Notes to Text

Abbreviations

APC: Acts of the Privy Council of England, ed. J.R. Dasent, (46 vols., 1890–1964).

BCB: Bridewell Court Books, Minutes of the Court of Governors (37 vols., 1559–1971), Bethlem Royal Hospital Archives, http://archives.museumofthemind.org.uk/BCB.htm (accessed 30 March 2017).

CSPC: Calendar of State Papers, Colonial series ed. W.N. Sainsbury (10 vols, 1860).

CSPD: Calendar of State Papers, Domestic series, of the reigns of Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth and James I, 1547–1625, ed. R. Lemon, M.A.E. Green (12 vols., 1856–72).

Calendar of State Papers, Domestic series, of the reign of James I, ed. M.A.E. Green (5 vols., 1857–1872).

Calendar of State Papers, Domestic series, of the reign of Charles I, ed. J. Bruce (23 vols., 1858–1897).

CSPS: Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs preserved in or originally belonging to the Archives of Simancas, ed. M.A.S Hume (4 vols.,1892–9).

Hakluyt: R. Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (12 vols., Glasgow, 1903–5).

The History of Parliament: The History of Parliament Online, Member Biographies, http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/ (accessed 30 March 2017).

L&P, Henry VIII: Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, ed. J.S. Brewer, R.H. Brodie and J. Gairdner (21 vols., 1810–1920).

LMA: London Metropolitan Archives, 40 Northampton Rd, Clerkenwell, London EC1R 0HB.

TNA: The National Archives, Kew Richmond, Surrey, TW9 4DU.

Introduction

1 Bennett, G., ‘Black history: the timeline’, Guardian; Kaufmann, M., ‘Elizabeth I and the ‘Blackamoores’, http://www.mirandakaufmann.com.

2 Bartels, ‘Too Many Blackamoors: Deportation, Discrimination, and Elizabeth I’; Kaufmann, ‘Caspar van Senden, Sir Thomas Sherley and the ‘Blackamoor’ Project’; Weissbourd, “Those in Their Possession”: Race, Slavery, and Queen Elizabeth’s “Edicts of Expulsion”. This episode is discussed in Chapter 4 and Chapter 6.

3 This was reinforced by the range of exhibitions, programming and other materials widely circulated during the 2007 commemoration of the Bicentenary of the Abolition of the British Slave Trade.

4 The Oxford English Dictionary, “slave, n.1 (and adj.)”, OED Online.

5 Milton, White Gold, p. 304. See also Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters.

6 235 Africans were sold in Lagos, Portugal; in 1444. Saunders, A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, pp. 5–11.

7 Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database calculates that 378,734 slaves disembarked from 1,328 voyages between 1514–1619.

8 Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England 1541–1871, p. 528. Life expectancy markedly improved for those who survived their childhoods.

9 Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Oakeshott, p. 94.

10 Hargrave, An Argument in the Case of James Sommersett a Negro, p. 50–1, citing the 1569 Cartwright case: Rushworth, Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, II, p. 468; see also: Paley, ‘Somerset, James (b. c.1741, d. in or after 1772)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, and Kaufmann, ‘Somerset Case,’ pp. 504–505.

11 Cambridge University Library, G.R.G Conway Collection, Add. MSS, 7231, ff. 2, 157–8, 339–40.

Chapter 1

1 Westminster Tournament Roll, painted vellum, 1511 College of Arms, London; repro. in The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, II, plate 3, membranes 3–5; plate 18, membranes 28–9.

2 Kleist, ‘The English African Trade Under the Tudors’, p. 137; Blake, West Africa, pp. 60–62; Blake, Europeans in West Africa, p. 266; Calendar of State Papers, Venice, ed. Brown, 1202–1509, p. 142; Penn, Winter King, p. 32.

3 Boorde, The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, ed. Furnivall, p. 56.

4 Personal correspondence with Matthew Dimmock. See also Friedman, ‘The Art of the Exotic: Robinet Testard’s Turbans and Turban–like Coiffure’, pp. 173–191. Henry VIII and the Earl of Essex appeared in Turkish costume during Shrovetide 1510: Johnson, So Great A Prince, p. 203.

