass which was the boundary of Culuan land. And although it was tremendously cold, yet with the large quantities of wood we carried we managed pretty well. Next day, which was Sunday, we continued our way through the pass now on the level, and I sent four foot soldiers to reconnoitre the land. We now began to descend the pass: I ordered the horse to go first, then the crossbowmen and musketeers, and finally the rest of the men in due order; for however much we might take them off their guard we felt certain that they would dispute our passage or surprise us by some sudden ambush or charge. The four horsemen and foot soldiers going on in front found the road blocked with trees and branches, huge pine-trees and cypresses having been thrown across the road looking as if they had been but freshly cut: they proceeded further thinking to come to the end of them, but found the road still worse blocked. The whole pass was indeed so thick with trees and shrubs and the path so stopped up that they could only advance with great difficulty. They were forced to dismount from their horses and grew more fearful the more they advanced. They had gone some way when one of the four cried out: “Brothers, let us go no further, if so it seem good to you, and return to inform the Captain of the obstruction we have found, and the great danger we are running in not being able to use our horses: but if you think otherwise we will go on, for I am ready to give my life as soon as anyone in order to put an end to this business.” The others replied that they thought his counsel good, but did not think it would look well to return until they had sighted some of the enemy or knew how long the road was. So they went on, but seeing the road still stretching out before them they sent one of the foot soldiers back to report what they had found. I continued to advance with the vanguard, commending ourselves to God, and sent back word to the rear to press on as fast as they could and not be afraid, for they would soon find themselves in the open. We overtook the four horsemen in front and after another half a league’s difficult journey it pleased God to bring us out on the plain where I waited for the rest of my men, and on their arrival bade them all give thanks to God in that he had brought us safely out of that pass to the open ground, where we now saw stretching in front of us the provinces of Mexico and Tenochtitlan spread out round the great lakes. And although we rejoiced greatly to see them, yet recollecting the past hurt we had received there we felt a certain sadness and resolved every man to return from them victorious or leave our bones there: with which resolution we marched forward as cheerily as if we had been going upon a picnicking expedition. The enemy had by this time perceived us and immediately began to send up great smoke columns all over the plain. I turned back and encouraged my men bidding them bear themselves as they had ever done and as was expected of their persons, and repeating that not one should step aside from the path but should march forward in strict order. Already some of the Indians on the farms and villages nearby were beginning to shout to the rest of their compatriots to join them and attack us at certain bridges and difficult places which lay before us. We marched forward so rapidly, however, that before they could come together, we were already on level land. A few bands of Indians placed themselves in our way, and I ordered fifteen horsemen to charge them: this they did, spearing and killing several of them without receiving any hurt. We then continued our way towards Tezcuco, one of the largest and finest cities in these parts. The foot, however, were tired out, so that night we slept at Coatepec, a township subject to Tezcuco and some three leagues this side of it, which we found deserted. It occurred to us that night that in the city and its province of Aculuacan there might very well be at that time over a hundred and fifty thousand men ready to fall upon us: accordingly, I myself with ten horsemen went the round of the first watch, and saw to it that our men kept very much on the look-out.

Next day, which was Monday, December 31st, we again set out in our usual order, and a quarter of a league from Coatepec, as we rode along, anxious and arguing among ourselves as to whether the citizens of Tezcuco were going to meet us with peace or with war (and deciding that the latter was more probable), we were met on the way by four Indian chiefs bearing a golden banner on a staff, weighing four marks in gold, by which they gave us to understand that they were coming in peace: the which God knows how eagerly we desired and had need of, being so few and cut off from all help in the very midst of our foes. I knew one of the four Indians, and therefore commanding my men to halt approached them. Having saluted me they said that they came on behalf of one Guanacacin, ruler of that city and province, to request me to do no harm to his land, since those who had done us wrong were the inhabitants of Tenochtitlan and not they themselves, who were indeed willing to be vassals of your Majesty and our good friends; finally, he said, if we would visit their city we should see by their works the truth of their words. I replied through my interpreters that they were welcome, and I rejoiced to receive their friendship; but while they denied having fought against us in Tenochtitlan they must remember that but five or six leagues from Tezcuco and in certain towns subject to them five of my horsemen and some forty-five foot had been killed, together with more than three hundred Tlascalan Indians who were acting as bearers, and at the same time a great quantity of gold and cloths and other things had been stolen, so that since they could not clear themselves of this crime they were bound as punishment to restore all that belonged to us: on which condition notwithstanding that they were all worthy of death I was willing to make peace with them since they had requested it; but if they would not agree to this I should have to proceed against them with great severity. They replied that they had handed over all that they had stolen to the ruler and chiefs of Tenochtitlan, but would seek out all that they could and restore it to me. They then asked me whether I would prefer to lodge that night in one of two townships which are as it were suburbs of Tezcuco or proceed straight to the city some league and a half further on. It appeared afterwards that they desired me to do the first. I replied, however, that I intended to make no stop until I had reached the city, and they agreed to this, saying that they would go on in advance and prepare lodgings for us. They accordingly went on. On arriving at the townships certain chieftains came out from them bringing us food, and at midday we entered the main body of the city, and came to our lodgings which were in a large house formerly belonging to the father of Guanacacin, the ruler of the city. Before retiring for the night I gave strict orders to all my men that no one without my permission was to leave the buildings, which were indeed so large that had we been double our number we could still have lodged there very comfortably. I did this that the natives of the city might be reassured and remain in their houses; for it seemed to me that not more than a tenth part of the usual population was to be seen, and in particular no women or children, which was a sign of very little confidence on the part of the natives.

That night, which was New Year’s Eve, we arranged where the various companies were to sleep, still rather anxious at seeing so few people about and those that we saw very unsettled, but finally concluded that they were afraid to show themselves about the city, and at this conclusion were somewhat relieved. It was already late when a few Spaniards went up to some high flat roofs overlooking the whole city, and discovered that all the natives were abandoning it, some with their belongings embarking on the lake in canoes, others going off up the hillside. I immediately forbade their departure, but as it was late and night came on they were too quick for us and orders were useless. In this way the ruler of the city (whom I was eager to have in my power) made off with all the chief men to Tenochtitlan, six leagues away over the lake, taking most of their belongings with them. It was for this reason that the messengers had come out to meet us so as to delay me and prevent my entering the city and doing any damage.

We remained three days within the city, seeing no Indians, for they neither dared attack us, nor did we make any attempt to sally out and seek them, my fixed intention being to make peace with them whenever they should come and ask for it. During this time the chieftains of the three large townships, Coatinchan, Guaxuta, and Autengo, which are as I have said joined to the city, came to me, weeping and begging me to forgive them for abandoning their land; for the rest, they said that they had not fought against me, at any rate not willingly, and they promised henceforward to do everything that I might command them in the name of your Majesty. I replied through my interpreter that they were well aware how kindly I had always treated them, and that for abandoning their homes and the other matters they must be held to blame; since they promised me their friendship let them return with their wives and children; and as they should give me proof of their words so would I treat them: on this they went away not very contented as it seemed to us.

At this news the ruler of Tenochtitlan and the other chieftains of Culua (by which name must be understood all the provinces subject to the capital) sent messengers to Coatinchan and Guaxuta to remonstrate with them, telling them that they would soon kill all of us and bidding them come into the city and take up their residence there. The messengers, however, were immediately seized, bound and brought to me, whereupon they said that the real object of their visit was to propose terms of peace between myself and those of the capital. This the chieftains of Guaxuta and Coatinchan strongly denied. While not believing them I was nevertheless eager to make peace with the inhabitants of the capital, since on that depended peace or war with all the other provinces which had rebelled, and I accordingly ordered the messengers to be unbound and not to be afraid for I intended to send them back with a message to their lords. I desired no war with them, I said, although I had good reason for it, but rather to be friends as we had been before; and in order to bring them more easily to the service of your Majesty I added that the chiefs who had made war on me were now dead; the past, I said, should be considered past, provided they did not give me cause to destroy their lands and cities, which would grieve me much. With this I let the messengers go forth and they promised to bring me a reply. The rulers of Coatinchan and Guaxuta after this business became on better terms with me, and in your Majesty’s name I pardoned their past faults, so that they remained very contented.

Having been in Tezcuco something over a week without any encounter, spending the time in fortifying our camp and making all preparations either for attack or advance, but finding that they did not appear, I left the town with some hundred and fifty foot, eighteen horse, thirty musketeers, and three to four thousand Indian allies, and advanced along the shore of the lake to the town of Iztapalapa, two leagues from the capital by water and six from Tezcuco. The city must contain as many as ten thousand souls and has at least two parts built on the water. Its ruler had been the brother of Muteczuma, to whose position he had succeeded on that king’s death, and it was he who had been the prime mover in attacking us and driving us from the capital. For this reason I determined to advance against them. We were seen by the inhabitants at least two leagues off, upon which a few warriors came out on the plain and others in canoes on the lake. Consequently, we advanced the last two leagues fighting both with those on land and those who landed from the water, until we reached the city. Nearly two-thirds of a league behind us they were breaking down the causeway, which acted as a dyke between the fresh and the salt lakes, as your Majesty may see from the map I sent him of the city of Tenochtitlan. The water immediately began to run across with great violence from the salt lake to the fresh, although the lakes are here quite half a league apart. We, mindless of this trick, what with our eagerness for victory rushed on into the city still hotly engaged with the enemy. But they being warned had abandoned all the houses on the mainland and had moved people and chattels alike to the houses built in the lake, where those who were fleeing rallied and fought with us very stubbornly. Yet God gave his own such strength that we forced them back into the water, some Standing breast high, others swimming off, and captured many of the houses built in the water, so that on that day over six thousand of them, men, women and children, perished; for our Indian allies, seeing the victory God gave us, would not Stay their hands from slaying on right and left. Night came down and I gathered my men and set fire to some of the houses we had captured. As the flames shot up it seemed that Our Lord himself inspired me to recall to mind the broken causeway or dyke which we had seen as we came along, and revealed to me the great danger that we were in. Immediately I turned with all my men and as quickly as possible we made our way out of the city, the night being now very dark. On coming to the stream—it would be now about nine o’clock—we found it flowing so furiously that we passed it leaping from boulder to boulder, and even then lost a few of our Indian allies and all of the booty we had taken in the city: and I can assure your Majesty that had we not passed the Stream that night or even had waited but three hours more not one of us would have escaped; we should have found ourselves cut off by the water without any means of crossing. For when dawn came we saw that the level of the water in the two lakes was now the same and no more water flowing across the gap, but the whole of the surface of the salt lake was full of canoes with armed men in them, thinking they would take us there. That day I returned to Tezcuco fighting once or twice with Indians who had landed from the lake, although we did them little damage since they rushed back to their canoes whenever we faced them. I found my men quite safe, having had no encounter with the enemy, and very joyful at our coming and the news of our victory. One of those who was with me died the next day as the result of his wounds: he is the first man the Indians have killed in fight up till now.

(During the following days various cities sent in messengers to make their peace with Cortés: among these was Otumba. Sandoval was sent to convoy messengers on their way back to Tlascala and then to proceed to the province of Chalco, which was reputed to be friendly. He successfully beat off enemy attacks and returned with Chalco chieftains and two sons of the late king. They both agreed to become vassals of the Spanish Empire and give proofs of their loyalty. Cortés received them gladly. The conquering expedition was cut off from direct connection with Tlascala by enemy country. A youth, however, who had been left behind with the Spanish garrison disobeyed orders and made a dangerous cross-country journey by night to bring the news to Cortés in Tezcuco that a ship with reinforcements had arrived at Vera Cruz. The messengers returned from Chalco saying that on account of their allegiance to Cortés they were being attacked and begged for help. Cortés advised them to seek the assistance of the Tlascalans as allies: fortunately at that moment messengers from Guajucingo and Guacachula arrived, reporting that they had kept a look-out from the summits of the hills surrounding the plain of Mexico, and seeing many smoke columns were anxious as to the fate of Cortés: they were ready at any time to assist him with men and arms. Cortés took the opportunity of uniting these tribes with those of Chalco against the Culuans, their common enemy. Cortés then continues:)

Hearing that the brigs were now finished I sent Sandoval with fifteen horse and two hundred foot to bring them to us, giving them orders to attack and lay waste the large town (subject to Tezcuco on the Tlascalan border) whose inhabitants had been responsible for the death of five horsemen and some fortyfive foot soldiers on their way from Vera Cruz to Tenochtitlan at the time when we were besieged there, and all unprepared for such treachery. On entering Tezcuco this time we had found the skins, hoofs and horseshoes nailed up on the walls of some of their temples and placed there very carefully as a sign of victory, together with many clothes and other belongings of the Spaniards, which they had offered to their idols. The very blood of our companions and brothers was strewn and sacrificed all over their idol towers, which was so piteous a sight that it renewed in our minds all our past troubles. The traitors living in that town, and in certain others near by, had received the Christians very well when they arrived, so as to reassure them, and then perpetrated the greatest act of cruelty that was ever done, for while they were descending a steep hill all on foot and leading their horses so that they could not avail themselves of the animals, the enemy ambushed on either side of the road suddenly leapt out on them, killed some and took others alive to Tezcuco in order to sacrifice them and tear the hearts out of their bodies in front of their idols. This is what must have occurred, for when Sandoval passed that way, certain of his men entered a house in a small township between Tezcuco and the actual town where the treachery was committed, and found the following words written in charcoal on the whitewashed wall: “Here lay captive the hapless Juan Yuste.” He was one of the five gentlemen on horseback, and in truth the sight was enough to break the hearts of all that saw it. On Sandoval’s approach to the town, the inhabitants, recognizing the greatness of their crime, began to fly. Our men and the Indians pursued them and killed many, taking also captive large numbers of women and children who were sold as slaves. Moved by compassion, however, Sandoval was unwilling to destroy them utterly, and before he left even persuaded the natives to return to the town, so that it remains populated to this day, having repented for what was done there in the past.

Sandoval then proceeded some five or six leagues to the Tlascalan town which lies nearest to the Culuan frontier, and there found Spaniards and natives carrying the brigs. The next day they continued their way, the decking and timbers being borne by some eight thousand men, a marvellous sight to see, as also it seems to me it is to hear of, that thirteen brigs should be carried eighteen leagues overland: I can assure your Majesty that from front to rear of the column was a matter of two leagues. Eight horsemen and a hundred Spanish foot went in the van, and on either flank two Indian chiefs with over ten thousand warriors apiece: in the rear were another hundred or so Spanish foot and eight horsemen, together with the Indian chief Chichimecatecle, with ten thousand more Indian warriors all Strongly armed. This chief on leaving Tlascala had led the van in charge of the decking, the timbers being in charge of the other two Captains in the rear: but on entering Culua the master shipwrights gave orders for the timbers to be carried in the van and the decking to come behind, it being heavier and more difficult to manage in case of attack. Chichimecatecle, having always been with his warriors in the van took this as an affront, and it was the most difficult matter to get him to go to the rear, for he wished to occupy the position of danger if any such should arise: even when this first point was gained he was unwilling that any of the Spaniards should remain in the rear, for he is a man of great spirit and wished to have the honour to himself. Two thousand Indian bearers accompanied them carrying victuals. In this order they proceeded on their way, and on the fourth day arrived in this city of Tezcuco with much rejoicing and beating of drums. I went out to meet them, and so long was the column, as I have said before, that more than six hours elapsed after the first files had entered the city until the last were in. Having thanked the chiefs for their good works I saw to it that they were lodged and provided for as well as I could. They told me that they were desirous of pitting themselves against the Culuans, and that I should look to it, for they and their volunteers had come with the fixed intention of avenging themselves upon their enemies or dying with us. I thanked them and begged them to take their rest for soon I would give them their hands full of fighting.

When all these warriors from Tlascala had reposed themselves three or four days, and certainly for Indians they were a very fine body of men, I ordered twenty-five horsemen, three hundred foot, fifty musketeers and bowmen, carrying with them six small field guns, to be ready to march and without a word to anyone left the city at nine o’clock in the morning, the Indian chiefs accompanying me with thirty thousand men all marching in their respective companies in good order. Four leagues from the city, when it was already late afternoon, we fell in with an enemy squadron which our horsemen charged and put to rout. The Tlascalans, who are very fleet of foot, followed them up and slew many of them. That night we slept in the open, having posted a very good guard. Next day we continued our march. I had not yet announced what was my objective, being distrustful of certain of the Tezcuco Indians who were with us, thinking that they might warn the Mexicans, for as yet we could not be sure of them. Going forward we came to a township known as Xaltocan, situated in the middle of a lake with many large canals cutting off approach from the mainland. The inhabitants had fortified it very strongly round about so that the horsemen could not enter it, and now uttered loud cries, assailing us with a hail of darts and arrows: our foot soldiers, however, succeeded in forcing an entrance though with difficulty, expelled the inhabitants and burnt a large part of the town. That night we went forward and camped a league further on, and on taking our way again in the morning found the enemy still before us yelling from afar off (as they are wont to do in war) which is certainly a frightening thing to hear. We followed them and doing so came to a large and beautiful city named Guatithlan which we found uninhabited and slept there that night.

(Next day a little force advanced as far as Tacuba which it attacked and took possession of.)

