From the large verandah of the Raj Bhawan at Itanagar, the view of virgin forested hills, the different shades of verdure, the pure spring water of the rivers, the pollution-free environment and the blue sky, makes me go back to my carefree childhood when one read children’s classics describing the life of Robinson Crusoe on an isolated but beautiful island. The scenery is perhaps the same, but the scenario of global politics is far more complex now. India is a young and vibrant nation, looking for its rightful place in the comity of nations. So much has changed in these six-and-a-half decades since our independence.
I regard India as a civilizational concept. This was the cherished dream of our forefathers, we are following it, and our children will witness its realization. ‘India is not a rising power, it is a world power,’ said Barack Obama, the US president, during his visit to India in November 2010. The Indian elephant with its gleaming tusks is taking confident strides into the second decade of the twenty-first century. This has been acclaimed as the century of India and China. With a rising economy and a steady growth rate of around 8 to 9 per cent for the past six to seven years, India is poised to make its impact in the global arena. It has come as no surprise that we hosted visits by the heads of all the P5 countries during 2010. It is a reflection of our growing importance and stature. We are emerging as a deserving permanent member of the UN Security Council and this has been acknowledged by nearly all important nations today. An empowered India can no longer be transgressed or taken for granted.
A vibrant democracy, a strong economy and a powerful military machine are the symbols of our nation’s strength. The manifestation of this strength would come about with the indomitable will of our people, and the insurmountable resolve of its soldiers.1 No nation can achieve greatness without overcoming challenges, and India is no exception. An analysis of India’s national security has to take cognizance of both external and internal challenges to its national unity and territorial integrity. Quite often, internal threats can erode the cohesiveness of a nation more critically than any external danger. Though the last major conflict we had was the 1971 Indo–Pak war, the past four decades have been an era of ‘no peace no war’. We have had the Kargil conflict in 1999 and two major stand-offs: the first in 1987 as a result of Exercise Brass Tacks, and the second, known as Operation Parakram, from December 2001 to October 2002, consequent to the Pakistan-sponsored terrorist attack on our Parliament. All three could have triggered an all-out war between India and Pakistan. Accordingly, national power based on political stability, social cohesion, military strength and economic progress would remain central to the future of India’s national security. Therefore, India seeks to improve its relations with its neighbours and have a peaceful security environment so that it can concentrate on economic and technological development and inclusive growth of its people.
Unfortunately, India is situated in a turbulent and unstable region with the presence of failing or unstable states, declining regional powers, and states that have facilitated nuclear proliferation. The region has emerged as the epicentre of global terrorism and has the maximum number of countries possessing weapons of mass destruction, with the increasing risk of non-state actors laying their hands on such deadly weapons. Over and above these, we have unresolved boundary issues with China and Pakistan. There are not many countries in the world that have to face the full spectrum of threats as India does, from low intensity to an all-out conventional war in diverse terrain while keeping in mind the nuclear overhang. To deal with them we would require an array of defensive and offensive capabilities, so as to deter or blunt the aggressive designs of any adversary and thus guarantee our territorial integrity. Modernization and upgradation of the weapons and equipment systems and intelligence and surveillance capabilities, and an effective command and control set-up is the mantra for our armed forces. As has been our experience, capability building takes time, whereas intentions can change rapidly. It would be axiomatic to point out that this calls for a well-led, -trained and -equipped military with an updated and compatible joint doctrine to face the challenges of the battlefield of tomorrow, which will be digitized and netcentric.
This joint doctrine was approved by the chiefs of staff committee in 2007 and is being implemented. As a mature and responsible emerging power we cannot afford to be below par as far as capabilities are concerned. However, we have learnt our lessons from history, both ancient and recent, and have realized that a ‘unilateral desire for peace cannot by itself guarantee a secure environment’. We need an iron fist and a velvet glove. We have to be strong to deter aggression, and we cannot be an economic giant without the ability to defend ourselves and safeguard our core values as a nation.