5 Kisby, ‘Royal Minstrels in the City and Suburbs of Early Tudor London’, p. 201; Stevens, Music and Poetry, p. 307.

6 TNA, E 36/214, f. 109. The document can be viewed online at: http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/pathways/blackhistory/early_times/docs/blanke_payment.htm

7 Lowe and Earle, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, pp. 12, 252.

8 Records of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, pp. 185–188.

9 Thirsk, Chapters from the Agrarian History of England and Wales, I, p. 18; Woodward, Men at Work, p. 172.

10 The Household of Edward IV, ed. Myers, p. 131.

11 Stevens, Music and Poetry, pp. 235–7, 313. Shakespeare, All’s Well That Ends Well, Act 5, Scene 2; ‘Parishes: Richmond (anciently Sheen)’, in A History of the County of Surrey: Volume 3, ed. H.E. Malden (London, 1911), pp. 533–546, n. 50. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/surrey/vol3/pp533-546 [accessed 30 March 2017].

12 Stevens, Music and Poetry p. 313; G. R. Rastall, ‘Secular musicians in late medieval England’, pp. 149–50.

13 ‘Introduction’, in Memorials of London and London Life in the 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries, ed. H.T. Riley (London, 1868), pp. vii–li, n. 94. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/memorials-london-life/vii-li [accessed 30 March 2017].

14 Numbers 29:1; Leviticus 23:24.

15 Sarkissian and Tarr, ‘Trumpet’ Grove Music Online.

16 Herbert, ‘“. . . men of great perfection in their science . . .”: the trumpeter as musician and diplomat in England in the later fifteenth and sixteenth centuries’, pp. 1–2, 10.

17 Records of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, p. 234.

18 Records of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, p. 184.

19 Penn, Winter King, pp. 4–5.

20 Kaplan, ‘Introduction to the New Edition’, in The Image of the Black in Western Art, ed. Bindman, Gates & Dalton, II, 1, pp. 13–14; Kaplan, ‘Black Africans in Hohenstaufen Iconography,’ pp. 29–36.

21 Lowe & Earle, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, pp. 39, 118; Kaufmann, ‘Courts, Blacks at Early Modern European Aristocratic’, pp. 163–166.

22 The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., II, 477 and III, 132; “Taburn(e) n.”, and “Taburner n.”, The Dictionary of the Scots Language. The last mentions of the African drummer at James IV’s court suggest he died as a result of an injury sustained in the summer of 1506. The King paid his medical bills from June to August, but thereafter was supporting his wife and child. His drum was given to another musician, named Guillaume, the following summer. The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., III, pp. 197, 206, 330, 335, 377, 388; Habib, Black Lives, p. 30; Robbins, ‘Black Africans at the Court of James IV’, p. 42.

23 A rare and important French Renaissance tapestry of Le Camp du Drap d’Or, the meeting of Kings Henry VIII and François Ier, c.1520, probably Tournai, sold at Sothebys, New York, 11 December 2014: http://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2014/masterworks–n09209/lot.14.html

24 The Engagement of St Ursula and Prince Etherius, 1522, St Auta altarpiece, Convent of Madre de Deus, Lisbon.

25 Ashbee and Lasocki, eds., A biographical dictionary of English court musicians, I, p. 238; Dumitrescu, The Early Tudor Court and International Musical Relations, pp. 33, 67–8.

26 Records Of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, p. 174.

27 T. Knighton, ‘The Spanish Court of Ferdinand and Isabella’, pp. 341–343.

28 Elbl, ‘The Volume of the Early Atlantic Slave Trade’, pp. 31–75; Phillips, Slavery in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia, p. 64. Melchor de Santa Cruz, Floresta espanola p. 197, n. 11. See also Blumenthal, Enemies and Familiars: Slavery and Mastery in Fifteenth-Century Valencia.

29 T. Knighton, ‘The Spanish Court of Ferdinand and Isabella’, p. 349.

30 Tremlett, Isabella of Castile, p. 119.

31 Fraccia, ‘The Urban Slave in Spain and New Spain’, p. 199; Hilgarth, The Mirror of Spain, pp. 243–51.

32 Tremlett, Catherine of Aragon, pp. 40–41.

33 Crónica Del Rey Enrico Otavo De Ingalaterra, ed. Roca de Togores, Marquis de Molins, p. 326; CSPS, 1485–1509, pp. 246, 252, 254; Williams, P., Katherine of Aragon, p. 108.

34 Ibid., pp. 107–109.

35 BL Arundel 249, f. 85v; The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More, ed. Rogers, pp. 3–4; Orme, ‘Holt, John (d. 1504)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Chronicles of London, ed. Kingsford, p. 334 and The Receyt of the Lady Kataryne, ed. Kipling, p. 33; discussed by Habib, Black Lives, pp. 24–7 and Onyeka, Blackamoores, pp. 191–6. See also Johnson, So Great a Prince, p. 205.