During the seven days that we remained in Tacuba not one passed in which we did not have certain meetings or skirmishes with the natives. The Tlascalan chieftains and men delivered many challenges to the inhabitants of the capital, and there were many gallant encounters. Large numbers of the enemy were killed at this time without any of our men being in danger, for many times we advanced along the causeways and bridges leading to the city, although meeting with stout resistance from their numerous defences. They often pretended to allow us to enter, saying: “Come in, come in and enjoy yourselves.” At other times they would say: “Do you think that there is a Muteczuma reigning over us now, so that you can do whatever you like?” Once when such talk was being held I approached a gap in the cause-way from which the bridge had been removed and signed to our men to remain quiet. Seeing that I wanted to speak, they also bade their men be silent, and I asked them, “Why are you so mad as to wish to destroy yourselves? If there is a chief among you let him come here for I wish to speak to him.” They replied that all the numerous warriors whom I saw there were chiefs, so that I could say what I wished. As I replied nothing they began to revile me: and one of my men, I know not whom, told them that they would die of hunger, for we would not let them go out of that place to seek for food. They answered that they were in no want and when they should be they would eat both us and the Tlascalans. On this one of them brought out a cake of maize flour and threw it towards us saying, “Take and eat this if you are hungry; for we are not,” and they straightway began to utter yells and fight against us. Accordingly, since the main object of my visit to Tacuba had been to hold speech with the inhabitants of the capital and find out their disposition, and as it was now apparent that my stay there could effect nothing, I determined at the end of six days to return to Tezcuco and make all haste with the fitting out of the brigs so that we could attack them by both land and water. On the second day of our retreat, thinking that we were afraid, a large number of the enemy gathered together and followed us. Seeing this I ordered the foot to go on ahead with all speed, five horsemen accompanying them as a rearguard. I myself with twenty horse remained behind, arranging ourselves in four small parties in ambush, so that the enemy would pass by thinking that all had gone on, and then on my giving the signal of “Santiago” we would fall on them in the rear. When the moment came we charged out and struck many of them with our lances, pursuing them for more than two leagues over country as flat as the palm of one’s hand. In this way many fell at the hands both of ourselves and of our Indian allies and they abstained from following us any further. At noon of the next day we regained Tezcuco and were received by Sandoval whom. I had left in command of all the men; they rejoiced much at our arrival, having had no news of us since the day of our departure and being very anxious as to our success. On the morrow the chiefs and leaders of the Tlascalans asked my leave and departed to their own land very contented and bearing certain spoil which they had taken from the enemy.

(Two days later the Chalco Indians again appealed for help against the Culuans. Sandoval was sent with twenty horse and three hundred foot to help them. The Spaniards were victorious and took Huastepec and also the very strongly fortified town of Ayacapisthla where the fighting was so fierce that the river surrounding the town ran with blood. Imprudent Culuan chiefs were taken prisoner. Reinforcements of powder, muskets and crossbows came from Vera Cruz, the road being now quite open, and also news of three ships which had arrived with many men and horses on board, “which in our great need God miraculously sent us for our succour.” Cortés emphasizes that he was seeking every means to conclude some kind of peaceful treaty with the inhabitants of the capital, and now sent the recently captured chiefs with messages to them, but all was of no avail.)

On Friday, the 5th of April of 1521, I again quitted the city of Tezcuco with thirty horse and three hundred foot, leaving behind twenty horse and some further three hundred foot under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor16. Over twenty thousand of the Tezcuco Indians accompanied me, and in this order we went to sleep that night at Tlalmanalco, a town in the province of Chalco where we were very well received and lodged. On the morrow we arrived at Chalco itself where I stayed only long enough to speak with its rulers and tell them my intention which was to make a circuit of the lakes, which done I trusled to find the thirteen brigs completed and ready for launching, a matter of great importance. Accordingly after speaking with them we left at dusk and came to a neighbouring town where some forty thousand Indian warriors joined us, and there we spent the night. The natives informed us that the Culuans were awaiting us in the field and I therefore ordered all my men to be awake and on the alert at dawn. We then heard mass and took the road, myself riding in the van with twenty horse, leaving ten others in the rear; and in this manner we passed between some very steep and rocky hills. At two o’clock in the afternoon we came to a very lofty rugged peak on the top of which were a great multitude of women and children and the sides of it full of armed warriors. They began immediately to utter piercing shouts, and sent up large numbers of smoke columns, using slings and other weapons to beset us with stones, darts, and arrows, in such wise that on approaching nearer we suffered no small hurt. Although perceiving by this that they dared not await us in the open field, and notwithstanding that our road lay rather to one side, yet I deemed it would be cowardly to pass by without giving them some cause for regret. And so in order that our allies should not think that we abstained from motives of fear I began to reconnoitre round the peak which was almost a league in circuit and certainly so strong that it seemed madness to attempt to capture it, while to surround them and force them to surrender out of sheer hunger would take too long for my purpose. Accordingly, being in this perplexity I determined to scale the crag on three sides, of which I had already taken note, and gave orders to Cristóbal Corral, an officer in charge of seventy foot whom I always kept in my company, to attempt the stiffest climb with his men, sending off a number of bowmen and slingers to follow him. Two other officers, Juan Rodríguez de Villafuerte and Francisco Verdugo, with other men and some bowmen were to attempt a second side; and Pedro Dircio and Andrés de Monjaraz the third. On hearing a musket shot they were all to charge forward and either win the summit or die. When the signal was given they succeeded in taking two of the positions but not the third, for there was neither hold for hand nor foot, such was the stiffness and difficulty of the ascent. Moreover the enemy rolled and threw down so many stones from above that even the small pieces which broke apart in their fall were the source of infinite danger: the resistance of the enemy was indeed so fierce that two Spaniards were killed and more than twenty wounded, so that on that side they could in no wise go forward. Seeing this, and that reinforcements were arriving for the enemy in such numbers that they covered the plain, I ordered the officers to retreat, and attacking those who were below we drove them entirely from the plain, killing many with our lances and pursuing them for over an hour and a half. Their numbers were so great that the horsemen dispersed to this side and that, and on gathering together again I learnt that a league or so off some of them had discovered another peak also occupied with natives, but not so strongly defended and with a township nearby out on the plain; water moreover was to be found there which was said to be lacking where we were at the moment. Sad enough at having failed to gain the victory we departed and slept that night near the second peak, which time we passed in no small toil and want, there being no water to be found there after all, and neither we nor our horses had drunk any water during the whole day: and so right through the night we heard a great noise from the enemy of drums, trumpets and cries.

At daybreak some of my officers accompanied me to examine the peak which was apparently almost as strongly fortified as the other; but two neighbouring hills, taller yet less steep, rose above it and were occupied by numerous warriors to defend them against attack. My officers and certain other gentlemen accompanying took their shields, as I did also myself, and advanced to the foot of it, the horses having been led off to the water about a league away. Our only object was to examine the strength of the peak and where it could best be attacked: but my men seeing our movements though they had had no commands from me followed us, and as we arrived at the foot the natives of the neighbouring hills thought that I intended to make a frontal attack, upon which they abandoned their position and rushed down to help their friends. Seeing the disorder in which they were and that by taking the hills we could inflict great damage on those who were holding the main position, I ordered the officer to advance quietly with his men and take the higher of the two hills which they had abandoned; so it was done. I with the rest of the men began to climb the other hill where the greater number of defenders were to be found; and by the mercy of God we gained the first ridge of it and reached a height about equal to that on which the enemy was fighting (which had indeed seemed a position well nigh impossible to gain at the least without infinite danger). Already one of my officers had placed his flag on the highest point of the peak and from there had begun to direct the fire of the muskets and crossbows on the enemy. Seeing the hurt they received and considering what might yet befall them, they made signals to surrender and laid down their arms. My design is ever to give these people to understand that we desire to do them no harm especially if they are willing to become vassals of your Majesty, and I ordered that no further hurt should be done them. On their coming up to speak with me I received them well: and on this, seeing how well they were treated they reported it to their comrades on the other peak, who notwithstanding that they had been victorious determined to become vassals of your Majesty and come to crave pardon for what had been done. I remained in the neighbouring township two days, from which place I sent the wounded back to Tezcuco and then returned to Huastepec.

(During the next five days Yautepec, Xilotepec and Yactepec were taken, with a certain amount of fighting. The band moved steadily onward.)

At nine o’clock next morning I came in sight of a very strongly fortified town called Cuernabaca, held by large bodies of native troops, and surrounded by ridges and gorges some of which were as much as sixty foot deep. The only entrance for horsemen was by two gates, the exact position of which we did not know and which we only finally discovered after riding for a league and a half round the town. There were also wooden bridges, but these had been removed and the inhabitants were now so fortified and secure that had our numbers been ten times as great they would have availed us nothing. On our approaching them they hurled darts, arrows and stones at us at their pleasure, but being thus occupied they failed to notice one of the Tlascalan Indians who succeeded in getting across at a very difficult place. Suddenly perceiving him, however, the enemy thought that the Spaniards were entering there and immediately they began to fly panic-stricken, the Indian pursuing them: three or four youths of my company and two more of another, seeing the Indian get across, followed him and reached the further side. I with the horsemen rode on round towards the hills and found an entrance to the town, the enemy still being occupied in hurling darts at us, since there was nothing more between us than a ravine about as broad as a wine cellar. They were still intent on pouring in their missiles on us and had not yet so much as seen the five Spaniards when these took them in the rear and began to use their knives: and such was the suddenness of their attack, the enemy knowing nothing of their comrades’ flight, that they were too amazed to fight and the Spaniards cut them down. As soon as they saw what had happened they began to fly. Our foot soldiers were by now inside the town and had begun to burn it; the natives abandoned it and fled to the hills although many of them were killed by the pursuing cavalry. At mid-day we found the way in for the horses and took up our quarters in houses surrounding a garden, practically all the rest being burned. Late that day, seeing that even their strong fortifications had been unable to defend them and fearful that we should kill them out on the hillside, a ruler and chief man came in to offer themselves as vassals of your Majesty. I received them as such and they promised me to remain in future our faithful friends, saying that they had only come so late to request our friendship since they thought that by first allowing us to do them such great damage their faults would be wiped out and we should be less angered with them.

We slept that night in the town, and in the morning continued our march through the region covered with pines but, like the pass which succeeded it, desert and arid. We proceeded with great toil and without any water, so much so that many of the Indians who went with us perished of thirst, and so six leagues further on we stayed for the night in some farm buildings. At dawn we were again on the road and sighted a great city, Suchimilco, built on the fresh water lake, whose inhabitants being apprised of our advance had raised many blockades and dykes and had removed all the bridges giving entrance to the city, which is actually some three or four leagues from the capital. It was now full of picked warriors determined to defend themselves and ask no quarter. On arriving before the city and having gathered all my men together in very good order I dismounted and went forward with certain foot soldiers towards the first barricade behind which there seemed an infinite number of warriors. We forthwith began to assault it, the bowmen and musketeers did them great damage, and they finally abandoned it, the Spaniards leaping into the water and swimming across to dry ground. In half an hour we had gained the greater part of the city; the enemy had retreated to the waterways and fought both on the banks and in their canoes, till nightfall. Some made proposals of peace, other still fought on, and so often did they advance these proposals without putting them into effect that we fell to the ruse which they were employing for two ends, the one, to gain time to remove their belongings, the other, to delay until the Mexicans and inhabitants of the capital should have time to come to their relief. Two Spaniards were killed that day, on account of their having left their comrades in search of booty, and got themselves into such a desperate position that they could not be rescued. Late in the day the enemy made an attempt to surround us in such fashion that we could not escape from the city with our lives. Gathering together in large numbers they decided to advance at that point where we had ourselves forced an entrance. We were amazed to see with what fury and dash they suddenly came on. Six horsemen and myself who were nearer than the others charged forward into the midst of them. They, frightened of the horses, began to fly, and so we spurred out of the city after them, killing many, although in grave danger ourselves: for they were of such spirit that many of them were hardy enough to await the charge of our horses with sword and shield. While we were engaged with them very fiercely, the horse which I rode sank down exhausted. Some of the enemy seeing me on foot turned on me and I had to defend myself with my lance. One of the Tlascalans perceived, however, that I was in danger and came to my aid. He and another youth succeeded in raising the horse: and at this moment the other Spaniards came up and the enemy fled from the field. The horsemen who had arrived and myself being all greatly wearied returned to the town. It was now nearly night and time to repose, but I gave orders that all the gaps left by the bridges which had been removed should be filled up with stones and bricks lying by, so that the cavalry could freely enter and leave the city: nor did I retire to rest until all these danger points had been well levelled, and so with great precaution and numerous guards we passed the night.

On the morrow now that both the provinces of Mexico and Tenochtitlan were aware that we were in Suchimilco, they came in great force to surround us by land and water thinking that we could not escape from their hands. I mounted one of their idol towers to see where they could attack us and provide for whatever might be most expedient. I had finished giving all directions when a great fleet of canoes (over two thousand in number I should reckon) bore down upon us, carrying some twelve thousand warriors, and by land such a multitude of people that the whole surrounding plains were covered with them. Their captains who led them bore Spanish swords in their hands, crying out the names of their provinces, and yelling “Mexico, Mexico, Tenochtitlan, Tenochtitlan,” and many insulting words, threatening to kill us with the very swords which they had captured from us formerly in the city of Tenochtitlan. I had already arranged where each officer was to take up his position, and since the greatest number of the enemy lay between us and the mainland I rode out against them with twenty horse and five hundred Tlascalan Indians. We were divided into three bands, and I gave orders that after breaking through the enemies’ ranks we were to rally at the foot of a hill about half a league off, where there were also many of the enemy gathered. On dividing, each squadron pursued the enemy in the direction in which it charged, and having put to flight and killed many we met at the foot of the hill, where I ordered certain foot soldiers of my own company who had long served me and were very sturdy fellows to make an attempt to climb the steepest side of it. I with all the horsemen would ride round to where the ground was flatter and take them in the middle. So it turned out: the enemy seeing the Spaniards climbing the hill turned tail and fled, as they thought, to safety, but they came straight upon us (we were some fifteen horsemen) and both we and the Tlascalans fell upon them. In this way in very brief time more than five hundred of them were dead and the remainder flying to the shelter of the hills. The other six horsemen pursued the enemy along a broad highway until about half a league from Suchimilco they fell in with an enemy squadron of very fine troops, who were coming up as reinforcements, whom nevertheless they put to flight and killed no small number. The whole of our cavalry had now joined each other at what must have been about ten o’clock in the morning and we returned to Suchimilco, at the entrance to which I found many desiring greatly to know how it had fared with us; they themselves had been in great straits and forced to put forward every effort to repel the enemy of whom they had slain a large number. They gave me two swords which they had recaptured from the enemy and reported that the bowmen had neither arrows nor ammunition left. At this moment before we could dismount a large squadron of the enemy rushed upon us with fierce yells from the mouth of a broad causeway. We immediately flung ourselves upon them, and thrust them with our lances into the water which lined the causeway on both sides. In this manner they were repulsed. Rallying, we returned to the city wearied out, and I ordered it to be burnt entirely save for that part in which we were quartered. We remained thus in the city three days, every one of which was marked by fighting, and finally left it burnt and desolate; and truly it was a sorrowful sight to see, for it contained many houses and idol towers stoutly built of stone and mortar.

(The expedition then completed the circuit of the lakes with continual skirmishing, and finally returned to Tezcuco via Cuyoacan, Tacuba, Coatinchan and Aculman. Considerable losses were inflicted on the enemy, and two young Spaniards were unfortunately captured and could not be rescued. The garrison in Tezcuco greeted them warmly on their return: they had heard nothing of them since their departure and had beaten off numerous attacks on the city. Cortés then continues:)

During our first stay in the capital I had provided, as I informed your Majesty, for certain royal farms to be set up in various provinces, which should produce such things as the locality afforded. Two Spaniards had been sent on such a commission to the province of Chinantla, which was not subject to the Culuans. Other provinces which did owe allegiance to the Culuans killed the Spaniards stationed on the farms when the Culuans rebelled against us, and despoiled the farms of all that they had, so that for almost a year I had no news of my men in Chinantla: for such was the disturbed state of the country that neither could they get news through to us nor we to them. It appeared, however, that being subjects of your Majesty and enemies of the Culuans the natives bade the two Spaniards in no wise to stir out of their country, for they reckoned that after the numerous attacks of the Culuans few of us remained alive. One of the Spaniards, a youth but with an aptitude for war, was made their captain, and led them out to fight against their enemies, being most often victorious. Later, when by God’s help we had had some success over the enemy, two Chinantla Indians informed these two Christians that they had heard of Spaniards in the province of Tepeaca and to find out the truth of the matter were willing to send two of their number hither who travelled by night through enemy country, and finally arrived with a letter from him who was the more able man of the two, the tenor of which was as follows:

“Gentlemen, I have written two or three letters to you but know not whether they have arrived or no; and since I have had no reply from them I must be doubtful of receiving one from this. Know, gentlemen, that all the Culuans have rebelled and many times attacked us, yet praise be to God we have ever come off victorious. With the natives of Tuxtepec and other allies of the Culuans we are still in conflict. Those which have remained faithful to your Highnesses and your true vassals comprise seven townships in Tenez. Nicholas and myself remain in Chinantla which is the chief town of them all. I am very desirous of knowing where our Captain is that I may write to him and inform him of what has occurred here. And if perchance you write me from where he is, and should send back twenty or thirty Spaniards with your letter, I would venture to come to him with two native chiefs of this region who are very eager to see and speak with the Captain; for it is now the season to gather in the cacao and the Culuans are hindering the harvest greatly with their warfare. May Our Lord guard the noble presence of your Grace according to your desires.