I started my innings as the chief of army staff with a clear aim that comprised operational readiness, high state of training, modernizing the army to cover enhanced night-fighting capability, use of information technology in warfare, success in counterterrorism operations, joint warfare, force restructuring and welfare of soldiers. It gives me immense satisfaction to note that we have achieved reasonable progress in these areas. Today, the army is much better prepared for any contingency as compared to the past. The doctrine for the army has been introduced and validated successfully. This has been complemented by realistic and well-phased training schedules, which focused on keeping the army ‘ready and relevant’, and at the same time gave the much desired rest to troops in peace stations.
As the army chief, I assiduously built up rapport and a working relationship with the political leadership and the bureaucracy at the national level, based on mutual trust and healthy respect for each other. Consequently, there was greater synergy. I never had a problem of accessibility to the highest level of the national leadership. Whenever my views were sought, they were given in a frank and forthright manner, keeping in mind the national interest. Even though we disagreed on occasions, there was no acrimony. We faced some tricky situations, which were overcome in a sagacious and mature manner.
Ongoing inductions in the Indian Army have substantially enhanced our night-fighting capability at the level of the individual soldier as well as for major equipment like tanks, guns and other weapon systems. We have also inducted cutting-edge technology in the field of netcentric warfare not only within our service but also in conjunction with other services in an environment of increasing reliance on interoperability. Still, the pace of modernization of the Indian Army needs to be hastened.
We have also achieved very satisfying results in counterterrorism operations and the ongoing proxy war. During my tenure as the chief, the attrition ratios in J&K regarding casualties incurred by our troops vis-à-vis the terrorists had improved considerably in our favour. Simultaneously, there has been a perceptible drop in violence levels in the state. Elections have been conducted peacefully and there is an overall yearning for peace. The tide has successfully turned for us in the proxy war, which is evident through the increased levels of intelligence that is available from the locals and the spurt in the number of surrenders.
There is also an overall improvement in the security scenario in the northeast. The people have rejected violence by secessionist groups as a means of achieving their political goals. Furthermore, militant organizations like the NSCN, the ULFA, and the PLA of Nagaland, Assam and Manipur respectively, have been pushed out from their sanctuaries in Bangladesh due to the rapid improvement in our relations. We have been successful in persuading Myanmar also to put pressure on these unlawful outfits, which have created safe havens across the Indo-Myanmar border. A dialogue process is on with the NSCN and ULFA, and it is hoped that peaceful solutions would emerge out of these deliberations. Many of these groups are bereft of any ideology and have turned into criminal gangs that are resorting to extortion, kidnapping and murders to survive. However, the situation has turned in our favour and the rule of law is being enforced. The elected governments are focusing on development and other people-friendly initiatives. It is my view that the northeast would stabilize and see peace and prosperity in the coming decades.
As far as the Naxal problem is concerned, it has been created partly due to lack of governance and wrong policies adopted over the years vis-a-vis the tribal population in the remote parts of India’s heartland. These have now been analysed and are being addressed in a sincere and objective manner. I agree with the present strategy of our government. Having identified sixty worst-affected districts of the country, concentrated efforts for ensuring good governance and re-establishing the rule of law are being put in place, to be followed by integrated programmes for the socioeconomic development of the people. Further, legislation has been enacted to alleviate the problems of the people with regard to forest produce and also to safeguard their other interests. This approach would definitely bear fruit in the coming years and meet the aspirations of the affected tribal population.
We have achieved successful force restructuring after the raising and validation of the operational tasks of the South Western Command and 9 Corps. At the same time we have reverted some formations which had been moved to J&K to the eastern theatre, and also inducted units to fill the voids. Besides that, we initiated the process of raising a corps HQ and two infantry divisions and supporting arms and services for the east, in order to enhance our capabilities to meet future challenges. These steps have provided the much desired strategic balance to our posture in both the western and eastern theatres. Keeping in view India’s geo-strategic location, size and stature, it is my firm conviction that the time has come for us to shed the inward-looking image, and play a bigger role with regard to peace and stability in the region. To accomplish these tasks we would need to build up capability, which could also be employed for protecting our trade routes and sea lanes of communication, safety of overseas Indians and prevention of spillover effects of conflicts in the neighbourhood, including the Indian Ocean region.