36 Johnson, L., ‘A Life of Catalina, Katherine of Aragon’s Moorish Servant’, English Historical Fiction Authors; Johnson, So Great a Prince, pp. 205–6 and p. 298, n. 2. L&P, Henry VIII, 1531–32, p. 169 (Holy Roman Emperor Charles V to Isabella of Portugal, 31 July 1531). As Johnson explains (p. 298, n.2), Catalina of Motril has been confused in the secondary literature with a completely different woman, Katherine of Aragon’s maid of honour, Lady Catalina de Cardones. See, Crónica del rey Enrico otavo de Ingalaterra, ed. Roca de Togores, Marquis de Molins, pp. 325, 329; Ungerer, The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of Slavery, p. 97 and Onyeka, Blackamoores, pp. 198–9.

37 Ungerer, The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of British Slavery, p. 96; D’Azevedo, ‘Os Escravos’, p. 300, doc. III (transcription of Chancellaria de D. João II, Liv. pp. xvi, fl. 61).

38 Rushworth, Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, II, 468; Harrison, Description of England, ed. Edelen, p. 118.

39 Saunders, Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, pp. 113–133; Fox, ‘“For good and sufficient reasons”, pp. 246–262; Peabody, ‘There Are No Slaves in France’, p. 11; Taylor, American Colonies, pp. 155–156, 213.

40 Van Cleve, ‘Somerset’s Case and its antecedents in Imperial perspective’, pp. 608–9.

41 Crónica Del Rey Enrique Octavo De Inglaterra, ed. Roca de Togores, Marquis de Molins, p. 329.

42 Fraccia, ‘The Urban Slave in Spain and New Spain’, p. 195.

43 MacCulloch, ‘Bondmen Under the Tudors’, pp. 94, 109.

44 Beier, Masterless Men, p. 23.

45 See n. 37 above; Tudor Exeter Tax Assessments 1489–1599, ed. Rowe, p. 18; For Jacques Francis, see Chapter 2; Northamptonshire Record Office, Microfiche 120p/3 (St Nicholas, Eydon, 16 December 1545); The Diary of Henry Machyn, ed. Nicholls, p. 74; Stow, Annales, ed. Howe, p. 1038.

46 The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., II, pp. 465, 468, 469; III, pp. lxxxv, 94, 101, 172, 175, 182, 113, 114, 154–5, 361, 370–1, 387, 409, 336; IV: 51, 82, 59, 61, 100, 62, 116, 232, 324, 339, 401, 404, 434, 436; V, p. 328. For transcriptions see Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, Appendix: 5. Household Accounts, nos. 28–97.

47 Harrison, J.G., “‘The Bread Book” and the Court and Household of Marie de Guise in 1549’, p. 30.

48 The Scottish Correspondence of Mary of Lorraine, ed. Cameron, p. 296; see also Kaufmann, ‘Sir Pedro Negro: What colour was his skin?’, pp. 142–146.

49 Williams, P., Katherine of Aragon, p. 155, 158–9.

50 Penn, Winter King, pp. 213–225.

51 Woodfield, The Early History of the Viol, p. 206.

52 L&P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, p. 14.

53 Easterlings were merchants of the Dutch Hanse.

54 L&P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, pp. 8–24.

55 L&P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, p. 43.

56 Hayward, Rich Apparel: Clothing and the Law in Henry VIII’s England, p. 17.

57 Dillon, Performance and Spectacle in Hall’s Chronicle, pp. 25, 28.

58 Ibid., p. 33; Johnson, So Great A Prince, p. 203.

59 Stevens, Music and Poetry, p. 301.

60 His songbook is BL, Additional MS. 31922, ff.14v–15; See also Helms, ‘Henry VIII’s Book: Teaching Music to Royal Children’, pp. 118–135 and D. Fallows, ‘Henry VIII As a Composer’, pp. 27–39.

61 Stevens, Music and Poetry, p. 234.

62 Erasmus, In Praise of Folly (1509), cited in Stevens, Music and Poetry, p. 287, see also pp. 265–266; Hayward, Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII, p.266; Princess Mary demanded music from Memo: L & P, Henry VIII, 1515–1518, pp. 1220–1236.

63 Dumitrescu, The Early Tudor Court and International Musical Relations, pp. 68, 232; Records Of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, 22.