“From Chinantla, on I know not what date of the month of April, 1521. Your Grace’s servant,

“HERNANDO DE BARRIENTOS.”

On the receipt of this letter the captain whom I had left in Tepeaca immediately sent it on to me, at the contents of which we were not a little pleased, for while we had always trusted in the friendship of the Chinantla Indians, yet it had occurred to us that if they should have gone over to the Culuans they would certainly have put those two Spaniards to death. I wrote to them immediately, telling them of what had occurred and bidding them hope; for although they were at the moment surrounded by enemies on all sides, soon, God willing, they should find themselves free and able to go abroad in safety.

Having encircled the lakes and reconnoitred many positions for the siege of Tenochtitlan both by land and water, I remained in Tezcuco preparing as best I could arms and men and hastening on the building of the brigs and a canal which was being cut in order to bring them to the lake for launching. We had begun the canal immediately the decks and hulls were far enough advanced to be floated in a narrow water-way which ran past the end of our camp to empty itself in the lake. More than eight thousand natives from the provinces of Aculuacan and Tezcuco were employed for fifty days on this work, for the canal was over twelve foot deep and as many broad, and lined with stakes throughout its length, so that the ships could be conveyed without difficulty or danger down to the water, which was certainly a great and marvellous work. The brigs were finally finished and launched into this canal; and on the 28th of April of 1521 I held a review of all my men, and found that we numbered 86 horse, 118 bowmen and musketeers, some 700 foot armed with sword and buckler, three large iron cannons, fifteen smaller ones of bronze, and ten quintals of powder. I urged my men with great earnestness to keep the ordinances I had drawn up for active service in so far as was possible, and bade them rejoice and be of a good heart for they preceived that Our Lord was leading us to victory against our enemies, for they were well aware that when we entered Tezcuco we had but forty mounted men, but God had aided us more than we had dared to think, and the ships had arrived with horses, men and arms, as they themselves had seen. This and above all the knowledge that we were fighting to preserve and spread the true faith, and bring to your Majesty’s service all those lands and provinces which had rebelled against him, should give them courage and strength to resolve to conquer or to die. They replied as one man, showing great eagerness and desire in the enterprise. On that day we were very joyful and found ourselves now at last on the eve of the siege and of putting an end to this war, on the result of which depended the whole peace or disturbance of these parts.

On the morrow I sent messages to Tlascala, Guajucingo and Cholula telling them that the brigs were finished and that I and all my men were ready to set out to besiege the great city of Tenochtitlan; wherefore I begged them since their men were already prepared to come with as many and as well armed troops as they could muster to Tezcuco where I would await them for ten days, and that they should in no wise exceed this limit since it would greatly delay my plans. The natives of Guajucingo and Cholula, anxious to come to grips with the Culuans, accordingly gathered at Chalco following my instructions, for our road to the capital passed near by. Likewise the Tlascalan leaders with all their warriors very finely equipped and armed arrived at Tezcuco five or six days before Whitsun which was the time that I had arranged. Hearing that they were near I rode out to meet them with great pleasure and they came in such spirits and good order as could not be better. According to the reckoning of their leaders they numbered some fifty thousand warriors, all of whom were well received and lodged by us.

On Whit Monday I ordered a parade of all horse and foot in the principal square of Tezcuco to give orders and tell off the troops under the three captains who were to proceed to the three cities which immediately surrounded the capital. I put the first company in the command of Pedro de Albarado, giving him thirty horse, eighteen crossbowmen and musketeers and a hundred and fifty foot armed with buckler and sword, together with more than twenty-five thousand Tlascalan Indians, with orders to camp in the city of Tacuba.

The second company I put under Cristóbal de Olid, giving him thirty-three horse, eighteen cross-bowmen and musketeers, one hundred and seventy foot and over twenty thousand Indian allies, with orders to camp in the city of Cuyoacan.

The third company I put under the command of Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacilmayor, giving him twenty-four horse, four musketeers and thirteen crossbowmen, and a hundred and fifty light-armed infantry, fifty of them being chosen youths of my own company, together with over thirty thousand natives from Guajucingo, Cholula and Chalco. This force was first to march to Iztapalapa and destroy it and then proceed along the causeway across the lake: it would be supported by the brigs until it joined up with the garrison in Cuyoacan; Sandoval had leave to camp wherever it seemed best to him once I had entered the lake with the brigs.

For the thirteen brigs with which I was going to pass across the lake I told off three hundred men, for the most part used to the sea and very handy; so that there were twenty-five Spaniards in each ship in addition to the captain, government official (veedor), and six musketeers and crossbowmen.

The two Captains first named, Albarado and Olid, having received all necessary instructions, moved off with their men on the 10th of May, and went to sleep two and a half leagues away at a little township called Aculmán. The same day I learnt there had been some difference between them concerning lodgings and sent someone that same night to settle it and reprimand them. They proceeded according to orders through three towns all of which they found deserted, and finally on the third day at sunset reached Tacuba which they found likewise empty, and took up their abode in the houses of the chieftain, which are very fine and large. Although it was late the Tlascalans ventured upon two of the causeways leading to the capital and fought for two or three hours very valiantly against the defenders of the city: then as night came on they returned in safety to Tacuba.

Early next morning the two captains joined together according to my orders to cut off the fresh water that was led by pipes into Tenochtitlan; one of them with twenty horse and a few musketeers and bow-men succeeded in reaching the source of the spring about a quarter of a league away and there cut and destroyed the pipes which were built of woodwork and masonry, in spite of the furious opposition of the enemy who resisted him both by sea and land. He succeeded in routing them, however, and concluded what he had set himself to do, which was to cut off all fresh water from entering the city, a very wise stroke to accomplish. The same day the captains repaired several bad bridges and dykes in various places round the lake so that the horsemen could ride easily from one part to the other. Some three to four days were spent in this work which was impeded by numerous encounters with the enemy in which a few Spaniards were wounded and a large number of the enemy killed, to say nothing of the bridges and barricades stormed and gained: there were also challenges and single combats between the Indians of the city and the Tlascalans which were strange enough and well worth the seeing. Cristóbal de Olid then left with his men for Cuyoacan two leagues further on, and Pedro de Albarado remained in garrison with his men at Tacuba, skirmishing and fighting each day against the Indians. Olid arrived in Cuyoacan at ten o’clock in the morning, found the city deserted, and settled in the chief rulers’ houses. Next day he went out to inspect the causeway leading across to the capital with about twenty horse, some bowmen, and six to seven thousand Tlascalan Indians: they found the enemy very well prepared, the causeway broken down in places and many barricades set up. There was some fighting by them on that and on succeeding days. One night at midnight a few of the sentries from the city crept up to the camp and uttered a yell: the Spanish sentries called out “To arms” and everyone turned out, but found not a single enemy, for the Indians had yelled from some distance and had thus put our men in a panic. Meantime the two forces being divided, they looked forward to my arrival with the brigs as they did the salvation of their souls. During this time, however, the two garrisons were quite close to each other and joined one another each day, the horsemen riding through the land and cutting down many of the enemy: they also gathered in large quantities of maize from the hillsides to store in camp. Maize takes the place of bread and food in these parts and is much superior to that found in the Islands.

I myself had been anxious to go by land and arrange the details of our camps, but as the captains were men to be trusted with that matter, and the management of the ships was of paramount importance requiring great nicety and care, I decided to go with them, more especially as the greater risk and adventure were expected on the water. I should add that the chief officers of my company had formally begged me to accompany the garrison forces as they said theirs was the more dangerous job. On Friday the day after the Feast of Corpus-Christi I sent Gonzalo de Sandoval at four o’clock in the morning with his men to make his way straight to Iztapalapa a bare six leagues away. They arrived a little after noon, and began to attack the natives and set fire to the city. The former seeing the number of Sandoval’s forces (for he had more than forty thousand of our allies with him) took to the water in their canoes, whereupon Sandoval settled in the city with all his men and remained there that day waiting for further orders and news from me.

Immediately he had left I went on board ship and we set forth using both sails and oars. By the time that Sandoval had begun his attack on Iztapalapa we came in sight of a large rugged peak which rose straight out of the water close to the city and was covered with natives both from the capital and the other towns surrounding the lake, for they knew that Iztapalapa would be attacked first and had gathered there to defend it and attack us if possible. On seeing the fleet they burst into loud cries and sent up large columns of smoke to warn the other lake cities to be on their guard. Accordingly although my intention was to attack that part of Iztapalapa which lies in the water I gave orders to turn back to the peak and leapt on land with about a hundred and fifty men. We began to mount with some considerable difficulty for it was extremely steep and high and finally rushed the barricades which they had built on the top to defend themselves. There we did such execution that not a single one of them escaped save the women and children; twenty-five of my Spaniards were wounded in this fight, but it was a notable victory.

The inhabitants of Iztapalapa having also sent up smoke signals from certain towers where they kept their idols on a hill close by, the Indians in the capital and the other island cities were aware that I had entered the lake with the ships and immediately a great fleet of canoes was got together to oppose our advance and test what manner of vessels our brigs were: so far as we could judge there must have been more than five hundred of them. Seeing them bearing straight for us both I and the men who had accompanied me made haste to embark and I gave strict orders to the commanders of the brigs not to start, so that the canoes might decide to come right up to us thinking that we were afraid to attack them. Accordingly they began to paddle very swiftly towards us. At two bows’ length distance, however, they stopped and would come no further. I was eager that our first encounter with them should be very decisive and of such a nature as to fill them with dread of the brigs, for the fate of the whole campaign rested on them, both ourselves and the enemy being in a position to receive most damage from the water. At this moment when we were regarding each other face to face it pleased the Lord that a light breeze should spring up from the land enabling us to close with them. I immediately ordered the commanders to bear down on the fleet of canoes and follow them up right to the walls of the capital: and as the wind was good, although they paddled off as fast as they could, yet we bore right into the middle of them, smashing an infinite number of the canoes, killing and drowning many of the enemy,—the most extraordinary sight in the world. We chased them for three whole leagues until they took refuge within the houses of the capital, and it pleased God to give us a greater and finer victory even than we had prayed or longed for.

The garrison in Cuyoacan could see our advance better than those in Tacuba; they perceived all our thirteen sails sweeping forward over the water urged on by the favourable wind, and then as they afterwards told me, when we fell upon the enemy canoes there was not a sight in the world could have given them greater pleasure. For, as I have said, both garrisons in Cuyoacan and in Tacuba ardently desired my coming, and with good reason, for they were in the midst of a multitude of enemies, and Our Lord Himself kept up their spirits in a truly miraculous way and weakened those of the enemy, so that the latter did not dare sally out and attack their camps, which had they attempted the Spaniards could not have come off without great hurt, notwithstanding that they were always on the alert and determined to conquer or die, like those who find themselves cut off from all human help and can trust alone in God.

As soon as the garrison at Cuyoacan saw us in pursuit of the canoes the greater number of them sallied forth along the causeway leading to the capital and fought very fiercely with the Indians who were guarding it, winning one by one the barricades which they had built. They proceeded to take many bridges, from which the actual planks had been removed, with the help of the brigs which sailed close to the causeway, and both horse and foot passed over. Many of the Tlascalans moreover accompanied them, following up the enemy, slaying many, and casting their bodies over into the inner part of the lake where there were no brigs. They advanced in this way a good league and more along the causeway until they came up to the point where I had stopped with the brigs as I shall proceed to describe.

We had chased the canoes three leagues until they had taken refuge between the houses of the city, and as evening was now drawing on I ordered the brigs to cease the pursuit and gather together close to the causeway. There I decided to land with thirty men to capture a couple of towers containing their idols, small but built on a circular foundation of stone and plaster. As we leapt on to the causeway they attacked us very fiercely in an endeavour to defend the towers: finally, not without some considerable difficulty we captured them, and I ordered three large guns which I had with me to be landed. Since the causeway from that point to the city (which was about half a league) was black with the enemy and each side of it packed with warriors in canoes, I ordered one gun to be trained on them and firing it straight down the causeway it did great damage to the enemy. By the gunner’s carelessness, however, in firing that first shot he burnt all the powder we had with us, which was little enough. Accordingly that same night I sent one of the brigs to Sandoval in Iztapalapa two leagues off with orders to bring back all the powder he had there. Now although it had been at first my intention on boarding ship to go to Cuyoacan and see that they observed every precaution and contented themselves with inflicting as much damage on the enemy as they could, yet having landed on the causeway and captured the two towers, I determined to pitch my camp there, the brigs remaining nearby, and gave orders for half the garrison of Cuyoacan and some fifty of Sandoval’s foot to join me on the following day. Having decided this we kept very close guard that night knowing that we were in great danger, and all of the people of the city advanced upon us by the causeway and by the water. At midnight a great multitude of them attacked our camp both from land and the canoes: and of a truth we were in no small fear and dismay, especially because it was at night time and they are never wont to attack at such a time unless very certain of victory. As we were very well prepared we began to fight with them, and the brigs to fire on them, for each one carried a small field gun, to say nothing of musketeers and bowmen. On this they dared not approach nearer nor were their numbers large enough to do us hurt: and so they left us what remained of the night without again attacking.

At sunrise fifteen musketeers, fifty foot with sword and buckler and seven or eight cavalry arrived at the causeway where I was from the garrison at Cuyoacan. The Indians of the city were already engaged with us both on the causeway and in canoes. Their number was such that there was nothing to be seen on land and water but people, and they uttered such yells and shrieks that it was as if the world was coming to an end. We advanced fighting along the causeway and captured one bridge which had been destroyed and a barricade which they had made at its head. What with the guns and the charges of cavalry we did them such damage that we almost forced them back to the first houses of the city. Meanwhile, since on the other side of the causeway where the brigs could not pass there were numerous canoes from which they hurled darts and arrows, I broke down a portion of the causeway close to our camp and ordered four of the brigs to make their way through, which they did, shutting up the canoes within the houses of the city, so that not one dared to come out into the open. On the other side of the causeway the eight remaining brigs attacked the canoes, driving them back amongst the houses, and made their way between them, a thing they had previously not ventured to do, there being many shoals and stakes to hinder them. Finding canals, however, by which they could enter in safety they fought with those in the canoes, captured some of them, and burnt many houses in the suburbs: and in this manner we spent the whole day in fighting.

On the following day Sandoval with those who were with him in Iztapalapa, both Spaniards and Indians, set out for Cuyoacan along the causeway which runs for about a league and a half to the mainland. He had not gone above a quarter of a league when he came to a little town also built on the water but which can be encircled almost completely on horseback, the inhabitants of which began to offer him resistance. He routed them, killed many, and razed and burnt the city. Knowing that the Indians had broken down the causeway in many places, thus preventing our men from passing, I sent him two of the brigs out of which he made a bridge for the foot soldiers to pass. As soon as they had all passed they proceeded straightway to Cuyoacan where they camped and Sandoval with ten horsemen rode on along the causeway to where we were camped and arrived to find us fighting. They immediately dismounted and joined in. Almost at once Sandoval was pierced in the foot by a dart, but although both he and others were wounded that day we did such damage to the enemy with the large cannon, muskets, and crossbows, that neither those in canoes nor those on the causeway dared to come near, and displayed more fear and less pride than they were wont. In this way we continued for six days, no day passing without fighting; the brigs went round the city burning all the houses they could, and managed to discover a canal by which they could enter into the very heart of the suburbs, a discovery of no small importance; they also stopped any onset from the canoes, not one of which dared to show itself within a quarter of a league of our camp.

On the following day Pedro de Albarado who was commanding the garrison in Tacuba informed me that on the other side of the city the inhabitants of the capital were freely entering and leaving the city by means of a little causeway running to several small towns on the mainland, and he thought that if they should find themselves hard pressed they would all leave the city by that way. I should have welcomed such a departure even more than they themselves, for we should have less difficulty in overcoming them on the mainland than within this great fortress which they held on the water. Nevertheless in order that they should be entirely surrounded and unable to receive any help from the mainland I ordered Sandoval although wounded to pitch his camp at a small town at the juncture of one of those two causeways, whereupon he set out with twenty-three horse, a hundred foot, and eighteen bowmen and musketeers, leaving me the remaining fifty foot of my own company. On the morrow he pitched his camp as I had ordered and from that time every causeway leading from the city of Tenochtitlan to the mainland was completely cut off.