Looking at our region, I would first like to focus upon Sino-India relations. Today the two nations represent almost one-third of humanity. Barring the border war of 1962, the relations between the two Asian giants have been warm and friendly. At times there has been friction on the border issue, but the mature and statesmanlike leadership of both nations has been able to resolve the problem. A series of landmark agreements beginning with the ‘maintenance of peace and tranquility along the border’ agreement of 1993 and culminating in the ‘strategic and cooperative partnership for peace and prosperity’ agreement signed between the prime ministers of our countries in 2008, have paved the way for a peaceful resolution of the boundary and other issues. We need to resolve our problems so that both countries can focus singlehandedly on alleviating the socioeconmic conditions of our people and contribute to peace and stability of the region and the world. China has become our largest trading partner with trade worth US$61.7 billion taking place in 2010. There is tremendous scope for enhancing bilateral relations and reaching consensus on vital global issues like climate control, financial order and sustainable development. A new equation is emerging in the balance of power in the world, with the centre of gravity shifting towards Asia. The cooperation in the field of defence has also grown phenomenally consequent to the highly significant memorandum of understanding on defence cooperation signed during the defence minister, Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to China in 2006. It was the first of its kind MoU between the two nations, and was given a concrete shape during my visit to China in May 2007 as the chairman of the chiefs of staff committee.
Many theorists have been predicting a war between China and India. First it was supposed to have happened after the Beijing Olympics, and then it was forecast to take place in 2012, and now there is some talk of 2020. Some of these analysts haven’t been to the high Himalayan regions on either side, or have merely undertaken whistlestop tours in fair weather. To comprehend the true dimensions of fighting a war in this region, one has to see the conditions during the freezing winter season, when the snow and the blizzards make life impossible, or during the monsoons, when it rains for days on end and even small streams become raging torrents, washing away bridges and major parts of roads. We need to understand that no modern war can be fought unless it is thought through in its entirety, and more importantly, only if the initiator is convinced that it can be won. Further, to start a nuclear war would be the height of folly. However, I do not wish to give an impression that we can afford to be complacent or let our guard down. In fact, we should continue to modernize our armed forces and improve the infrastructure, strengthen the intelligence agencies and provide them state-of-the-art wherewithal for giving real-time intelligence, and thereby enhance our capability to face the challenges of the future.
Sometime in October 2007, soon after I had handed over the baton of the army chief, I got a call from Professor Stephen P. Cohen, senior fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington, requesting a meeting at my home in Delhi. I had heard about him and read his book on the army of Pakistan, apart from some other writings. Our free and frank discussion lasted much more than the scheduled 40 minutes. With due respect to the distinguished scholar, at times I found Cohen’s perceptions of events a bit unconvincing, and I did not hesitate to speak out my mind. Discussing the situation in Pakistan and its neighbourhood, I highlighted the disastrous consequences of inherent schisms and deep-rooted contradictions within Pakistan, the uncontrolled activities of terrorist organizations all over the country and in the Af-Pak border areas, which have turned Pakistan into the fountainhead of Islamic extremism and terror, and the institution of a national strategy of ‘deniability’ and ‘lies’.
Take the example of Musharraf’s ill-conceived venture in Kargil. A fabricated story of ‘freedom fighters’ was trotted out, and to maintain the cover-up, the bodies of Pakistani soldiers were left behind. Only recently, during November 2010, some figures of casualties in that war have been officially released. It is amazing how one man’s miscalculation can put an entire nation into such a mess. The American writer, Bruce Riedel, has clearly brought out that the US helped to bail out the Pakistan Army and gave them a face-saving opportunity at that time.