64 TNA, E101/217/2, no.105. A searchable database of this tranche of documents has been created by Dr. James Ross of the University of Winchester: ‘Kingship, Court and Society: the Chamber Books of Henry VII and Henry VIII, 1485–1521’, https://www.tudorchamberbooks.org.

65 Records of English Court Music, ed. Ashbee, VII, pp. 87, 100, 103, 192–201.

66 Ashbee, ‘Groomed for Service: Musicians in the Privy Chamber at the English Court’, p. 188. The ‘More Taubronar’ at the Scottish court was provided with a horse (which previously belonged to court trumpeter Pete Johne) by James IV on 13 September 1504, but the king mostly met his travel expenses. In 1504 the drummer, along with four Italian minstrels, travelled with the itinerant court to Eskdale, Dumfries, Peebles, Falkland, Strethbogy, Brechin and ‘the Month’: The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., II, pp. 458 and 420, 435, 444, 451, 457, 458,459, 461, 462, 464.

67 Stevens, Music and Poetry, p. 240. For further discussion of Tudor sumptuary laws, see Chapter 5.

68 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I, p. 1.

69 L & P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, pp. 369–377.

70 Walker, ‘The Westminster Tournament Challenge (Harley 83 H 1) and Thomas Wriothesley’s Workshop’, pp. 1–13.

71 Dillon, Performance and Spectacle in Hall’s Chronicle, p. 42.

72 The Great Chronicle of London, ed. Thomas and Thornley, p. 373–4.

73 L&P, Henry VIII, 1515–1518, p.1450.

74 The following account of the Westminster Tournament is taken from The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, The Great Chronicle of London, ed. Thomas and Thornley, and Hall’s Chronicle, in Dillon, Performance and Spectacle in Hall’s Chronicle, pp. 37–42. Despite how they are dressed in the Tournament Roll, the Great Chronicle says the trumpeters were ‘clad in Red cloth’: Anglo, I, p. 85.

75 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I, p. 35, esp. n. 3.

76 Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, ed. Wright, p. 69.

77 The Great Chronicle of London, ed. Thomas and Thornley, p. 371.

78 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I, p. 55; The Great Chronicle of London, ed. Thomas and Thornley, p. 372.

79 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I, p. 96.

80 The poems of William Dunbar, ed. Bawcutt, p. 113; Habib, Black Lives, p. 33, n. 40; Scott, Dunbar, p. 67. Bawcutt, ‘The Art of Flyting’, pp. 5–24; ‘The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy’, tr. Murphy, http://www.clanstrachan.org/history/Flyting_of_Dunbar_and_Kennedy.pdf (accessed 30 March 2017). The Poems of William Dunbar, Kinsley, p. 106.

81 The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., III, p. 258; Lindsay of Pitscottie The Historie and Cronicles of Scotland, ed. Mackay Vol X p. 244.

82 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I, pp. 56–7. The original source, Gibson’s Revels Account, TNA, E 36/217, f. 70 refers to 1s 4d spent on ‘mendyng of the floor’ at the ‘bechop of harforthes plas’. Presumably this was the Bishop of Hereford, who in 1511 was Richard Mayhew: Newcombe, ‘Mayhew, Richard (1439/40–1516)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

83 Dillon, Performance and Spectacle in Hall’s Chronicle, pp. 40–41.

84 The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, ed. Anglo, I p. 58; L&P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, pp. 377–390.

85 Bowsher, ‘The Chapel Royal at Greenwich Palace’, pp. 155–161; Thurley, The Royal Palaces of Tudor England, pp. 196–7 and personal correspondence.

86 TNA, E 101/417/6, f. 50.

87 Hayward, Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII, p. 231.

88 TNA, E 101/417/6, f. 57.

89 L & P, Henry VIII, 1509–1514, p. 1645; TNA, E 101/417/3 f. 12; TNA, E101/420/1 no.29.

90 Ashbee and Lasocki, eds., A biographical dictionary of English court musicians, I, p. 151.

91 As Onyeka points out, there are various ‘John Blanke’’s recorded in the subsidy records as living in Tower Ward in the 1540s and 1550s, but none can be clearly identified as the trumpeter. Onyeka, Blackamoores, p. 211; Kirk and Kirk, I, pp. 20, 155, 199, 252, II, 41, 81, III, 314. A Haberdasher named Thomas Blanke appears in the London records in 1542. His son, another Thomas Blanke, was to become Lord Mayor in 1582–3. Alfred P Beaven, ‘Notes on the aldermen, 1502–1700’, in The Aldermen of the City of London Temp. Henry III–1912 (London, 1908), pp. 168–195. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/london-aldermen/hen3-1912/pp168-195 [accessed 31 March 2017].