I had with me, most powerful Lord, in my camp on the causeway two hundred Spanish foot including twenty musketeers and bowmen, but not counting those on board the ships who must have numbered more than two hundred and fifty more. Since we had now somewhat enclosed the enemy and had large numbers of Indian allies with us, I decided to advance along the causeway to the city as often as possible, the brigs on both sides of it covering our flanks and rear. I also ordered ten of the horse at Cuyoacan to remain at the entrance of the causeway and thus protect us, for several of the lake towns were still in arms against us, but with such a guard and ten thousand Indian allies we should be secure. At the same time I ordered Albarado and Sandoval to attack the city from their camps on that same day since I wanted to capture as much as possible from them. Accordingly we left the camp early in the morning and advanced along the causeway on foot till we found the enemy defending a gap which they had made in it about eight feet wide and as many feet deep. They had made an earth fence on the further side of it and there we fought very valiantly against one another. We finally captured it and continued to advance up to the gate of the city, where there was a tower containing their idols, at the foot of which a large bridge had been removed leaving a broad stream of water flowing through with another breastwork on the other side. As we came up they attacked us very fiercely. But since the brigs were on both sides of the causeway we gained it without difficulty, which we could not possibly have done without their aid. And while some began to tear down the barricade the men in the brigs leapt on land, and our Indian allies who must have numbered more than eighty thousand swam across. Meantime, while we closed up the gap with stones and bricks, the Spaniards had gained another barricade in the principal and broadest street of the city: there was no water to cross there and it was consequently carried with ease. My men then followed the flying enemy along the street until they came to another bridge which had been removed leaving but a single broad plank by which to pass. The enemy once over the water in safety immediately threw this down. At the other end of the bridge they had built up a huge barricade of earth and bricks. We came up to find that our only means of crossing was by throwing ourselves into the water, which was very dangerous, for the enemy fought very valiantly. On either side of the street an infinite number of them were fighting in the stoutest manner from the tops of the flat roofs. Our musketeers and crossbowmen arrived at that moment and discharged two guns down the length of the street doing great damage. Seeing this a few Spaniards leapt into the water and crossed to the other side, but it was two hours before the place was won. Finally the enemy, seeing our men crossing over, abandoned the barricades and the rooftops and took to flight down the street, not a man remaining. I straightway began to close up the bridge and pulled down the barricade. Meanwhile the Spaniards and our Indian allies followed in pursuit down the street for over two bowshots’ distance until they came to another bridge which is next to the square containing the principal buildings of the city. This bridge had neither been broken down nor barricaded, for they had not thought that we should capture that day what we did, nor indeed had we ourselves expected to win more than half of it. My men set up a gun at the entrance of the square and thus did great damage on the enemy who more than filled it, and then seeing that there was no water to cross, which was commonly the greatest danger, decided to enter the square. The enemy seeing their decision actually put into effect and even a large number of our allies advancing (of whom in our absence they were not in the least afraid) turned tail and fled before the Spaniards until they gained refuge in the inner part surrounded by a wall of stones and masonry which housed their idols, and which as I have already described, is as large round as a village of four hundred people. From this they were finally evicted and the Spaniards and Indian allies captured it, remaining in possession of the towers for some considerable time. The natives of the city, however, seeing that there were no horsemen returned to the attack and by weight of numbers drove them out from the towers and the whole courtyard contained within the walls, upon which they found themselves in great danger and jeopardy. Setting themselves to rejoin us rather than merely beating a retreat they turned and faced the enemy below the porches of the courtyard. The enemy continued to attack them so fiercely that they forced them back into the central square and further down the street along which they had come, in such wise that the gun which had been placed there was lost. The Spaniards unable to resist the multitudes of the enemy were retreating in very grave danger, and would assuredly have suffered severely had it not pleased God that at that moment three horsemen cantered up and entered the square. The enemy seeing them thought there were more behind and began to fly, upon which they killed several of them and regained the square and walled-in courtyard I have already described. From ten to a dozen of the native chiefs took up their position in the chief and highest tower which contains over a hundred steps from base to summit, upon which four or five Spaniards mounted it by force, and in spite of a sturdy resistance on the part of the enemy took it and killed them all. Some five or six more horsemen now came up and by means of an ambuscade killed over thirty of the enemy. It was now getting late, and I gave orders for the men to re-form and retire, and so great were the numbers of the enemy pressing on them as they retreated that had it not been for the mounted men there can be no doubt that the Spaniards would have received very many casualties. I had seen to it, however, that all the difficult places both in the street and causeway, where danger was to be expected, were well filled up and levelled, so that the horsemen might be perfectly free to ride along, and so often as the enemy attacked our rearguard, the horsemen turned upon them and invariably succeeded in despatching some with their lances. The road proved so long that this manœuvre had to be repeated from four to five times. And although the enemy perceived that they were receiving great hurt they still continued to come on like so many mad dogs and could not be prevented in any way from continuing to follow us. The whole of the rest of the day might have been spent after this fashion had they not retaken many of the flat rooftops which abutted on the streets and thus placed the horsemen in considerable danger. We pursued our way towards the camp without losing a single Spaniard although there were several wounded, and set fire as we went to the greater number of the largest houses in the street so that on re-entering the city we could not be attacked from the rooftops. On this same day Sandoval and Albarado both engaged very fiercely with the natives of the city from their respective camps, and would be about a league and a half and a league respectively from where my men were fighting in the great square. (The city extends over such a large area that I am if anything minimizing the distance.) Our Indian allies who had been sent with them and were almost numberless fought very well and withdrew that day without receiving any hurt.

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Sketch Map of the valley of Mexico: Showing the Routes of Cortés in his retreat from and advance on the Capital.

At this juncture Don Fernando,17 ruler of Tezcuco and the province of Culuacan, who had been baptized into the Christian faith, made attempts to persuade all the natives of his city and province, especially the chieftains, to join us as allies, for we could not rely on them at that time as we afterwards came to do. Accordingly every day large numbers of smaller rulers and relatives of Don Fernando came to us offering to fight on our side against the defenders of the capital. Don Fernando, being still quite a youth and very friendly with the Spaniards, did all that he could to persuade his vassals to come over to us in this way, and spoke to his brothers, of whom he had six or seven, all well-disposed youths, telling them to command all the people in their districts to come to our assistance. One of them named Istrisuchil, about 22 or 23 years old and a very valiant youth loved and feared by all, he sent as captain. This chief arrived at our camp on the causeway with over thirty thousand warriors very well equipped after their fashion, and some twenty thousand must have gone to the other two camps. I received them gladly thanking them for their goodwill and assistance. Your Majesty can well imagine what a very real token of friendship this was on the part of Don Fernando, and what the defenders of the city would feel on seeing themselves attacked by those whom they thought to be their vassals and friends, nay, even relations and brothers, and I will go so far as to say fathers and sons.

Having burnt a large number of houses in the outlying part of the city close to our camp by means of the ships, I considered that seven brigs would be sufficient to ensure the safety of the camp, since no canoe now dared to show its face; and accordingly despatched the remaining brigs three each to Sandoval and Albarado, giving the captains very urgent orders to keep the way open between the two camps, sailing backwards and forwards night and day; for it was the part lying just between the camps which the enemies particularly used, for landing from their canoes with supplies of water, fruit, maize and other provisions. Brigs were also to be used to support troops from either camp whenever they were entering the city in an attack. The six brigs duly left and it proved a wise and fruitful move, for not a day or night passed without their making sudden and unexpected sallies in which they captured large numbers of natives and their canoes.

Having arranged this matter and received the assistance of the neighbouring tribes as I have described, I gathered them together and told them plainly that I was determined to attack the city and enter it within two days, and that I should then know whether they were truly my friends for they would present themselves at that time fully prepared for war, the which they promised to do. Next day I positioned my men and bade them make all ready, and also wrote to the camps and brigs, telling them of my plans and what they had to do for their part.

Early next morning having heard mass and given my officers final instructions, I sallied forth from the camp with fifteen or twenty horse and three hundred Spaniards together with all our allies who were beyond number, and proceeding three bowshots along the causeway found the enemy all ready awaiting us and filling the air with their shouting. It was three days since we had attacked them, and they had consequently undone all our work in blocking up the former bridges, and now held them more strongly than ever. The brigs sailed up on either side of the causeway, and by their aid we succeeded in approaching very near the enemy to whom we did no small damage with guns, muskets and crossbows. Seeing this, some of my men leapt on land and forced both bridge and barricade, upon which we began to cross over in some numbers and pursue the enemy who were proceeding to fortify themselves at the other bridges and barricades which they had made. These two, however, were gained in turn, though with more danger and difficulty than on the preceding occasion, and we finally succeeded in driving them out of the whole of the main street and the square containing the chief buildings of the city. Having got so far I gave orders that no Spaniards should advance further, while I with our allies proceeded to block up with Stones and earth all the gaps in causeway and Street through which water was flowing, the which entailed so much work that even with the assistance of ten thousand Indians evening was coming on before it was finished. During the whole of this time the Spaniards and our allies continued fighting and skirmishing with those of the city and laying ambushes in which many of them were trapped and killed. I with the horsemen made one reconnoitre of the city, riding along the Streets which were not intercepted by waterways and killing with our lances those who attempted to attack us. In this way we forced them to withdraw and they dared no longer venture out on to open ground. Seeing that the defenders were rebellious and displayed such determination to die or to resist I drew two conclusions: the first, that we should regain little or none of the riches we had lost during the “sorrowful night”; the second, that they were bent on forcing us to destroy them completely. I was more concerned about this latter conclusion which grieved me to the heart, and was at pains to think in what way I could terrify them so as to bring them to a knowledge of their sins and the damage that we were in a position to do them. All that I could think of was to burn their houses and the towers in which they kept their idols. Accordingly that day, that they might feel it the more, I ordered the large houses surrounding the square to be set on fire, those houses, namely, in which we had fortified ourselves when we were besieged in the city and which were large enough to contain a native chieftain and some six hundred of his retinue; we also burnt certain smaller ones hard by still more elaborate and very finely worked, in which Muteczuma had been wont to keep all his birds. I was much grieved to do this, but since it was still more grievous to them I determined on burning them. At this the enemy showed no small distress as also their allies from the other cities of the lake, for they had never thought that we should be strong enough to push so far into the city: and this dismayed them not a little.

Having thus set fire to the houses, since it was now late, I gathered my men together to return to the camp. Seeing that we were retreating an infinite number of the citizens rushed out and attacked our rearguard with tremendous fury. But the street was level and without obstacles so that those who were on horseback turned on them and we killed many of them with our lances in repeated charges, which Still did not prevent them from continuing to attack and yell in our rear. They were much discouraged that day and plainly showed it, especially on seeing us actually enter their city, burning and destroying, and on finding themselves at grips with Indians from Tezcuco, Chalco, Suchimilco, and the Otumíes, all of whom openly proclaimed where they came from. The Tlascalans, indeed, as also some of the others showed them some bodies of their dismembered comrades whom they said they would sup on that night and breakfast on next day, and so in effect they did. In such fashion we reached our camp to take our rest, for we had toiled hard during the day. The seven brigs which I kept with me had also penetrated into the city by means of the waterways and set fire to many parts. The captains in the other two camps and on board the other six brigs also fought well, but I have not space to recount all that befell them, save only to say that they returned to their respective camps without any casualties.

Early the following day having heard mass I advanced on the city in the same order with all my men, in order that the enemy might have no time to unblock the bridges or erect barricades. Early as we were, however, of the three waterways which cross the road running from our camp to the great square two of them were already open as they had been before, and we only crossed with great difficulty; so much so, that fighting went on from eight o’clock in the morning to an hour after noon, in which time nearly all the arrows, ammunition and cannon balls which the bowmen and musketeers carried with them were used up. And your Majesty may well believe that the danger we ran on every occasion in taking these bridges was beyond all comparison, for to capture each one we were forced to leap into the water and so gain the other side by swimming. And many were either unable or unwilling to venture thus for the enemy resisted us stoutly with knife and lance thrusts to prevent our scrambling up the opposite bank. But they could no longer do us damage from the flat rooftops on either side, and we being but a stone’s throw away were continually bombarding them with arrows, so that the Spaniards each day plucked up greater courage and a more fixed determination to get across. They plainly perceived, moreover, that such was my intention and that sink or swim there was nothing else to be done.

It will occur to your Majesty that placing ourselves in such peril as we did over gaining these bridges and barricades, we were negligent in not holding them once they were captured and so avoiding each day the same perils and dangers which beyond a doubt were grave. And certainly so it will appear to those who were not present. But your Majesty must know that the thing was in no wise possible, for to carry it out two things were necessary: either that we should transfer our camp to the square surrounded by the towers containing their idols, or that a guard should be posted during the night. Both these courses would have involved great danger and were in fact impossible. For were our camp within the city, since they were many and ourselves few, every night and at every hour they would have been in a position to attack us; to keep them off would have entailed unbearable toil and they could have attacked us in many different places at once. On the other hand, to have set Spaniards to guard the bridges through the night would have meant that they would have been too tired to fight next day, and thus it was imperative that we should capture the bridges anew each day we entered the city. That day in particular we had taken so long in capturing the bridges and blocking them up behind us that there was hardly time to do more save to take and block up a couple of bridges along the other chief causeway which leads to Tacuba. We also burnt many fine houses in that street before evening came and the time to retreat, in which we always ran less danger than in taking the bridges. For the sight of our retreat was always certain to imbue the natives of the city with such excitement that anyone would have thought that it was they who had been completely victorious, and we were flying to safety. To retreat, however, it was necessary that the bridges should be thoroughly blocked up so that the horse could cross freely from one side to the other; and so as we retired and they came bursting with eagerness in pursuit we sometimes feigned to fly and then the horsemen suddenly wheeling round usually managed to catch a dozen or so of the most head-strong. With these and certain ambushes which were practised on them they never failed to come off the losers, and yet it was astonishing to see the way they rushed on. For no matter how certain the hurt and damage which they knew they would receive during our retreat, yet they never ceased to pursue us until we were beyond the city wall. In such fashion we returned to our camp where I heard from the two other captains that all had gone well with them, and they had succeeded in killing many both by land and sea.

Albarado in particular wrote me from Tacuba saying that he had gained two or three bridges, for as he was proceeding along the causeway leading from the central market to Tacuba the three brigs which I had sent him could sail up the side of the causeway and so assist him more than in the preceding days. There were of course more bridges and gaps in the causeway, but fewer of the flat rooftops on either side.

During all this time the natives of Iztapalapa and several other towns which lie as I described before on the shores of the fresh water lake had steadily refused to sue for peace though at the same time abstaining from attacking us in any way. The Chalco Indians accordingly, being very loyal vassals of your Majesty and seeing that we had our hands full with the natives of the capital, united with several other townships round the lake and inflicted all the damage they could on the fresh lake dwellers. These, seeing that each day brought us fresh victories against the Mexicans and that they were like to receive great harm from our allies, decided to come to our camp, and begged me to forgive them for what had been done in the past and order the Chalco Indians and their neighbours to do them no further hurt.

I replied that I was prepared to do so and was not angered with them but only with the inhabitants of the capital: and to prove the sincerity of their friendship I requested them (since I was determined not to strike camp until the city had surrendered either peaceably or by force) to aid me with their canoes of which they had a large number, fit them out with as many fighting men as they could muster and come to my help over the water. I also requested them, since the huts of the Spaniards were few in number and those very dilapidated and there was much rain, to build as many huts in my camp as they could, bringing bricks and wood in their canoes from the houses in their city which lay nearest our camp. They replied that the fighting men and the canoes were ready at any moment, and as to building houses they set to work so well that they had soon completed two lines of them on either side of the causeway which must have stretched from first to last a distance of some three to four bowshots from the towers where we were encamped. And your Majesty must consider that this causeway which runs across the deepest part of the lake is yet so wide that notwith-standing the houses on either side a broad street remained down the middle along which both horses and foot soldiers could freely pass backwards and forwards. Moreover in the camp itself there were continuously lodged more than two thousand persons, counting Spaniards and the Indians who acted as their servants: all our native allies lodged at Cuyoacan about a league and a half away, and both this town and others provided us with certain stores of which we stood in great need, especially fish and cherries, of which they have such abundance that in the five or six months in which they are in season they could feed twice as many people as there are in this land.

As we had entered the city from the side of our camp for two or three days running (not to mention three or four times before) and had been unfailingly victorious and were killing such infinite numbers of them with our crossbows and muskets, we thought that at any moment a move would be made towards peace, which we desired as we did our own salvation. But nothing seemed able to bring them to this pass. Accordingly to put them in greater straits and see whether I could not force them to ask for peace I proposed to continue to enter the city daily and attack them in three or four places. To this end I summoned all our allies from the various lake cities so that that morning there were more than a hundred thousand men in our camp. I gave orders for the three brigs with half the canoes, which would be some hundred and fifty, to advance one side, and the other three brigs with a like number of canoes to go by the other and so encompass a greater part of the city, burning and doing all the damage they could. I myself proceeded along the main street to find it free of obstacles as far as the large houses in the central square, not one of the bridges having been torn down; we therefore advanced as far as the causeway leading to Tacuba, in which there were some seven or eight bridges. Arrived there I ordered one officer to enter another street with sixty or seventy men and seven horsemen to protect their rear, and ten or twelve thousand of our Indian allies in addition: a second officer I ordered to proceed in like manner down another street, and I with the remaining men advanced along the Tacuba road. We captured three bridges which we blocked up, and owing to the lateness of the hour left the others which could be better won on the morrow; for I was very eager to gain possession of the whole of that Street so that the men in Albarado’s camp could communicate with ours and pass freely from one camp to the other, as also the brigs. The day was thus eminently successful both on sea and land, and some small booty was taken from the defenders: Sandoval and Albarado were likewise equally successful.

On the following day I again entered the city in similar fashion and God gave us such good success that where I was with my men it seemed as if no resistance was offered to us. The enemy retreated so vigorously that we seemed to have captured three quarters of the whole city. Those from Albarado’s camp likewise made good headway, and certainly after the work of those two days I felt that peace could not be very far off, for at no time either with victories or otherwise did I cease from giving every sign of desiring peace that I could. Yet in spite of all we observed no answering signals, and that day we returned to camp with much contentment for what had been achieved, though heavy at heart to see the citizens so determined to die.