The policy of running with the hares and hunting with the hounds has thoroughly discredited Pakistan not only in the eyes of the world but also of their beneficiaries – the Taliban – who claim that the Pakistanis ‘feed them with one hand and kill them with the other’. When the sordid tale of nuclear proliferation was exposed, they made A.Q. Khan the fall guy. The most recent nail in the coffin of lies has been the shocking discovery of Osama Bin Laden in the garrison town of Abbotabad, a stone’s throw from Pakistani military academy at Kakul. But for the audacious, secretive and highly professional Operation Geronimo, the Pakistani establishment would have continued to put wool over the eyes of the world, as has been asserted by US Congressmen Dana Rohrabacher and Ted Poe. As brilliantly summed up by Cyril Almeida, a well-known Pakistani writer, ‘If we didn’t know [bin Laden was in Abbotabad], we are a failed state; if we did know, we are a rogue state,’ (in a lead article, Time Magazine, 13 May 2011). This was perhaps another legacy left behind by Pervez Musharraf’s regime.
Taking a realistic and rational view of the factors discussed above, it is very likely that despite the wishes of the US, India, China or the rest of the world to see a stable and prosperous Pakistan, it might still implode. In fact, I went to the extent of telling Cohen that the button for self-destruction might have already been pressed. Only the people of Pakistan could save their country by snapping the already-lit fuse cord before it reached the detonator, and arrest the downward slide into chaos and destruction. The reactions of Cohen could not be deciphered by me clearly – these varied from ‘yes, I believe so’ to ‘is that so’ or ‘incredible’, and at times just a gesture of his hand on his heart. Maybe I got some of it wrong. Nonetheless, it shall be a memorable interaction for me and my admiration for him as a scholar remains undiminished. However, anyone can go wrong.
Pakistan has gone through turbulent times in its chequered history, but today it faces its biggest challenge, that of the extremist monster created in the 1970s and 80s. The people of Pakistan are standing at the crossroads. They have to decide whether they want to be a moderate and progressive Islamic nation living in peace with their neighbours or let their destiny be decided by the Taliban and Al Qaida and other obscurantist elements. They cannot have both options if they want to move ahead. As discussed earlier, there are many other schisms and contradictions in their polity and society and unless these are resolved in an early time frame, the situation may go beyond control. We hope that this state of affairs changes for the good of Pakistan, and a stable and prosperous nation emerges. On the positive side one can sense certain signs of change in Pakistan, but it is too early to predict.
I am of the firm belief that the time has come for us to reinforce Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s idea of making our borders ‘irrelevant’ and ushering in an era of peace in subcontinent. We can definitely look at the resolution of all issues in a peaceful manner and dialogue. Therefore, it is to be considered whether India could set the ball rolling for the creation of a subcontinental economic union on the lines of the European Union or ASEAN. I believe that the foundation provided by SAARC could facilitate the creation of such a union. The burgeoning Indian corporate sector could increase its investments in our neighbouring countries and help to create employment opportunities in those countries. That is likely to help in arresting the illegal migration of their citizens to India. We must not forget that even the US has not been able to stop the Mexicans from crossing the border. Consequently, India and Pakistan, as also all other countries in our region, could focus on alleviating the misery of the underprivileged in our respective countries. The region would then be able to witness a period of peace and prosperity. I say this with conviction as the present approach doesn’t seem to be working out in the desired manner.
We need to have a careful look at the existing structure of our national security apparatus and defence management at the strategic level. The institutionalization of the military component of this apparatus in the ‘decision-making loop’ is unexceptional. This is to ensure that expert military advice is available to the national leadership and policy-makers, as is the case in major democratic nations. While formulating and conducting foreign policy, particularly in our fairly volatile neighbourhood and also in those countries where the military is all-powerful, military diplomacy and the views of the service chiefs can prove to be invaluable. Timely advice can help in the prevention of a security situation from snowballing out of control. In a few security-related situations in the past, the armed forces were not quite aware of the big picture or were caught unprepared or without having the desired readiness levels when asked to execute a mission. Such instances are not in the best interests of the nation and hence, should be scrupulously avoided as far as possible. An integrated team with officials from the services and the ministries of defence, external affairs, finance and home makes sense. More importantly, an integrated team within the army, navy and air force at the theatre commands and at the service HQs is required. As has been articulated in Part IV, once this model has matured over a few years, we could have in place a chief of defence staff with the operational responsibility of the armed forces and the accountability that goes with it.