92 Thurley, The Royal Palaces of Tudor England, p. 2.

93 Lowe and Earle, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, pp. 160–161; Kaufmann, ‘Courts, Blacks at Early Modern European Aristocratic’, pp. 163–166. Elizabeth I bought the following outfit for her African servant to wear:

‘Item, for making of a Gascon coate for a lytle Blackamore of white Taffata, cut and lyned under with tincel, striped down with gold and silver, and lined with buckram and bayes, poynted with poynts and ribands ... and faced with taffata ... with a white taffata doublet with gold and silver lace, silver buttons, faced with Taffata; a payre of Gascons, a paire of knit hose, a pair of white shoes and pantoufles, a dozen of poynts, and a paire of gaiters’: TNA, LC 5/34, f. 241 (Lord Chamberlain’s account); see also BL Egerton 2806, f. 70; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d, p. 106. The painting identified by Sewter in ‘Queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth’ p. 75, in 1940 (and cited by the influential Peter Fryer, Staying Power, p. 9) as showing Queen Elizabeth being entertained by a group of black musicians and dancers in 1575 has been shown to be a European painting depicting Italian commedia dell’ arte actors by Katrisky, The Art of Commedia, pp. 145–6.

94 Anthony Vause is mentioned in the burial record of ‘Anne Vause a Black-more wife to Anthonie Vause, Trompetter of the said Country’. The location of the parish close to the Tower meant that various court musicians and their families appear in the register. LMA, MS 09222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 27 April 1618); Marshall Denkinger, ‘Minstrels and Musicians in the Registers of St. Botolph Aldgate’, pp. 395–398; Paul van Somer, ‘Anne of Denmark’, 1617, Royal Collection, RCIN 405887; Daniel Mytens, ‘Charles I and Henrietta Maria Departing for the chase’, c.1630–2, Royal Collection, RCIN 404771. Anne of Denmark also had an African in her Scottish household in 1590: Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, pp. 172–4; Papers Relative to the Marriage of King James the Sixth of Scotland with the Princess Anna of Denmark, ed. Gibson Craig, pp. 21, 28, 36; D. Stevenson, Scotland’s Last Royal Wedding: the Marriage of James VI and Anne of Denmark with a Danish Account of the Marriage Translated by Peter Graves (Edinburgh, 1997), p. 109.

95 Potter, Henry VIII and Francis I, p. 12.

Chapter 2

1 Thomas Beckingham, mayor of Southampton, had known him for about ten years in 1549: TNA, HCA 13/93, f. 273v (High Court of Admiralty Deposition, 14 May 1549).

2 ‘Woolsack’, Glossary, UK Parliament Website, http://www.parliament.uk/site–information/glossary/woolsack/ (accessed 31 March 2017); Hentschell, The Culture of Cloth in Early Modern England, p. 2; Ruddock, Italian Merchants and Shipping in Southampton, pp. 256–272.

3 Kaplan, ‘Italy, 1490–1700’ in The Image of the Black in Western Art, ed. Bindman and Gates, III, 1, pp.93–125; Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, Act 4, Scene 1; black gondoliers appear in Vittore Carpaccio, Miracle of the Relic of the Cross at the Ponte di Rialto, c. 1496, Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice, and his Hunting on the Lagoon (c.1490–5), The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles; Lowe, ‘Visible lives: black gondoliers and other black Africans in Renaissance Venice’, pp. 412–452; Lowe and Earle, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, pp. 303–325; Fletcher, The Black Prince of Florence.

4 Ruddock, ‘Alien Merchants in Southampton in the Later Middle Ages’, p. 12. Another possible African in late 15th-century Southampton was Maria Moriana (discussed later in this chapter see n. 41 below), but her ethnicity is never explicitly stated in the records.

5 The following account is largely drawn from McKee, King Henry VIII’s Mary Rose and Knighton & Loades, Letters from the Mary Rose. Peter Paulo Corsi appears in the former, p. 89 and the latter, pp. 132–3.