During these days Pedro de Albarado had captured many bridges and in order to hold them had placed sentinels both on horse and on foot to guard them during the night, the rest of his men going back to their camp some three-quarters of a league off. This labour of keeping guards becoming too great to be borne, he decided to move his camp to the end of the street leading into the chief market of the city, a square rather larger than that of Salamanca, and entirely surrounded by arcades; to do this he had only some two or three more bridges to gain, but they were exceptionally deep and presented numerous difficulties; he fought thus for several days with this object and was uniformly successful. On that day which I have already described when our enemies displayed such cowardice and we attacked them very fiercely and continuously, Albarado somewhat intoxicated with the savour of victory and the many bridges he had captured, decided to make an attempt to gain an exceptionally wide one at a spot where more than seventy feet of the causeway had been torn up giving place to water about nine feet deep; they attacked it accordingly that same day and with the very considerable assistance of the boats passed the water and gained the bridgehead, continuing even further in pursuit of the enemy who fled before them. Pedro de Albarado made great haste to block up the gap so that the cavalry might pass across, and also because there was no day on which I did not warn him both in writing and by word of mouth not to capture so much as a hand’s breadth of land without securing it so that horses could pass over it safely, for it was on the horses that the fortunes of war depended. On this occasion the natives of the city, seeing that there were only some forty or fifty Spaniards on their side of the gap together with a few of our allies and that the horse soldiers could not yet pass, charged back on our men with such fury that they were forced to turn and leap into the water: three or four Spaniards were taken alive and afterwards sacrificed and several of the allies were killed. Finally Pedro de Albarado retreated to his camp. When I returned to our camp that day and heard of this I was more grieved than at anything else which could have happened, for it was just such as would hearten our enemies and give them cause to think that we should not dare to penetrate into the city. The reason for Albarado being so eager to take that difficult bridge was, as I have said, the great success he had already had and the weakness displayed by the enemy, but principally because the soldiers in his camp worked on him to capture the market, for that gained (they said) the whole of the city was practically ours, since it was there that the natives placed all their hope and strength. Moreover, Albarado’s men seeing that I continued to attack the city from my side without a break feared that I should capture the market place before them, and as they were originally nearer it than we ourselves they held it as a point of honour to be the first to capture it. In this way Pedro de Albarado was won over to do what they wanted; the same attempts had been made upon me in my own camp; for all my men begged me earnestly to give the order to advance by one of the three streets leading to the said market place, since we were meeting no resistance and that place once gained our labours would be lessened. I prevaricated, however, in every way I could, urging reasons for not attempting it although concealing the real cause, which was simply the inconveniences and dangers which I plainly saw would follow; for in order to enter the market place there were innumerable rooftops, bridges and broken-down causeways to be captured, in such wise that almost every house which we should have to take was like a little island surrounded with water on all sides.

I had heard the news of Albarado’s setback on returning to my camp in the evening and accordingly next morning set out for his camp to reprimand him, examine what had been gained and the new position of his camp, and advise him as to the best means for ensuring his safety and renewing the attack on the enemy. Coming to his camp I was really amazed at the distance he had advanced it into the city and the perilous gaps and bridges which he had captured; so much so that I could not blame him as I had thought to do before, and after discussing what was to be done, I returned to my camp the same day.

After this incident I continued making attacks into the city in the same parts that we were wont to do, the brigs and canoes being engaged in two places and myself within the city in another four places; we were always successful and killed many of the enemy, for every day innumerable fresh troops came to join us. I still hesitated however to pierce further into the city, both to see whether the natives would not come to terms and because such an entrance could only be made with considerable danger, since the enemy were a united body, strong, and quite determined to die. The Spaniards, seeing this delay (for they had attacked in this manner without advancing for over twenty days), importuned me anew very earnestly to penetrate further and attack the market place, where the enemy would be left with but a small place in which to defend themselves, and should they refuse to surrender would die of hunger and thirst, for they had nothing to drink save the salt water of the lake. I was arguing against it when your Majesty’s treasurer spoke up saying that it was the opinion of the whole camp and that I must perforce put it into operation: upon which I replied to him and other gentlemen of importance there present saying that his plan and intentions were alike excellent, and that I desired to follow it more than anyone, but that I had abstained from doing so for a reason which I was loath to declare, but which was that while (I knew) he and others would bear themselves as valiant men, yet since the enterprise was one of much danger, there would be others who would not. Finally, however, they persuaded me to agree to go forward with the scheme so far as I was able, first consulting with the other two camps.

On the following day, in conjunction with several of my chief officers, we agreed to inform Sandoval and Albarado that we should enter the city the next day and make an attempt to reach the market place, and I set down in writing what they were to do from the Tacuba side. In addition to writing, to make more certain, I dispatched two of my servants to acquaint them with the whole business: their orders were that Sandoval should come immediately with ten horse, a hundred foot and fifteen musketeers to Albarado’s camp, leaving ten horsemen and all the rest behind in his own. On the following day, being that of our attack, the men he left were to ambush themselves behind some houses, carrying off all the baggage as if they were striking camp: the natives of the city would then rush out after them and would be caught in the rear. Meanwhile Sandoval with the three brigs which he had himself and the other three of Albarado would capture the difficult gap where the latter had been defeated, and would immediately set to to block it up. They could then advance further taking care all the while never to pass on beyond a bridge which had not first been filled up and levelled. If they could without great risk win to the market place they should make every effort to do so and I would do the same: but they should understand these instructions as urging them not to take so much as a single position which should put them in danger of a reverse; I warned them in this way because I knew from what manner of men they were that they would venture their persons wherever I should bid them even though they knew that they would lose their lives by it. The two servants were thus dispatched as I have said and informed Sandoval and Albarado of all that we had agreed; and since they had only to attack in one place whereas I was attacking in many I requested them to send me seventy or eighty foot to assist me; these accordingly returned with my two servants that same night and slept in our camp.

All being ready, on the following day after mass the seven brigs left our camp together with over three thousand canoes of our allies. I with twenty-five horse and all the foot (including seventy from the Tacuba camp) advanced along the causeway into the city, where on arriving I divided my men up in this manner. There were three streets all running from the one we had already gained to the market, called by the Indians Tianguiz; one of these is the principal and largest. I ordered your Majesty’s treasurer and contador to advance along this one with seventy of our own men, some fifteen to twenty thousand of our allies and seven or eight horsemen in the rear; they were to block up all bridges and break down barricades so soon as they had taken them, and had some dozen Spaniards and also natives with picks to see that this job was done. The two other streets branching off from the road leading to Tacuba are narrower and more cut up by bridges and waterways. I ordered two captains to advance along the broader of the two with eighty Spaniards and over ten thousand of our allies, and at the beginning of the road leading to Tacuba I placed two heavy guns with eight horsemen guarding them. I myself with eight horsemen and about a hundred foot (among whom there were over five and twenty musketeers and bowmen) proceeded to advance along the narrowest street with what haste we could. At the very mouth of it I halted the horsemen and gave them strict orders not to move from there or attempt to come after me unless I should send them word. Upon this I dismounted and advanced to the barricade which they had made at the end of a bridge. By the aid of a small field gun and the musketeers we gained this and advanced again along the narrow street which was entirely broken down in two or three places.

In addition to these three carefully planned attacks in which we were engaged, our native allies who were entering the city on their own and taking rooftops and other places were so numerous that there seemed to be no point at which we could be taken off our guard. We ourselves captured two bridges and barricades ahead of us and the road between, and our allies forthwith advanced up the street without any Spanish troops to aid them. I was left with some twenty Spaniards on a sort of little island and saw our friends engaged with the enemy in front; several times they were driven back and some of them thrown into the water, but with our assistance they returned to the attack. In addition to this we were on our guard to prevent any of the enemy from cutting across the side streets and catching the Spaniards, who had advanced up the other streets, in the rear. These sent me a message at this moment to say that they had made a lot of ground and were not far from the market square; they were eager to press on at all costs since they could hear the noise of the attack which Sandoval and Albarado were delivering from their side. I sent to them telling them in no wise to advance further without first seeing that the bridges were thoroughly blocked up, so that if it should become necessary to retreat to the lake there should be no difficulty or disturbance, for they knew that it was there that danger lay. They sent back another message to say that all that had been won was well repaired, and that I might go through and see that it was so. I, anxious lest they should go astray and neglect due precautions in blocking up the bridges, accordingly made my way there, and found that they had passed one gap in the road some ten to twelve yards broad, through which flowed water over twenty foot deep. To pass it they had jammed up the gap with pieces of wood and common reed grass, and since they had crossed one at a time and with care the wood and reeds had remained above the water; so that drunk with victory they thought it was very secure. But as chance would have it at the very moment that I arrived at that accursed bridge it was to see the Spaniards and many of our allies flying back in retreat, with the enemy like so many hounds at their heels. Seeing the disorder I immediately yelled out “Take care, take care.” The next moment as I came to the edge of the water I found it full of Spaniards and Indians so that it seemed as if not so much as a straw had been thrown into it. The enemy rushed on in such numbers that, bent on killing the Spaniards, they threw themselves into the water after them: meanwhile the waterway filled up with enemy canoes who captured our men alive in the water. The whole business was so sudden, that seeing what numbers of my men were falling, I determined to take my stand there and die fighting. The best that we could do, I and those who were with me on the near side, was to stretch out our hands to a few of the unfortunate men who were drowning and help them on to the land: some thus escaped from the water wounded, others half-drowned, others again without their arms, all of whom I dispatched back to the rear. The enemy was so numerous that already I and the twelve or fifteen who were with me found ourselves surrounded on all sides.

I myself was so intent on saving those who were drowning that I saw and thought nothing of the danger in which I was in: certain of the enemy were just about to seize me and would have borne me off had it not been for the captain of fifty foot who always accompanied me, and a youth in his company, who, after God, was the chief instrument in saving my life: and saving me, like a valiant man he lost his own. In this pass the Spaniards who got over the bridge pursued their way back along the street, which was small, narrow and bounded by water on both sides: (this the dogs had specially designed). Many of our allies were also fleeing pell mell down it so that there was little wonder that the road was soon blocked up with people who took so long to make any headway that the enemy had time to get into their canoes and come round on both sides of it on the water where they captured and killed at their pleasure. The captain who was with me and whose name was Antonio de Quiñones said to me: “Let’s get out of here and save your person for you are well aware that without you not a single one of us will escape alive,” but he could not succeed in persuading me to abandon the place. Seeing this he seized me in his arms to compel me to retreat, and although I would at that moment have welcomed death rather than life, yet at the importunities of that man and other comrades who were with me, we began to retire fighting with swords and bucklers against the enemy who struck fiercely at us. At this moment one of my servants arrived on horseback and cleared some space around us, but almost immediately an Indian standing on one of the low flat roofs gave him a spear thrust in the throat which forced him to retreat. We continued to fight thus desperately, waiting until the men should pass the narrow street and gain a place of safety while we held back the enemy, when a youth, one of my own special company, made his way back to us leading a horse for me to ride, for the mud was such in the narrow street from those who had fallen into and escaped from the water that it was as much as one could do to stand, especially with the pushing and shoving that went on from our men trying to escape. I mounted, but not to fight, for it was impossible to do so on horseback: at an earlier point in the causeway we had come across the eight horsemen whom I had left cut off on a kind of island and all that they had been able to do was to retire along the causeway: even retiring was so dangerous that a couple of mules ridden by two of my servants fell from the roadway into the water, the Indians killing one and the other being saved by some of the foot soldiers. Another youth of my own company, named Cristóbal de Guzman, mounted a horse given to him by one of the eight left on the island to bring to me so that I could escape, and both horse and rider were killed by the enemy. The death of this youth filled the whole camp with such sorrow that even now the grief of those who knew him is still fresh. And now after all our labours it pleased God that those who remained to us should finally come out into the Tacuba road which was very broad, where rallying my men I again proceeded, myself and nine other horsemen forming the rearguard. The enemy still came on with such spirit and certainty of success that it seemed as if not one of us would escape with his life. Withdrawing thus as best I could, I sent to the treasurer and contador to tell them to fall back on the great central square in close order; I sent the same message to the other two captains who had entered the street leading to the market. Both forces had fought very valiantly and gained many barricades and bridges which they had thoroughly blocked up, on account of which they received no damage when retreating. Even before the treasurer and contador began to retire the inhabitants of the city had tossed two or three white men’s heads at them over the barricades which they were defending, the besiegers not knowing whether they came from Pedro de Albarado’s camp or from ours. We were all gathered in the central square when from all sides such numbers of the enemy charged out upon us that we had our hands full in beating them off, and that in places where before this setback they would not have dared to attack three horsemen and a dozen foot. Suddenly from one of their lofty idol towers which stood near the square they set fire to a mass of perfumes and gums which are found in this land and are very similar to myrrh, the which they offer to their idols as a signal of victory; and although we had been glad to prevent it, yet we were not able to do so, for all the men were already making their way back to camp as fast as they could.

In this defeat the enemy killed from thirty-five to forty Spaniards and more than a thousand of our Indian allies; they wounded more than twenty of us, I myself receiving a wound in the leg; the small field gun which we had taken with us in our advance was lost, together with many crossbows, muskets and other arms. The citizens, so soon as they had gained the victory and in order to dismay Sandoval and Albarado, carried all the Spaniards they had captured, both living and dead, naked, up to certain lofty towers near the market place, and there sacrificed them, cutting open their breasts and tearing out their hearts to offer them to their gods. This the Spaniards under Albarado could plainly see from where they were fighting, and from the whiteness of the naked bodies they knew that they were Christians who were being sacrificed; at the which they were seized with great sadness and dismay and retreated to their camp. Nevertheless they had fought right well that day and had gained almost to the market place, which place indeed would have been taken had God for our sins not permitted so great a disorder. We ourselves returned to camp in very low spirits somewhat earlier than we were wont to do, for we heard news in addition that the brigs had been captured and the enemies’ canoes would be taking us in the rear, although thanks be to God such was not the case. Nevertheless the brigs and our allies’ canoes found themselves in a tight corner, so much so that one brig was very near being lost, and its captain and master were badly wounded, the latter dying a week later.

The next day and night those within the city made great rejoicings with drums and trumpets, so that it seemed as if the very walls would collapse; all the waterways and bridges were reopened as in the beginning, and the enemies’ fires and sentries advanced to within a couple of bowshots of our camp. We ourselves were so battered and wounded, many having lost their arms, that it was essential to obtain rest and time for repair. The citizens took advantage of this respite to send messages to many subject provinces, saying that they had been victorious, had killed many Christians and would soon make an end of us, and were resolved in no wise to discuss terms of peace with us. As proof of what they said they sent a couple of horses’ heads and certain heads of Christians which the messengers went about to show to all whom they thought fit, and thus strengthen more than ever the rebels in their obstinacy. With all this, however, so that our enemies within the city should not become too proud nor perceive our weakness there was no day on which a few Spaniards both on horse and foot together with large numbers of our allies did not advance to attack the city, although they could never gain more than a few of the bridges in the first street leading to the central square.

Two days after this reverse, news of which had already spread over the whole countryside, the natives of a town known as Cuernabaca who were subjects of the Mexicans but had come over to our side came to the camp to tell me that the inhabitants of Malinalco, a neighbouring town, were doing much damage and destroying their land, and were now leaguing themselves with the province of Cuisco (which is very large) to attack them in force and kill them for having surrendered themselves as vassals of your Majesty and our friends: after they had destroyed them, said they, they would come and attack us. Now although our setback was so recent and we were in need of help rather than in a position to give it to others, yet since they begged me very earnestly I determined to assist them; and so in spite of great opposition from some, who said that I should destroy us all by depleting the numbers in our camp, yet I sent back with them eighty foot and ten horsemen under the command of Andrés de Tapia, whom I charged very gravely to do what might be most expedient to your Majesty’s service and our own security, for he could well see the danger in which we lay, and he was to return within ten days. He accordingly set off and arriving at a little town between Malinalco and Cuernabaca found the enemy waiting for him; he with the natives from Cuernabaca who accompanied him immediately offered battle in the open field and our men fought so well that they broke up the enemies’ ranks and pursued them right up to the walls of Malinalco, which is perched on a very lofty peak too steep for the horses to climb; seeing this they destroyed what buildings there were in the plain and returned victorious to our camp before the ten days were out; within the city at the top of the peak (they reported) there were many springs of excellent water producing a very fertile vegetation.

Meanwhile, as I have already described, some of our men on horse and foot together with our allies were daily entering the city to combat the natives and advancing nearly to the large houses surrounding the great square; they did not succeed in progressing further, for the inhabitants had opened a very broad and deep gap in the causeway at the mouth of the square and had erected an exceptionally high and strong barricade on the further side. They fought thus till night overtook them.

A native ruler in the province of Tlascala known as Chichimecatecle, whom I have already mentioned (he who brought the decking of the ships built in his province), had from the beginning of the attack taken up his quarters in Albarado’s camp with all his men, and seeing that after the recent setback the Spaniards did not fight as they were wont to do, he determined himself to enter the city with his own men, posting four hundred native archers at a dangerous gap in the causeway which he had captured from the citizens though not without our help. He accordingly advanced at the head of his men with a great deal of noise, all shouting out the names of their country and their ruler, and fought very fiercely that day so that on both sides there were many wounded and killed. The inhabitants of the city, however, were well assured that they had their adversaries in their power, for it is their nature when their opponents retreat, whether they themselves be victorious or not, to follow on their heels with great determination; and so they thought on this occasion when their opponents came to cross the water, an operation always fraught with danger, that they would take full revenge on them. It was for this reason that Chichimecatecle had left his four hundred archers at the bridge-head; for now as they began to retreat the citizens charged down on them with fresh fury, upon which the Tlascalans threw themselves into the water and protected by the archers passed safely across, while the enemy finding this unexpected resistance halted, not a little terrified at the daring nature of the Indian chief’s attack.