A vital component of national defence is the indigenous capability to research, develop and produce critical high-technology defence systems such as combat aircraft, ships, submarines, tanks, missiles, rockets, unmanned aerial vehicles, electronic warfare systems, radars, sonars, armaments and strategic weapons. We should definitely look at joint development of some of these major weapon systems with other friendly countries as well, as no country can go it alone due to prohibitive research and developmental costs. It is a matter of pride to see the Defence Research and Development Organization, other defence-related public sector undertakings and the private sector reaching significant milestones in these fields. There is a case for opening maximum areas of defence production, except certain strategic and sensitive domains, to the private sector. Our vision should be an India having a self-reliant defence industrial base, which will place us in the league of leading military industrial powers in times to come.
Though India has one of the largest arms industries in the developing world, the volume of defence exports is negligible. At the same time, we are amongst the largest importers of arms. Therefore we need to look into this important domain. Besides being instruments of foreign policy, arms exports are also driven by domestic economic imperatives. The high profits involved in such sales are an important factor in spurring new ideas and innovations by the armament industry and the private sector in the West. Also, by exporting, the industry can recover at least a part of the cost of research and development as well as reduce the cost of the production through economies of scale. Having visited a number of defence exhibitions in Europe and India, I feel that this is a great opportunity that we haven’t seized. China has gone far ahead of us in this field. We must take our cue from them and gain influence among the developing countries by meeting their defence needs. Most of these countries can neither afford the expensive state-of-the-art Western arms and equipment nor have the need for them, and would be satisfied with what we are producing, which is cheaper, effective and reasonably advanced. We could also share our expertise in improving, adapting and servicing of equipment of common origin. We need to create a ‘defence export board’ or corporation, which should be an autonomous body chartered to enhance our defence exports, keeping in mind our national interests.
Post independence, the role of the armed forces in nation-building has been phenomenal. As an organization, the Indian Army has been a role model. Our principles, based on the three pillars of professionalism, secularism and an apolitical approach, have resulted in our gaining the respect and trust of the people. The Indian Army has played a vital role in disaster management and often without waiting for orders. The army has a diversity that in many ways represents a microcosm of India. It is seen as an impartial organization which deals with a situation on its merits, without any extraneous considerations. The moment people in a strife-torn area see men in olive green, their confidence automatically gets restored.
The contribution of the armed forces in hastening the decision of the British to give India independence is an aspect on which adequate research has not been done. Certain unorchestrated actions by units, officers and men of the armed forces indicated solidarity with the civil disobedience and freedom movements. The 1857 revolt had never really been obliterated from the British psyche. ‘Wavell had noted in his Journal that Churchill had “the impression that the Indian Army was liable to rise at any moment; and he accused me [Wavell] of creating a Frankenstein by putting modern weapons in the hands of sepoys,”2 alluding to 1857.’ The rebellion of 1857 ‘began as the mutiny of the Bengal Army, and was the defining moment for Indian Nationalism and can rightly be said to be the event that gave birth to an Indian national identity’.3
While the role of the army in war is well understood, in peace time it trains for war, a fact that is not well understood. The very existence of a disciplined, well-trained and potent military force deters potential adversaries, thus contributing to peace and stability. What do the armed forces expect in return? Only the respect and gratitude of a nation that recognizes and acknowledges the army’s sacrifices. Dignity and honour are our prized possessions. When the soldier goes on leave he expects to be given a modicum of respect, especially while interacting with various civil authorities, and not be made to run from pillar to post for even the most mundane issues. There should be judicial and administrative edicts to ensure that his home and hearth is protected, and his family is not harassed while he is away guarding the borders or fighting terrorists. Sadly, that is not generally the case. I am reminded of the inscription on the Second World War memorial at Kohima, ‘When you go back tell them of us and say – for your tomorrow we gave our today.’ This should remind the people to honour its brave, undemanding and unsung heroes. We do not have any national war memorial or museum honouring our soldiers, sailors and air warriors who attained martyrdom in the wars fought by a free India, post independence. I strongly advocate that a befitting memorial-cum-museum should come up, as the armed forces have been projecting for a long time, in the area of the India Gate and, if required, a part of the construction could even be below the lawns of the Raj Path, like the underground armed forces museum I visited in Australia. This should not pose any problem as we have the expertise and we have recently made underground metro stations. Like all world powers, we should give the pride of place for such a memorial to our brave soldiers and veterans, at a central location, where the citizens could pay homage in large numbers as is the case in London, Paris or Washington.