6 Knighton and Loades, Letters from the Mary Rose, p. 122 had it as £1.75M in 2002.

7 Ibid.; Mortimer, The Time Travellers Guide to Elizabethan England, pp. 262–3. The bill was for 22 tons of beer. There are 204 gallons in a ton of beer, so 22 tons is 4,488 gallons. There are 8 pints in a gallon. Hence 4,488 × 8 = 35,904.I have then divided this figure by 91 men and again by 28 days (a month) to get the figure of 14 pints a day each.

8 TNA, HCA 13/5, f. 192. (Deposition by Domenico Erizzo, 14 December 1547)

9 Knighton & Loades, Letters from the Mary Rose, pp. 132–33, items 77–9, 81; Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, p. 258; Carter, ‘Carew, Sir Wymond (1498–1549)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; First fruits’ were the first year’s income for a new appointee to an ecclesiastical benefice, the ‘tenths’ an annual tax thereafter: Encyclopaedia of Tudor England, ed. Wagner and Schmid, I, 447–8.

10 The following account is drawn from the ensuing case between Domenico Erizzo and Peter Paulo Corsi in the High Court of Admiralty. The surviving papers comprise: deposition by Domenico Erizzo, 14 December 1547 HCA 13/5, ff. 191–195; various depositions in HCA 13/93: f. 192v (John Westcott, 29 January 1548); f. 193v–4r (William Mussen, 30 January 1548); f. 202 (Jacques Francis, 8 Feb 1548); f. 241v–2 (Domenico Paza, 16 July 1548); f. 242–3, Domenico Milanes (18 July 1548); f. 246v (Antonio de Nicolao, 1 September 1548); f. 271 (Niccolo de Marini, 7 May 1549); f. 272 (Thomas Beckingham, 14 May 1549); f. 275v (Antonio de Nicolao, 23 May 1549); f. 277v (Niccolo de Marini, 5 June 1549); f. 278 (Domenico Milanes, 5 June 1549); f. 294 (Bartolomeo Fortini, 11 September 1549); f. 303 (Giacomo Ragazzoni, 25 October 1549); and HCA 24/17/130 (objection against validity of evidence of John Westcott, William Mussen, John Ito and George Blake by an agent of Domenico Erizzo; 19 March 1549).

11 Ruddock, Italian Merchants in Southampton, pp. 95, 138, 240–253.

12 Dawson, ‘Enslaved Swimmers and Divers in the Atlantic World’, p. 1348.

13 Other testimonies concur: Bartholomew Fortini agreed that he did not ‘remain in prison any while’, while the Venetian Giacomo Ragazzoni believed he had been arrested for one or two days at the most. Another Venetian, Antonio de Nicolao, said that he was discharged within an hour and a half. Indeed, he said that while he was in Southampton, he ‘everyday, or every other day’ saw Corsi ‘at his free liberty in the street there’.

14 TNA, HCA 13/5, f. 195. (Deposition by Domenico Erizzo, 14 December 1547)

15 TNA, HCA 13/93, ff. 203–4, 275–6.

16 Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, n. 25.

17 TNA, C 1/1386/70 (Court of Chancery, Six Clerks Office, John Tyrart of London, vintner, v. the sheriffs of London, 7 September 1554).

18 Gallagher, ‘Vernacular language-learning in early modern England’, pp. 119, 192 and personal correspondence.

19 Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, p. 261, n. 26; Dawson, ‘History from Below: Enslaved Salvage Divers in the Atlantic World’, p. 20.

20 Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, p. 261, n. 29; Costello, Black Salt, pp. 4–5. Though the complaint in HCA 24/17/130 suggests the other divers also gave evidence, I have not been able to locate their testimonies.

21 Dawson, ‘Enslaved Swimmers and Divers in the Atlantic World’, pp. 1346–1347; Dawson, ‘Swimming, Surfing, and Underwater Diving in Early Modern Atlantic Africa and the African Diaspora’, p. 108.

22 In 1455, the Venetian Alvise de Cadamosto, wrote that Africans living along the Senegal River ‘are the most expert swimmers in the world’: Dawson, ‘Swimming, Surfing, and Underwater Diving in Early Modern Atlantic Africa and the African Diaspora’, pp. 84–86, 94–95; Dawson, ‘Enslaved Swimmers and Divers in the Atlantic World’, p. 1337–8; Baker, Travails in Guinea: Robert Baker’s ‘Briefe Dyscourse’ (?1568), ed. Hair. Klein, ‘“To pot straight way we goe”: Robert Baker in Guinea, 1563–4’, pp. 243–256.