Two days after Andrés de Tapia’s return from Malinalco ten of the Otumíes Indians, who had been enslaved by the Mexicans, arrived in our camp saying that the rulers of the neighbouring province of Temas-calcingo were making war on them, had burnt one town and carried off some of its inhabitants, and were now advancing, destroying as much as they could, with the intention of reaching our camp and falling upon us, so that those within the city could sally out and dispatch us. We were the more willing to give credit to this tale since but a few days before as we entered the city the inhabitants had threatened us with news of aid from Temascalcingo of which we knew little, save that it was a large province lying some twenty-two leagues from our camp. These Otumíes now begged us for aid; and although the request came at so grim a time, yet trusting in the help of God, and somewhat to break the spirit of those within the city who were now daily threatening us with help from this quarter and showed plainly that they were building upon it (for there was no other quarter from which help could come), I decided to send Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, thither with eighteen horse and a hundred foot (including but a single crossbowman), who accordingly left soon afterwards taking a number of Otumíes in his company. God knows the peril in which all went and also that in which we ourselves remained; but as it behoved us to display more courage and spirit than ever and die fighting if need be we concealed our weakness alike from our friends as from our enemies. Nevertheless not one but a thousand times my men declared that if it should please God to grant them their lives and to be victorious against the inhabitants of the capital even although they should gain no other advantage or reward in the city, nay, in the whole land, they would ask nothing more; from which may be understood the extremity of peril and want in which we had placed our persons and our lives.

Sandoval slept that night at a frontier town of the Otumíes facing the province of Malinalco, and rising very early next morning came to some farms belonging to the Otumíes which he found deserted and in large part burnt; riding further across the plain on the bank of a little stream he found a large band of enemy warriors, who had just finished burning another town. Seeing the Spaniards they began to fly, and our men pursuing them came across many bundles of maize dropped in the road together with the roasted bodies of children which they were carrying with them as provisions. After crossing the river they perceived the enemy rallying further on in the plain, upon which Sandoval and his horsemen charged and routed them, following up their flight straight to the town of Temascalcingo which was some three leagues off. The horsemen thus pursued them until they were actually within the gates of the town, when they waited for the foot and Indian allies to come up: these latter had occupied themselves in killing those whom the horsemen had overtaken and left in their rear, in such wise that over two thousand of the enemy perished in this pursuit. As soon as the foot arrived together with the Otumíes, numbering now some seventy thousand, they made a rush on the town where the enemy resisted them while the women and children together with their household belongings reached a place of safety in a stronghold perched on a very lofty peak nearby. But such was the fury of the attackers that the men were forced also to retire to the stronghold which was exceptionally rocky and difficult to approach, and in a very short space of time they had pillaged and burnt the town. It was now late and Sandoval decided not to attack the fortress, for they were all very weary, having fought all day. The enemy spent the greater part of the night in wild shouting and a great din of drums and native trumpets.

Next morning Sandoval with all his men began to ascend the hill in order to capture the fortress, although not without fear of finding themselves in difficulties in case of resistance, but on their arrival not a single one of the enemy was to be seen; certain of our Indian allies met them coming down from the top to say that there was nobody there and that all the enemy had left a little before dawn. As they were thus talking looking down they suddenly perceived the whole plain below them filled with people who were actually Otumíes; but the horsemen thinking them to be the enemy charged down on them and killed three or four with their lances; and as their language is different from that of the Mexicans they understood nothing more than that they were throwing down their arms and approaching them: even on this some three or four more were killed; but they afterwards entirely understood that it was a mistake. Since the enemy had not awaited their coming the Spaniards decided to turn upon another town belonging to them which was also at war with the Otumíes. The inhabitants, however, seeing such great numbers advancing against them, immediately came out with offers of peace; Sandoval held converse with its ruler, telling him that I received kindly those who came to offer themselves as vassals to your Majesty even though guilty of grave crimes, and requesting him to speak with those of Temascalcingo and urge them to come to me, the which he promised to do and also bring the natives of Malinalco in peace: this done Sandoval retired to his camp.

That day certain Spaniards from my camp had advanced as usual to attack the capital and a request was brought back that our interpreter should approach because the citizens wished to discuss terms of peace. This, it afterwards appeared, they wanted only on condition that we should evacuate the entire country. The proposal was put forward simply to obtain a few days’ breathing space in which they would have time to furnish themselves with various things they lacked, for we never succeeded by any such hardships in changing their intent to continue the fight against us. While they were thus conversing with our interpreter, but a short distance from our men, with only a demolished bridge between them, an old warrior in the sight of everybody leisurely took out of his knapsack a few eatables which he ate, so as to give us plainly to understand that they were not in need of food, as a reply to our men who told them that they would die of hunger. Our Indian allies told us that these attempts at peace were foils, and urged that they should attack them; however, there was no further fighting that day as the chiefs begged the interpreter to speak with me as to what they had proposed.

Four days after Sandoval’s return from Temascalcingo, the chiefs both of that province and of Malinalco and Cuisco, another very large province which had rebelled, arrived at our camp, asking forgiveness for the past and offering to serve us faithfully in the future, the which they have done up to the present.

During Sandoval’s absence at Temascalcingo the inhabitants of the capital planned to make a night attack on Albarado’s camp, and appeared suddenly an hour before dawn. The sentries both on horse and foot hearing them yelled out “To arms!” and those who were near threw themselves upon the enemy, who when they found mounted men fighting against them cast themselves into the water. In the meanwhile the main body of Spaniards came up and fought very fiercely for some three hours. We heard from our camp the noise of one of the field guns being fired, and anxious lest they should be defeated I ordered my men to arm themselves and advance upon the city so as to weaken the enemies’ attack on Albarado. The inhabitants, however, finding the resistance of the Spaniards so determined finally retired into the city, and during the day which followed we attacked them anew.

By this time those of us who had been wounded in our defeat were recovered. A ship belonging to Juan Ponce de León had arrived in Vera Cruz having met with rough treatment on the coast of Florida. With this news from Vera Cruz came a certain amount of gunpowder and crossbows of which we were in very urgent need. And by now, thanks be to God, the whole land about us had declared on our side. Yet, seeing how rebellious the inhabitants of the city still were and as plainly determined to die without surrender as was ever any race of men, I knew not by what means to save ourselves so much peril and toil, and at the same time avoid destroying utterly both them and their city, which was one of the most beautiful sights in the world: for it profited us nothing to assure them that we were resolved never to strike camp, that the ships would continue to make war on them by water, that we had conquered the tribes of Temascalcingo and Malinalco, and that in all the land there was none to help them, nor any place from which they might obtain maize, flesh, fruit, water, or any other kind of nourishment. The more we spoke to them of such things, the less of weakness we perceived in them: rather in fighting and attacking we found them yet more spirited than before. Seeing then that the matter stood in this wise and that the siege had already lasted over forty-five days, I determined to adopt a method which should contribute to our safety and place the enemy in closer straits, namely, that as we proceeded slowly to gain the streets of the city we should raze to the ground every house that we came to on either side of the street: so that we should not advance so much as a step without leaving everything desolate behind us, blocking up every single waterway, no matter how slow our progress should be. To this end I called together all the rulers and chief men of our allies and told them what I proposed; they accordingly summoned a large number of their labourers who brought their hoes, a kind of shortened stick, which they use very much as peasants do their spades in Spain. They told me they would carry out my instructions very willingly and thought them very prudent. The work pleased them not a little, for it seemed to them a means by which the city should be made utterly desolate, the which they desired more than anything else in the world.

Three or four days were occupied in making these arrangements. The inhabitants were certain that we were planning some new attacks on them. They themselves, as it afterwards appeared, were ordering what they could for their defence, as we likewise guessed at the time. Having agreed, therefore, with our allies to attack both by land and water, we heard mass early the next morning and forthwith took the road to the city. On our arrival at the demolished bridge and barricade close to the large houses in the great square, the inhabitants bade us cease from fighting for they desired peace. I immediately gave orders to my men to stay their hands, and requested the ruler of the city to come and speak with me to arrange conditions of peace. They, saying that they had already sent for him, delayed us more than an hour; in truth they had no desire for peace and were not long in showing it, for as we stood quietly by they began presently to pelt us with arrows, darts and stones. Seeing this we immediately began to storm the barricade and capture it. On entering the square we found it littered with large stones to prevent the horsemen from riding through it, since it is they who are the deciding factor in battle: we likewise found a street walled up with loose stones and another scattered with them to prevent the advance of cavalry. That day we blocked up the waterway immediately outside the square in such fashion that never afterwards did the Indians succeed in opening it. From that time onward we began to demolish the houses one by one and close up with extreme thoroughness all the bridges we captured, and since on that day over a hundred and fifty thousand warriors marched with us, not a little was accomplished. So we returned to our camp; the brigs and canoes of our allies had likewise done much damage in the city, and returned also to rest their crews.

On the following day and in the same order we entered the city, and arriving at the large enclosure surrounding the towers of their idols, I gave orders to my officers that their men do nothing before blocking up the waterways and making smooth the rough places which we had already gained. Our allies were in part to burn and demolish the houses and in part to advance and engage the enemy in those streets in which we were wont to fight, being protected in the rear by our horsemen. I myself mounted the loftiest of the towers where the Indians could see me (which I was aware would grieve them) and thence I encouraged our native allies and sent help to them when necessary; for fighting as they did without ceasing, at times the enemy gave way, at times our friends, who were then reinforced by some three or four horsemen, the which encouraged them mightily to attack their enemies anew. In this fashion we entered the city some five or six days running, and always on retiring we sent our allies on in front, a few Spaniards ambushing themselves in certain houses and the horsemen remaining behind so as to spring out on our enemies suddenly and catch them in the open square. Thus with the ambushes of both horse and foot we always succeeded in striking down a good number with our lances. One day in particular seven or eight horsemen were waiting in the square for the enemy to come out into the open: seeing that the enemy did not come they made as if to retreat; but the enemy fearing to be struck down by the lances of the cavalry when they turned suddenly, as had happened before, placed themselves on certain walls and low roofs of which there were an infinite number; and when the eight or nine horsemen turned on them they fled down a narrow street whose mouth they held and whither they could not be pursued. Upon this the horsemen were forced to retreat to the main body. The enemy, encouraged by this, came on again very intent on doing them mischief, but cautiously, perching themselves on walls and the like where they could not be hurt themselves, but where they could inflict damage on the horsemen who had to retreat. They thus succeeded in wounding two horses. This gave me the opportunity of devising an excellent trap as I shall recount to your Majesty. We returned to our camp that evening leaving all that we had captured very secure and open, and those within the city very boastful, thinking they had compelled us to retire through fear. That night I sent a message to Sandoval bidding him be at my camp before dawn with fifteen of his own horsemen and the same number of Albarado’s.

Sandoval accordingly arrived with fifteen horse. I had another twenty-five from Cuyoacan, which made forty in all. Ten of them I ordered to accompany the rest of the troops in the morning and together with the brigs fight in the same order that we had observed on previous days. Many bridges had been gained within the city and the ground levelled: they were therefore to charge the natives as often as they could so as to coop them up as much as possible within their strongholds, and keep them so until it was time to retire. I myself would then enter the city with the other thirty horse, and without being seen we would place ourselves in certain large houses hard by the central square. My men did as I had commanded and an hour after noon I took the road leading to the city with my thirty horse; arrived there, I left them in the houses indicated, and mounted the high tower as I was wont to do. There, as it chanced, some Spaniards opened up a grave and found within golden ornaments to the value of more than fifteen hundred castellanos. The hour for retreat was come: I ordered them to begin to retreat in close order, and that the ten horsemen on arriving in the square should pretend to make an attempt at charging but seem not to dare accomplish it. This they did when there were large numbers of the enemy near by the square and actually in it, and my men in ambush were already longing for the moment to arrive, for they were eager to acquit themselves well and were weary of waiting. I joined them: already the Spaniards on horse and foot as well as our Indian allies who had been informed of my plan were retreating through the square. The enemy was darting forward with such shouts that you might have thought they had been entirely victorious, and the horsemen turned and made as if to charge them across the square and then suddenly drew back. They had done this twice and the enemy came on so enraged that they were close on the haunches of their horses at the very mouth of the street where we lay. We saw the Spaniards pass along the front of us and at the same instant heard a musket shot which was the signal, and knew that the moment had come. With the cry of “Santiago” on our lips we suddenly burst upon them, and charged straight across the square spearing, Striking down, and passing over many who were killed by those who followed us; in such wise that in this ambush more than five hundred fell, including all their principal men and those the most hardy and valiant. That night our native allies dined well enough, for all those that we killed they cut to pieces and took off with them to eat: and such was the terror and astonishment of the enemy in finding themselves thus suddenly put to rout that during the whole of that evening they uttered not so much as a word or yell and hardly dared show themselves in the streets or on the roof-tops, save it were in some very secure position. It was now almost nightfall when we retired and it seems that those within the city ordered certain slaves to spy out whether we were really retiring or what we were doing. And as they peeped out at the end of one street ten or twelve of our cavalry whirled round on them and pursued them so that not a single one escaped. At this fresh success the enemy took such fright that never again during the whole siege did they dare enter the square while we were retreating, even although but a single horseman were there, neither dared they attack so much as one of our foot soldiers or allies, thinking that some ambush would spring out at them from their very feet. This victory, in short, which our Lord God vouchsafed to us was the very principal cause by which the city was more swiftly gained, for the inhabitants were much dismayed at it whereas it redoubled the spirits of our allies; and so we returned to our camp intending to end the siege as rapidly as possible letting no day pass without entering the city. We suffered no casualties that day except that in bursting out of the ambush some of the horsemen came into collision and one fell from his mare which fled straight for the ranks of the enemy, but being received by arrows and badly wounded rushed back to us but died that same night: and although we were grieved at this, for on the horses our lives depended, yet we were relieved that it had not died in the hands of the enemy as we thought had like to happen, for had such occurred their pleasure at its death would have been greater than their grief at the death of their comrades whom we had killed. Likewise our brigs and our allies’ canoes made great slaughter in the city that day without receiving any hurt.

We knew that the Indians within the city were panic-stricken and we now learnt from two of them who left the city at dead of night and came to our camp that they were dying of hunger; they were forced to come out at nightfall and fish in the water running between the houses of the city, and were going about the part which we had won from them seeking wood and weeds and roots to eat. We had already blocked up a number of broken-down bridges, and smoothed several rough places, so that I now decided to enter the city before dawn and do all the damage that we could. The brigs left their moorings before daybreak, and I with twelve to fifteen horse, a few foot and some of our allies entered swiftly and immediately put certain spies on guard. Directly it was day they signalled to us in ambush to rush out and we fell upon an infinite number of people. They were for the most part the most wretched of the citizens who had come out to look for food, were nearly all unarmed, and principally women and children: we inflicted such slaughter on them in all the streets open to our horses that prisoners and killed must have amounted to more than eight hundred, and the brigs in addition captured many prisoners and canoes who were out fishing and did great slaughter. The captains and chief men of the city seeing us attack them at so unaccustomed an hour were as panic-stricken as when we had ambushed them, not one of them daring to advance and fight against us: in such fashion we returned to our camp with no small booty for ourselves and victuals for our allies.

Again next day we entered the city: our allies seeing the Steady progress we were making towards its destruction were swelling daily to such an extent that they could not be counted. We gained the whole of the Tacuba road and blocked up all dangerous places in it, so that those in Albarado’s camp could communicate with us by way of the city; in the principal road leading to the market two more bridges were captured and securely blocked, and the palace belonging to the ruler of the city (the second since Muteczuma’s death), a youth of some eighteen years known as Guatimucin, was burned; the palace in question had been very strongly fortified and surrounded by a moat of water. Several other bridges were gained and secured so that three-quarters of the city had now been captured, and the Indians were forced to withdraw to the strongest part which comprised those buildings Standing farthest out into the waters of the lake.

On the day of Saint James following we again entered the city in the same order and passed along the principal street leading to the market, capturing only after some time and at great danger an exceptionally wide waterway which they thought quite secure; there was not time, however, to block this up completely, and as we remained on foot on the further side and the Indians saw that the horses were unable to cross they charged us afresh, many of those who charged being outstanding warriors. We resisted them stoutly and being supported by a number of crossbowmen forced them to retreat behind the palisades again though not before they had received a goodly volley of arrows. My men also bore pikes which I had ordered to be made after our reverse and which proved extremely useful. That day on either side of the principal street there was little to be seen or heard save the burning and demolishing of the houses which indeed was pitiable to see: yet since there was no other way to achieve our end we were forced to do it. The inhabitants seeing such damage cheered themselves by telling our allies that in any case they would have to turn to and rebuild them, for if they themselves were victorious they could be quite assured of that, and if so hap we were it would be just the same: which latter, thanks be to God, was what occurred, although it is they and not our allies who are rebuilding them.

Early next morning we found the gap in the main street closed just as we had left it the day before, and forthwith advanced two bowshots further, capturing two dykes they had made in the very middle of the street, and arriving at a small idol tower where we found the heads of certain Christians whom they had killed, the which grieved us not a little. From that tower one turning to the right led to the causeway on which Sandoval had pitched his camp; another to the left led to the market-place and was broken by but a single canal which they defended furiously; that day we advanced no further though fighting long and bitterly with the Indians. But as each day our Lord God vouchsafed us victory, the enemy had ever the worst of it; finally, as it was growing late that day, we retired to our camp.