To me, spirituality connotes a personal, direct and a very intimate connection with my God – my beliefs and my faith. It is something that I draw my strength from. I most definitely believe that I am guided and protected by a superior force. That force has been kind to me and helped me in following my philosophy of ‘a warrior and a winner’. I am convinced that there is no short cut to success. On assumption of a new appointment, I looked at the big picture, looked forward and never backward, focusing on the horizon with my feet firmly on the ground. In life, I worked very hard at whatever I did and believed that one makes one’s own destiny. It was my endeavour to be innovative and original and do things differently, rather than do the expected. That helped me to be an achiever. Eventually, I think my work always spoke for me. I have very frequently ticked off those officers and men who failed to use their intellect, imagination or initiative while executing an assigned task or mission, and would ask them, in a light-hearted manner, whether they intended to conserve their brains for the next life.
My positive and optimistic approach and attitude had a lot to do with my spiritual beliefs. It was not about going to the temple or praying every morning, or performing some rituals, but trying to be a good human being, someone who is constantly in touch with his faith. Due to this, I could not be subjugated by doubt, despite the challenges and rough weather I went through. For a soldier, and an officer in particular, faith is a personal issue and hence should play no part in his or her official work.
At times, on seeing some very high-ranking officers looking morose and unhappy over small or mundane matters, I would remind them of the high office they were occupying, and all that the organization had given to them. And also advise them to recast their definition of happiness or redraw the ‘lakshman rekhas’ (limits) of their desires, and be content in life. It is much better to be a happy colonel rather than an unhappy general, I would reiterate to them! In my view, this only happens to those officers who become ‘rats’ in the rat race, instead of being ‘tigers’. They live their entire careers trying to ensure the happiness of their bosses instead of their own, and then keep complaining. I have always maintained that success and happiness are products of many factors, and as in any mathematical equation, a zero multiplied with any number makes the total ‘zero’. For example, if one’s son becomes a drug addict, or the daughter elopes with someone undesirable, or the wife ends up as a nervous wreck, is the next rank worth it? Success at what cost! One comes across both categories of officers amongst the serving and veteran fraternity. Fortunately, there are more happy guys, but some amongst the senior lot are fairly disgruntled too.
‘What do I treasure most from my life’s experience?’ was a question once posed to me. ‘The affection, trust and devotion that I received from my officers and men in arms whom I had the proud privilege to command is something that is priceless and I was fortunate to get it and hence, value it the most,’ was my answer. And now, in my new assignment, which I call the second innings, I am striving to achieve the sobriquet of a ‘people’s governor’. I consider that for Rohini and me, this is the time to pay back to society for all that we have got in life.
Three generations of my family climbed eighteen rungs of the military ladder, from that of a soldier to that of a four-star general. It has been a century of service to the nation and the army. Whenever I hear the sound of the bugle, grandpa’s face flashes in my mind, and his words resonate. ‘When one’s path is righteous and the cause is just, one will always be crowned with success.’ And, ‘sepoy da beta karnail, ate karnail da beta jarnail banega’ (the soldier’s son shall be a colonel, and the colonel’s son will be a general). We were blessed to have had loving and caring parents. Rohini has been a wonderful companion and has played an invaluable part in this success story, and Vivek and Sonia have been adorable children. Life together, with its ups and downs, has been exciting and pleasurable. A lot has changed in the period between 1914 and 2012, but the core values and the bravery, courage, discipline and steadfastness of the Indian army soldier have not changed. An everlasting salute to my jawans is my modest acknowledgement.
In the end spirit always conquers the sword.
– Napoleon