23 Orme, Early British Swimming, pp. 63–4.

24 Boorde, A Dyetary of Health, ed. Furnivall, pp. 51–3.

25 Gentile Bellini, ‘Miracle of the Cross at the Bridge of San Lorenzo’, 1500, Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice; Debrunner, Presence and Prestige, p. 22 mistakenly places the instructor in Naples, not Genoa; Burkhardt, The Civilisation of the Period of the Renaissance in Italy, p. 19; Jovius, De Piscibus Romanis, Chapter 3.

26 ‘Elizabeth: February 1588, 1–15’, in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586–1588, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas (London, 1927), pp. 500–517. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp500-517 [accessed 2 April 2017].

27 Dawson, ‘Swimming, Surfing, and Underwater Diving in Early Modern Atlantic Africa and the African Diaspora’, pp. 81, 109. De Marees, Description and historical account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea, ed. Van Dantzig and Jones, p. 186.

28 Dawson, ‘Swimming, Surfing, and Underwater Diving in Early Modern Atlantic Africa and the African Diaspora’, p. 111; Dawson, ‘Enslaved Swimmers and Divers in the Atlantic World’, p. 1350; Morgan, ‘British Encounters with Africans and African–Americans, c.1600–1780’, p. 170; The Troublesome Voyage of Captain Edward Fenton, 1582–1583, ed. Taylor, p. 107; The Comedies of George Chapman, ed. Parrott, p. 4.

29 Donkin, Beyond Price, p. 320; Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, Chapter 5.

30 Marx, The History of Underwater Exploration, pp. 40–41.

31 McKee, King Henry VIII’s Mary Rose, pp. 93–99; Braithwaite and Bevan, ‘Deane, Charles Anthony (1796–1848)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

32 Eliav, ‘Guglielmo’s Secret’, pp. 60–69.

33 Dawson, Undercurrents of Power, Chapter 5; Donkin, Beyond Price, p. 322.

34 HCA 13/93, f. 241v–242 (Domenico Paza, 16 July 1548).

35 ‘gynno’ does not appear in the OED and was possibly an Italian term. All three men stated that they had known the diver for about two years.

36 Elyot, The Boke Named the Governour, I. p. xviii. sig. p. Jvii.

37 BL, Lansdowne MS 10, ff. 16–60, no. 5; Returns of Aliens, ed. Kirk & Kirk, I, p. 336. Tego is likely to be the one of the two ‘Blackmores’ recorded in Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London’s survey of strangers of 15 December 1567: Haynes, A Collection of State Papers, Relating to Affairs . . . from the Year 1542 to 1570, I, pp. 455, 457, 460, 461. The other is Francis Fran, listed as a servant to Peter Fanall in Bishopsgate Ward, in Returns of Aliens, ed. Kirk & Kirk, I, p. 323. See also Habib Index no. 129.

38 Acts, 8: 26–40; Zemon Davis, Trickster’s Travels, p. 65; Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans. Pory, III, p. 1021. For more on Leo Africanus, see Chapter 4 and Chapter 6.

39 Encyclopaedia of Tudor England, ed. Wagner and Schmid, I, pp. 45–6.

40 Lowe, ‘Visible lives: black gondoliers and other black Africans in Renaissance Venice’, p. 425.

41 TNA, C1/148/67; her ethnic identity remains uncertain, as it is not specified in the original document. Ruddock describes her as ‘an Italian servant’: Ruddock, Italian merchants and shipping in Southampton, p. 127. Ungerer describes her as ‘Moorish’: Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, p. 261; TNA, REQ 2/164/117 For more on Hector Nunes and the Ethiopian Negar see Chapter 4, Chapter 6 and also Kaufmann, M., ‘African freedom in Tudor England: Dr Hector Nunes’ petition’, Our Migration Story, http://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/oms/african–freedom–in–tudor–england–dr–hector–nuness–request

42 London Consistory Court Wills, 1492–1547, ed. Darlington, p. 62.

43 TNA, HCA, 13/93, f. 275v.

44 TNA, HCA 13/5, f. 192.

45 Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary, p. 725; Latham, Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, I,905. That famulus was used in this way in sixteenth–century English courts is proven by the fact that mariners John Tonnes and Humphrey Ffones are both described as ‘famulus Johannes Hawkins’ [sic] when they give evidence in a case of 1568: TNA, SP 12/53. Ungerer, ‘Recovering a Black African’s Voice in an English Lawsuit’, p. 260, confuses the issue by translating famulus as ‘slave member of a household’.