At nine o’clock the next morning when we were preparing to enter the city we observed from our camp smoke coming from the two high towers in the market-place which we were at a loss to account for, but as it seemed too thick for the burning of incense, such as the Indians did before their idols, we wagered that Albarado’s men had succeeded in penetrating there, the which though it afterwards proved true yet we could hardly believe at the time. And in truth Pedro de Albarado and his men fought right valiantly that day, for we had still many bridges and barricades to capture and at each attack practically the whole body of the city rushed to defend them. But he, seeing that on our side we were sorely besetting the enemy, did everything in his power to force an entrance into the market, for that was their strong-hold; he only succeeded, however, in coming within sight of it and capturing those towers from which we had seen the smoke and many others close to the market square, which indeed comprise practically the whole circuit of the idol towers of the city, and they are not few. The horsemen found themselves, however, in considerable difficulty and were obliged to retreat, in which retreat three horses were wounded. Pedro de Albarado accordingly drew off his men to their camp, and we abstained from capturing a broken bridge and canal which alone Stood between us and the market, contenting ourselves with levelling bad patches of road and blocking up bridges. On retiring for the night they followed us furiously although it was to their cost.

The following morning we immediately attacked the remaining waterway and barricade which lay close to a small tower. An ensign and two or three other Spaniards leapt into the water, upon which the inhabitants abandoned the defence, and we immediately set to blocking up the bridge and levelling the ground so that the horses could pass over. At that moment Pedro de Albarado rode up with four other horsemen, which was a cause of infinite rejoicing both to our men and his own, for by this union the siege would soon be over. Albarado had left men both in the rear and on his flanks to guard what had been captured as also to defend their comrades, and the bridge now being ready I crossed over with a few horsemen and rode forward to view the market-place, ordering my men not to advance beyond the bridge-head. We proceeded into the square observing the arcades which surrounded it, whose low flat roofs were full of the enemy, but as the market-place was large and they saw that we were on horse-back they did not dare attack us. I then mounted the huge tower which stands close to the market-place and found both there and in other towers the heads of Christians stuck up in front of the idols to which they had been sacrificed as also the heads of our Tlascalan allies who are old and very bitter enemies of theirs. From the top of the tower I examined how much we had won of the city which could not be less than seven-eighths, and considering to myself that so large a number of people could not possibly maintain themselves in such narrow squares, especially since the houses which remained to them were small and built right upon the water, and moreover that they were like to perish with hunger (for in the streets we found the roots and even the bark of trees gnawed off), I decided to desist from fighting that day and attempted to make some treaty to save so great a multitude of people from being destroyed. For in very truth the damage that was done on them gave me such grief and pain that for that cause alone I did not cease at any time from making overtures of peace. But they always replied that they would in no wise surrender; even if but a single man were left alive he would die fighting; moreover, nothing of all their treasure would fall into our hands for they would burn it or throw it into the water where it could not be found. Being determined not to repay evil by evil I flattered their hopes by refraining from attacking them.

Since our powder was running very short we had spoken over a fortnight before of making a catapult: and although we had no engineers really competent to undertake it, yet some carpenters offered to make a small one, so that though I had no great hope of success in the matter, I had consented that they should try their hand. It was now finished and brought to the market-place and set up on a kind of raised platform in the middle, the platform being made of stones and mortar, about fifteen feet high and some thirty yards square. It was wont to be used by the inhabitants at feasts and games when the actors and dancers would place themselves upon it so that all the people in the market-place and those both within and on top of the arcades could see what was going on. The catapult took some four days to put into position even after it appeared in the square. Mean-while our Indian allies were proclaiming to those in the city in what a marvellous manner we were going to kill them all. And though there had been no other fruit, as indeed there was not, yet the terror which was inspired by it, which was like to have made them surrender, was real enough. Both hopes however were doomed to disappointment, for neither did the carpenters succeed in working their engine, nor did the inhabitants though frightened make any move towards surrender, so that we were obliged to cover up the failure of the catapult by saying that moved by compassion we were unwilling to kill them all.

The day following this misfortune we again entered the city, and as we had not attacked for three or four days found the streets full of women and children and other wretched beings half dead with hunger, and moving about listlessly outside their defences in the most pitiable manner. I gave orders to our native allies not to harm them. Not a single warrior had advanced into the open, but we saw them sitting wrapped in their mantles on the flat tops of the roofs and without arms. I again offered them peace through the mouths of my interpreters, to which they gave nothing but deceitful answers. Thus they wasted a great part of the day, whereupon I sent to say that I intended to continue fighting, and that they should withdraw their people from the streets or I would give our allies permission to butcher them. They replied that they desired peace. To this I made answer that I saw no chief there with whom I could treat, but that if he would come to me I would give him every security and we would discuss terms of peace. We then saw that they were but tricking us and were Still prepared to fight, upon which having repeatedly warned them, in order to put them in yet greater straits I ordered Albarado with all his men to enter one quarter still held by the enemy and containing more than a thousand houses, and I myself entered another on foot with my own men, for the ground would not permit of riding. So fierce was the fighting between us and the enemy that we captured the whole quarter, and such was the mortality among the enemy that more than twelve thousand of them were killed or captured, whom indeed our allies used so cruelly that they would not spare the life of so much as a single one of them, notwithstanding our repeated warnings and rebukes.

On entering the city next day I gave orders that our enemies should not be attacked in any way. Upon this, seeing the multitude of people coming against them, and realizing that their own vassals and former subjects were coming to kill them, knowing also their extreme necessity and that they could not so much as move except on the dead bodies of their comrades, and being eager to see themselves delivered from so great straits, they called out asking why we did not dispatch them, and soon begged me to be sent for as they wished to speak with me. The Spaniards, all of whom desired greatly to make an end of the siege and were truly grieved at the damage and hurt that we had done, rejoiced much at this, thinking that the Indians were desirous of peace. They thus came to me very joyously to beg me to approach the barrier where were several native chiefs. Though aware that my going would little profit the matter I yet decided to go there, for I knew well that the decision to hold out depended solely on the ruler and three or four of the chief men of the city, the common people desiring to see themselves whether dead or alive out of that pass. Arrived at the barrier they told me that since they held me for an offspring of the sun, which so swiftly in but a day and night revolves round the whole earth, why did I not with equal swiftness finish the business of killing them and put them out of so great misery, for they were eager to die and go to heaven where their God Huitzilopocthli (that idol whom they hold in greatest veneration) was waiting to refresh them. I brought forward many arguments to persuade them to surrender, but had no success, although they received from us, now that we were victorious by the aid of God, more offers and signs of peace than had ever been given to us when we were on the losing side.

Our enemies were now in the most desperate Straits, as may be gathered, and to wean them from their evil determination to die where they stood, I spoke with one of their chief men who had been captured some three or four days before, and although badly wounded offered him the chance of returning to the city, which he accepted. Next day accordingly I sent him under the charge of certain Spaniards to be handed over safely to the inhabitants: I had previously told him to speak with the ruler and other chieftains about peace and he had promised to do all that he could in the matter. The inhabitants received him with great respect as an important chief; but (it was reported to me later) on being brought before Guatimucin, his ruler, and beginning to speak of peace, he was straightway ordered to be killed and sacrificed to the gods; and the reply which we were expecting they gave us by advancing with tremendous shouts, flinging darts, arrows and Stones, and beginning to attack us with terrific fury; so much so indeed that they wounded one horse with a long spear which one of them had made out of one of our swords; but it cost them dearly in the end, for great numbers of them fell: and so we returned to our camp.

On again entering the city we found the enemies’ forces so much reduced that large numbers of our allies had ventured to remain within the city all night: and on coming within sight of the enemy we were unwilling to fight but passed to and fro in the city, thinking at every hour, at every moment, that they would come out to treat with us. And the more to incline them so to do, I rode up to the barricade which they held very Strongly fortified and called out to certain chiefs behind it whom I knew, asking them since they could see that they were lost and knew that if I wished within an hour not one of them would remain alive, why did not Guatimucin, their lord, come and speak with me, for I promised to do him no harm, and on his surrender and their sueing for peace they should be very well received and well treated by me. Other arguments I advanced at which they wept unrestrainedly; and Still weeping replied to me, saying that they well knew that they had erred and were in truth lost, and were willing to go and speak with their lord whose answer they would Straight-way bring me if I would Stay there. They went off and came back after some time saying that their lord was not come with them because it was so late, but that at midday on the morrow he would surely come and speak with me in the market square; and so we went back to our camp. I gave orders that a trestle table should be set up on the high platform in the market-place for the ruler and chief men of the city, such as they were accuStomed to use, and that food should be provided ready, all of which was done.

On the morrow I warned my men to be on the look-out so that if any of the citizens attempted any treachery they should not find us unprepared; I like-wise warned Pedro de Albarado who was also present. On coming to the market-place I sent to acquaint Guatimucin with the manner in which we were awaiting him, but he, as it appeared, decided not to come himself and sent in his place certain five of the principal men of the city. They informed me that their lord requested my pardon for not appearing, but that he was very fearful of coming before me and was not well and that these men were come for him: he would see that they obeyed whatever I should command. Thus although the ruler did not come in person we rejoiced greatly at the arrival of the chieftains considering it a means of giving a speedy end to the business. I received them cheerfully and immediately ordered food and drink to be set before them; in devouring which they plainly showed their appetite and need for it. After they had fed I told them that they were to inform their lord that he need have no fear, and that I promised him that on coming before me no indignity should be put upon him nor would he even be detained, for without his presence nothing could be definitely decided. After this I ordered them to be given certain refreshment which they took away with them. They promised me to do all that they could in the matter and so departed. In two hours they returned bringing a few well-woven cotton mantles such as they wear and told me that for no consideration was Guatimucin willing to present himself before me, and begged to be excused from further parley. I again repeated that I could not understand why he refused to come to me since he saw that they, whom I well knew to be ringleaders in the stirring up and carrying on of the war, were free to come and go without harm; I begged them to speak with him again and urge him to come, since it was fitting he should do so and I proposed it for his own advantage; they replied that they would do this and would return with his answer on the morrow, upon which we both retired to our respective camps.

Very early next morning the chiefs arrived in my camp with the message that I should repair to the market-place where their lord would speak with me; I, thinking they spoke truth, rode there and waited some three or four hours without his putting in an appearance. Finally, seeing that I was tricked and that it was growing late without either the messengers or their master having arrived, I sent for our Indian allies: they had remained at the entrance of the city almost a league from where we were with orders to advance no further, for the inhabitants had requested that while peace was being arranged none of them should remain within the city. On receiving my message they waited not a moment, nor did Albarado’s men, but immediately came up and began to attack a few barricades and bridge-heads which they still held and which was all that remained to them. These we captured, and as many of our men and of our allies as cared to, crossed them. On leaving camp I had given Sandoval orders to force his way with the brigs between the houses on the other side where they were still in possession, in such a way that we should encircle them, but that he was not to begin fighting until he saw that we were engaged. They were thus hemmed in closely on all sides and could only move by treading on the bodies of their dead on the tops of the few roofs which remained to them. They had neither arrows, darts nor stones with which to resist us, and they were fighting against our allies armed with swords and shields. Such was the mortality among the enemy by land and water that on that day more than forty thousand souls were either killed or taken; and such was the shrieking and weeping of the women and children that there was no one whose heart did not bleed at the sound of it. We ourselves were already more engaged in preventing our allies from slaughter and insensate cruelty than in fighting against the enemy: and surely the like of such cruelty was never seen before in any generation, nor so unnatural as was seen in the natives of these parts. Our allies took also much booty that day, which we could in no way prevent since we numbered but some nine hundred Spaniards and they were all told more than a hundred and fifty thousand, whom no precaution nor diligence could have kept from robbing, although on our part we did all that we could.

One of the reasons why I had during the preceding days attempted to avoid such violence with the inhabitants was that in reducing them by force they would naturally throw all that they had into the water, and even if they failed to do this our allies would inevitably carry off all that they could find. On account of this I feared that there would remain but little part for your Majesty of the riches which the city once contained, and which I had once held in trust for your Majesty. It was now late, and unable to bear the Stench of the dead bodies which had lain in the streets for many days and than which there is no smell more pestilential, we retired to our camps. That night I arranged that on the morrow three heavy cannons should be dragged into the city, for I feared that the enemy, massed together as they were and without room to move about, on our attempting to break them by force, might without any actual fighting, as it were, swallow up the Spaniards in their midst. I therefore hoped to do them some damage with the guns so as to persuade them to rush upon us. I also gave orders to Sandoval to be prepared to enter the city with the brigs as on the previous day and make for a large stretch of water lying between the houses where all the city’s canoes were gathered together: for they were now forced to such shifts for room that the ruler of the city had taken up his quarters in a canoe with chieftains, not knowing where else to put themselves.

As soon as day broke I assembled all my men, having previously ordered Albarado to wait for me in the market-place and not to attack until I arrived, and when we were all together and the brigs had taken up their position on the further side of the houses which the enemy still occupied I gave orders to my men that on the sound of a musket shot they should attack the small portion which remained and force the enemy to throw themselves into the water at the very place where the brigs were; I warned them to keep a sharp look-out for Guatimucin and to make every effort to take him alive, for that done all fighting would cease. I myself went up to one of the roof-tops and before the combat spoke with several of the enemy chiefs whom I knew asking them why their lord was unwilling to come to me in person; for since they were in such Straits they would do well to avoid acting in such a way that all must perish, and should bid him come forward without fear; upon this two of the chiefs seemed to depart and speak with him. In a short time one of the most important of all the chieftains returned with them, by name Ciguacoacin, the captain and governor of them all, whose advice was taken in all things pertaining to the war. I greeted him kindly to reassure him, and finally he told me that their ruler was utterly determined not to come to me and would rather die in the city, the which grieved me much. Seeing therefore his determination I bade him return to his men and bid them prepare themselves for battle for I intended to attack them and kill them all: and on this he departed. More than five hours were thus spent in these bargainings. Those left in the city stood and walked on piles of dead bodies, others were already in the water either attempting to swim or drowning in the great lake where their canoes were; such in a word was the affliction which they were in that it was beyond the wit of man to understand how they could endure it: all the time an infinite number of men, women and children were making their way towards us: and in order that they might escape the quicker many were jostled into the water and drowned amidst that vast multitude of corpses; for as it afterwards appeared, the drinking of salt water, hunger and the stench of dead bodies had worked such havoc upon them that in all more than fifty thousand souls had thus perished. And in order that we should not realize their plight these bodies were neither thrown into the water where our brigs would have come across them nor taken out of doors and exposed in the streets where we should have been able to see them. I myself visited some of the streets which remained to them and found the dead heaped one upon the other, so that one was forced to walk upon them. As the inhabitants of the city were now coming out of their own accord towards us, I provided that there should be Spaniards posted in every street to prevent our allies from killing the wretches who thus abandoned their city, and who were too numerous to count. I likewise warned the leaders of our allies that none of these people was to be killed; yet the numbers were such that it was impossible to prevent them and some fifteen thousand must have lost their lives that day: yet the chieftains and warriors still remained in certain corners, roof-tops and boats, where no kind of dissimulation could longer profit them, since their ruin and helplessness were only too plain. Seeing that night was drawing on and that they Still refused to surrender I trained two guns on them to see if that would move them, for to have permitted our allies to attack them would have caused greater suffering than the guns, which in effect did them some damage. But this profiting nothing, I ordered the musket to be fired and almost immediately the corner which they held was rushed and taken and those that remained were thrown into the water: others surrendered without striking a blow; the brigs immediately entered the inner lake and broke right into the middle of the fleet and canoes full of warriors who no longer dared to fight: and by the mercy of God a captain of one of the brigs took up the pursuit of a canoe which seemed to contain people of importance, and having two or three bowmen on board ordered them to aim at its occupants: upon this the natives made a signal that they should not fire as their ruler was on board, whereupon the sailors in the brig soon came up with them and took prisoner Guatimucin, the ruler of Tacuba and other chieftains. On his coming before me I bade him be seated, unwilling to show him any incivility; he told me in his own tongue that he had done all that it was his duty to do to defend himself and his people until they were come to this grievous state, and now let me do what I would with him; he then drew a dagger which he had in his belt, bidding me dispatch him with it at once. I told him to be of good courage for he had nothing to fear. And so immediately this lord was taken prisoner all fighting ceased, which it pleased God to fall on Tuesday, the day of Saint Hippolitus, the 13th of August in the year 1521. Thus the siege which had started on the 30th of May in the same year had lasted seventy-five days, during which your Majesty will have seen the perils, misadventures and difficulties which your vassals suffered, and in which they constantly ventured their lives as is plainly shown by the deeds which they accomplished.

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The Great Temple of Maxico.

And of all those seventy-five days of siege not one passed without some fighting with the inhabitants of the city either more or less. On that last day having taken what spoil we could, we returned to our camp, giving thanks to God for his signal mercy and the victory we had so long desired. I remained three or four more days in camp seeing to the arrangement of various matters and we then left for this city of Cuyoacan, where I have since been busied in the restoration of good order and government, and the pacification of these parts. The gold and other objects obtained were pooled with the consent of your Majesty’s officials and amounted to over a hundred and thirty thousand castellanos, of which a fifth was handed over to your Majesty’s treasurer, exclusive of other due claims of your Majesty with reference to slaves and the like, as will be seen set out in detail in a separate account signed with our names. The gold which remained was divided amongst myself and my men according to the merit, service and rank of each; there were also certain jewels and ornaments, of which a fifth part of the most precious was handed over to your Majesty’s treasurer.

Among the other booty taken from the city were many golden shields, crests and plumes, and other such marvellous things that they could not be described in writing nor comprehended unless they were actually seen; so that it seemed fitting to me that they should not be divided but rather that they should be presented as a whole to your Majesty; to which end I assembled all the Spaniards and asked them whether they thought it good that all these marvels should be sent as proof of our loyalty and including both their portions and my own; they replied that they were delighted and would gladly subscribe to it, so that the representatives sent by the councils of New Spain will bear this our service to your Majesty.

The ruler of the great province, by name Michoacan, whose seat is some seventy leagues from Tenochtitlan, hearing of our capture and destruction of the capital, and thinking that since we had done this nothing could be impossible to us, sent in fear certain messengers to tell me that he had heard that we were vassals of some mighty lord, and (if I should think it good) both he and his people desired to become vassals of that lord and dwell in friendship with us. I replied that we were in sooth such vassals of your Majesty and that it was our business to make war on all such as refused to become so, for which reason he and his people had done well. And as, but a short time before, I had heard news of a southern sea, I enquired of them whether it could be reached by way of their land, to which they replied, yes. And thereupon in order that I might inform your Majesty of this sea and of their province, I requested that two Spaniards might accompany them back to their lord, to which they agreed with pleasure, but added that to reach the sea it was necessary to pass through a land ruled by a lord with whom they were at war, so that at the moment it was impossible to pass. During the three or four days that those messengers stayed with me I ordered the cavalry to skirmish in front of them, that they might carry news of this wonder to their own land; after which, having given them certain jewels I dispatched them with two Spaniards to Michoacan.

I had heard, as I said, of a sea lying to the south, and in some places not more than twelve, thirteen or fourteen days’ march distance, at which I rejoiced greatly, knowing the common opinion of learned men that islands rich in gold, pearls, precious Stones and spices, together with many other secret and marvellous things, are to be found there, and desiring to do your Majesty such signal and memorable service I dispatched four other Spaniards to make their way two and two through different provinces, providing each party with guides and an indication of the roads that they would have to follow. I ordered them not to halt until they should reach the sea, when they should take full and royal possession of it in the name of your Majesty. After certain days one party returned, reporting that they had proceeded south some hundred and thirty leagues through various fertile provinces without receiving any check, and on coming to the sea had duly taken possession of it planting crosses on the shore as a sign to others. They brought with them several natives from the coast and in addition a very fine sample of gold from mines which they found in the provinces through which they passed, the which I am now sending together with other samples to your Majesty. The other party was somewhat longer in returning, having marched some hundred and fifty leagues to the south and likewise discovered the sea and taken possession of it. They also brought certain of the natives back with them, all of whom I received very kindly, and having informed them of the great power of your Majesty and given them a few presents I sent them back to their lands.

(The various tribes who with the Culuans had thrown off the Spanish yoke after the retreat from the capital had now for the most part been forced to return to their allegiance. A few provinces some fifteen to thirty leagues to the north were, however, still rebellious, and Sandoval was dispatched with a small force to overcome them. At the same time, the officer whom Cortés had left in charge of the garrison of Segura de la Frontera was sent south to subject the province of Oaxaca, which he had already explored in part during the absence of his master. Both officers left Cuyoacan on October 30th 1521. Nearly a month later letters from Sandoval reached Cortés telling of his success in the north. Cortés replied, assenting to his plan for settling the district and bidding him found a town in the province of Tuxtepec, to be called Medellín: he enclosed a list of the officials, justices, councillors and the like, whom he proposed. The Governor of Segura was equally successful and sent back with his report a sample of gold obtained from the mines in the province. Meanwhile the city of Mexico was being rebuilt; Spaniards were directing the work, and hopes were held that it would once again take its place as the pride of New Spain. Ambassadors from other tribes to the south came in bearing presents and were well received. Another expedition was also sent to pacify the natives on the banks of the Pánuco river and to found a town there if it seemed feasible. Cortés then proceeds:)

At this time I received letters from Vera Cruz saying that a ship had arrived bearing one Cristóbal de Tapia, imperial overseer (veedor) of the metal castings in Hayti; the next day I received a letter from him in person acquainting me that his coming to this land was for the purpose of taking over the government of it by order of your Majesty, for which he bore royal warrants, which he would present to me in person but to none other beforehand: this he hoped would be soon; but as his horses were wearied from the sea journey he had not yet set out, and begged me say whether it were best I should go to him or he come to me. I replied straightway that I rejoiced greatly at his coming, and that there was no one coming with royal warrant to take over the government of these parts whom I should have been more pleased to see, on account of our old acquaintance, in the days when we had lived as close neighbours in Hayti. And since the pacification of these parts was not yet so complete as I could have wished and any new arrangement would only unsettle the natives, I requested Father Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea18 very urgently to undertake the work of seeing Tapia and examining the royal warrants. This friar had taken part in all our toils and was very well informed as to how matters stood with us. (Indeed your Majesty was very well served by his coming and we ourselves greatly benefited by his teaching and counsel.) He was therefore in a position to know better than anyone what was expedient for your Majesty’s service and the good of these parts. I accordingly gave him leave to come to an arrangement with Tapia as to what had best be done, for he had instructions from me which he was not to exceed by a hair’s-breadth; and this conversation took place between us in the presence of your Majesty’s treasurer who likewise urged him to undertake the commission.

Upon this he left for Vera Cruz, and in order that Tapia might be received and welcomed with all hospitality both there and in other towns, I dispatched two or three trustworthy persons from my company with the friar. I remained at Cuyoacan, making certain preparations to come to the coast myself, and in the meantime seeing to several matters in your Majesty’s interest in connection with the pacification and subjection of these parts, and so awaited the reply which arrived some ten or twelve days later. In it the justices and council of Vera Cruz informed me that Tapia had presented the warrants which he bore from your Majesty and the Governors of the Indies in your Majesty’s name, which they had received with due reverence, but as to fulfilling them they had replied that they must inform the other members of the municipality who were for the most part with me in Cuyoacan, and they would then do and fulfil all things which should be to the service of your Majesty and the good of this land. At this reply, they reported, Tapia had been not a little disgruntled, and had even attempted certain scandalous things. While much grieved at this, I replied to them urging them strongly to endeavour to appease Tapia, looking always in the first place to the interests of your Majesty, and to avoid any occasion for disturbance: I myself was on the way to see him personally and carry out all that your Majesty commanded and was most in your Majesty’s service. I had already set out and countermanded the orders of the captain and men who were going north to the Pánuco river (for in my absence it was necessary that a strong garrison should remain in Cuyoacan), when the procurators19 of the various councils of New Spain sent to me with many and earnest protestations against my leaving Cuyoacan, saying that all these provinces of Mexico had been but so lately pacified that if I went rebellion would be certain to break out, causing great disservice to your Majesty and commotion in the land. Many other reasons they gave for my continuance in Cuyoacan and finally declared that with the consent and approval of the councils, they would proceed to Vera Cruz where Tapia still was, see the royal warrants and do all that was fitting in the service of your Majesty. I accordingly sent a message by them to Tapia acquainting him with what was being done and telling him that Gonzalo de Sandoval, alguacil mayor, Diego de Soto, and Diego de Valdenebro who were all in Vera Cruz were empowered to speak in my name, and were together with the council of Vera Cruz and the procurators of the other city councils to see that everything was done in your Majesty’s best interests and those of the country, for they were and are very proper persons to deal with such matters. Meeting Tapia on the road, accompanied by Friar Pedro, they requested him to return, and all repaired to the town of Cempoal, where Tapia again presented the royal warrants, which were received by all with the respect due to your Majesty; and as for putting them into effect, they replied that they would petition your Majesty directly, for so would your Majesty’s interests best be served, as should appear by the various causes and reasons to be set out in the petition and which was afterwards done; this petition which is to be presented to your Majesty by representatives of New Spain has been signed by a public notary. Finally, other agreements and requisitions having passed between Tapia and the procurators, he embarked again in the ship which had brought him, as he was requested: for his sojourn here and the fact that he had given out that he was coming as Governor and Captain General of these parts had already provoked several risings; and indeed the natives of Mexico, including the capital city, had agreed with the natives of these parts to rebel and join in such an act of treachery as had it succeeded would have been worse than the former one: in such wise that the coming of Tapia and his lack of experience of the land and its people caused considerable disorder, and his longer stay would have done much harm had God not remedied it. He had done better service to your Majesty by remaining in Hayti and first consulting your Majesty and acquainting him with the condition of these parts, which he must have known from the ships which I had sent to that island asking for help, and he obviously knew that we had by now settled the disturbance which was thought likely to follow and did indeed follow the arrival of Pánfilo de Narváez’s fleet, which, it should be noticed, was fitted out for the most part by the Governors and Royal Council of your Majesty in the Indies; more especially should he have delayed his coming since the Admiral, judges and officials of your Majesty in Hayti had urged him many times not to visit this land before informing your Majesty very fully of all that had occurred here, in default of which they laid certain penalties upon his coming. He, however, regarding rather his own interest than the true interests of your Majesty, succeeded in winning them over to withdraw their resistance to his visit. I am only now making an account of the whole matter to your Majesty; the procurators and myself abstained from doing so when Tapia left because we considered that he would not have been a faithful bearer of our letters: but I trust that now your Majesty may see and believe that by our refusing to receive Tapia your Majesty was truly served, as can and shall be proved at greater length whenever and at any time it may be necessary.

I have already mentioned that the captain sent to conquer the province of Guaxaca had pacified it and was awaiting my instructions. This officer, being the chief justice and deputy Governor in Segura de la Frontera, was now wanted, and I accordingly sent Pedro de Albarado south with fresh troops to join the men who were there (some ten horse and eighty foot) and conquer both the province of Tatutepec some thirty leagues further to the South close to the sea, whose inhabitants had done much damage in fighting against those who had become vassals of your Majesty, and that of Tecoantepec who had permitted us to pass through their land to the southern sea. Albarado left this city accordingly on the last day of January of this year having under him (including those who would join him in Guaxaca) forty horse and some two hundred foot, among whom were forty musketeers and bowmen and two small field guns. Three weeks later I heard from him that he was now on the road toward Tatutepec and had captured certain enemy spies, from whom he learnt that the ruler of the province was drawn up with his men in the field; he himself was resolved to do his utmost to pacify the land and was consequently taking along with him in addition to the Spaniards a large number of native warriors. I was very anxious to hear further of the business, but his next letter did not arrive until March 4th. He informed me that on his entering the province three or four towns had attempted to resist him but had not persevered in it. They had continued to advance and had entered the town of Tatutepec where they were apparently well received. The ruler had bidden them lodge in certain large thatched dwellings, but since the ground was some-what too rough for the horses they had preferred to pass the night in a lower and flatter part of the city: he was not long in finding out, moreover, that the inhabitants were planning to kill him and all his men in this way, to wit, in the middle of the night when all the Spaniards were asleep in the houses, which were very large, they were to be set fire to and completely burned. God discovered to him this business, and he had consequently dissimulated with the chief and persuaded him with his son to visit the lower parts of the city, where they were detained and kept as prisoners, on which they had given him gold to the value of twenty-five thousand castellanos. He believed according to what the common people said that this lord possessed great treasures. The whole province was now thoroughly pacified; merchandising and commerce went on as before. The land was very rich in gold mines, a sample of such gold having been shown to him which he now sent me. Three days before, he had penetrated to the sea and taken possession of it in the name of your Majesty; there he had seen some pearls such as they are wont to find there which he likewise sent me. Both these I am here-with sending on to your Majesty.

Our Lord God was advancing this business and fulfilling the desire which I have to serve your Majesty in so notable an undertaking as this of the southern sea. I have therefore been at great pains to set men to work, in one of the three places where we have reached the sea, to making two caravels of moderate size and some brigs: the first for the purpose of further discovery and the second for surveying the coast. To this end I have sent some forty Spaniards under a capable man, including in their number master carpenters, shipwrights, sawyers, blacksmiths and seamen: from Vera Cruz I have obtained nails, sails and other necessary gear, and all possible haste is being used to finish and launch them; which done, your Majesty may be assured that it will be the greatest happening and one from which the most profit will redound to your Majesty since the Indies themselves were first discovered.

When we were in the city of Tezcuco before advancing to lay siege to the capital, preparing and furnishing ourselves with whatever was necessary, and little thinking what certain persons were plotting, one of those who were in the plot came to me and informed me that certain friends of Diego Velázquez in my company were treacherously planning to kill me, and had already elected a captain, a chief justice, alguacil and other officials among themselves. He begged me to intervene for he now saw plainly that in any case, apart from the disturbance which would follow my death, it was plain that if we turned against one another not a single one of us would escape with his life, for we should find not only the enemy forewarned but even those whom we held as friends would do everything in their power to dispatch us all. When I saw that by the mouth of this man so great a treachery had been revealed to me I gave thanks to God, for in my knowledge of the plot lay the remedy. I immediately arrested one who was the principal man concerned, and he confessed voluntarily that he had plotted with many persons whom he named in his confession, to take or kill me, and assume the government of the land on behalf of Diego Velázquez; it was true that the new captain and chief justice had been elected and that he himself as alguacil had the job of capturing or killing me. There were many people concerned in this whose names were set down in a list which was later found torn up into small pieces in his lodgings. This plot had not only developed in Tezcuco but had been discussed and arranged in the midst of the fighting which took place in the province of Tepeaca. Having made this confession and certified his own part in the plot, the man, whose name was Antonio de Villafaña, a native of Zamora, was condemned by a justice and myself to death, and the sentence was duly executed on his body. And despite the fact that in this crime I discovered others very guilty, I dissembled with them and continued to treat them in a friendly manner, for since the matter pertained most directly to me, although touching your Majesty very closely, I was unwilling to proceed against them with extreme rigour. My forbearance has not borne much fruit, however, for since that time several of Diego Velázquez’s partisans have laid many a snare for me, secretly stirring up numerous alarms and scandals against which I have had to be on my guard even more than against the enemy. Yet our Lord God has ever guided the matter in such wise that without punishing them I have been at all times able to maintain entire peace and tranquillity; and should any other such plot arise in the future it must be dealt with according to the law.

I informed your Majesty in my previous letter that close to the provinces of Tlascala and Guajucingo there is a circular very lofty peak from whose summit a continuous stream of smoke rises as straight as an arrow into the air. The Indians gave us to understand that it was a very evil place and that they would die if they ascended there. I accordingly dispatched certain Spaniards to climb the mountain and examine its upper slopes. At the time of their ascent the smoke was being ejected with such a rumble that they neither dared nor could arrive at the mouth of the crater; and later I sent other Spaniards who twice climbed right up to the mouth of the crater from which the smoke emerges; they found it measured some two bowshots across and some three-quarters of a league in circumference: it was so deep that they could not see the bottom of it: they found, however, a certain amount of sulphur lying nearby, which is expelled by the force of the smoke. On one occasion while they were there they heard a great rumbling noise and made haste to descend, but before they were half way down an infinite number of stones began to rain down on them which put them in no slight danger. The Indians considered it a great enterprise to have dared to go where the Spaniards did.

I have likewise informed your Majesty that the natives of these parts are of much greater intelligence than those of the Islands; they seem to us indeed to possess sufficient intelligence to conduct themselves as average reasonable beings. On this account it seemed to me a very serious matter to compel them to serve the Spaniards in the same way as the natives in the Islands; yet without this service the conquerors and settlers of these parts would not be able to maintain themselves. In order, therefore, not to enslave the Indians at that time, and yet to assist the Spaniards to settle, it seemed to me that your Majesty might order a certain portion of the royal revenues accruing to your Majesty from these parts to be appropriated to the expenses and maintenance of the colonists, as I explained very fully to your Majesty. Since then, however, bearing in mind the many and continued expenses of your Majesty, and the fact that we should seek in every way to increase your Majesty’s revenues rather than diminish them, and seeing, moreover, the long time that we have spent in fighting against the natives and the hardships and loss which we have been put to on that account, together with the delay which your Majesty might for that reason command; above all, on account of the many importunities of your Majesty’s officials and all my men, which there was no means of resisting, I found myself practically forced to hand over the rulers and natives of these parts to the Spaniards, taking into consideration when doing so their estate and the services which they have rendered your Majesty in these parts, so that until your Majesty shall make some fresh arrangement or confirm this one, the aforesaid rulers and natives will serve and provide the Spaniards, to whom they were respectively allotted, with whatever they may need to sustain themselves. All this was done with the approval of persons who have great knowledge and experience of the country. No better course could have been taken, nor one which contributes more both to the proper maintenance of the Spaniards, and the conservation and good treatment of the Indians; of all this the procurators now proceeding to your Majesty from New Spain will give your Majesty a long and complete account. Your Majesty’s farms and granaries have been placed in the best and most convenient cities and provinces. I beseech your Majesty to approve this and order in what way the royal interests may best be served.

Most Catholic Lord: Our Lord God conserve the life, the very royal person and powerful state of your cæsarian Majesty, and increase it with many kingdoms and dominions such as your royal heart desires. From the city of Cuyoacan, in this New Spain of the Ocean Sea, the 15th of May, in the year 1522: Your Majesty’s most humble servant and vassal who kisses your Majesty’s royal hands and feet.

HERNANDO CORTÉS.