46 MacCulloch, ’Bondmen Under the Tudors’, p. 98; Cairns, ‘Slavery and the Roman Law of Evidence’, p. 608 and pp. 600–602. Black Africans in Renaissance Europe, ed. Lowe & Earle, p. 35; Schwarz, Twice Condemned: Slaves and the Criminal Laws of Virginia, 1705–1865, pp. 19–20. The Statutes at Large: Being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia, ed. Henning, IV, 326–7.

47 Senior, ‘An Investigation of the Activities and Importance of English Pirates, 1603–1640’, pp. 411–12; The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480–1650, ed. Andrews, Canny, Hair and Quinn, pp. 132–3; Appleby, ‘Thomas Mun’s West Indies Venture, 1602–5’, pp. 101–110. ‘The Lives, Apprehensions, Arraignments, and Executions, of the 19. Late Pyrates’, sig. E2r; Weatherford, Crime and Punishment in the England of Shakespeare and Milton, pp. 100–1; depositions relating to this case are to be found in TNA, HCA 1/47, ff. 4–5 (William Hill 1 May 1609), f. 56 (William Longcastle), ff. 56–57 (William Tavernor), f. 59 (John Moore, 20 November 1609).

48 TNA, HCA, 24/17/130 (objection against the validity of the evidence of John Westcott, William Mussen, John Ito and George Blake by an agent of Domenico Erizzo, 19 March 1549.

49 TNA, SP 10/9 f. 93 (Report on the prisoners in the Tower of London, 22 October 1549); CSPD, 1547–1553, p. 151; MacMahon, ‘Wotton, Sir Edward (1489?–1551)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Lock, ‘Fitzalan, Henry, twelfth earl of Arundel (1512–1580)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; TNA, PC 2/3 f. 129 (Privy Council meeting at Westminster, 26 March 1550).

50 Ireton, “They are of the caste of black Christians;” Old Christian black blood in the sixteenth century Iberian Atlantic,” Hispanic American Historical Review, forthcoming.

51 Africans appear in the following tax returns: TNA, E179/174/415 (10 September 1594), E179/174/432 (26 September 1598), E179/174/446 (24 September 1599), E179/174/444 (8 September 1600), and E179/175/488 (4 March 1611); Central Hampshire Lay Subsidy Assessments, 1558–1603, ed. Vick, pp. vi, 32–38; The parish registers do not survive for most of Southampton’s churches in this period, but I have found one African buried there, a servant to Laurence Groce, who also appears in the tax returns, and whose wife Mary leaves a legacy to her African servant, Joane, in 1612 (discussed in Chapter 10): Southampton Record Office, PR 7/1/1, St Michael CMB 1552–1651 6/14 (St Michael, 23 August 1598), Hampshire Record Office, 1612B/036 (Will of Mary Groce, 14 October 1612); Third Book of Remembrance of Southampton, ed. James, IV, 6; Southampton in the 1620s and the ‘Mayflower’, ed. Thompson, pp. 44, 51; ‘Jeffery, Sir John (1611), of High Street, Southampton, Hants and Catherston-Leweston, Dorset’ The History of Parliament.

Chapter 3

1 Price, Maroon Societies, p. 1.

2 Hakluyt, II, 700; The Hawkins’ Voyages During the Reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I, ed. Markham, p. 5; Morgan, ‘Hawkins, William (b. before 1490, d. 1554/5)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. For more on African trade and meleguetta pepper see Chapter 7. Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database Much has been written on John Hawkins. See sources listed in: Morgan, ‘Hawkins, Sir John (1532–1595)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography and Williamson, Hawkins of Plymouth; Kelsey Sir John Hawkins; Hazlewood, The Queen’s Slave Trader.

3 Kelsey, ‘Drake, Sir Francis (1540–1596)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 20–23; Turner, M. ‘The Need to Know the Year of Drake’s Birth with reference to the Early Hawkins Slaving Voyages’, http://www.indrakeswake.co.uk

4 Maltby, The Black Legend in England, p. 15. Bartholemé de Las Casas’s Brevissima Relación de la Destructión de las Indias was written in 1542, printed in 1552, and the English version, entitled The Spanish Colonie, came out in 1583. Old World diseases, particularly smallpox and measles, to which European arrivals were largely resistant or immune, combined with warfare, forced migrations and enslavement to reduce the population of some 40–70 million indigenous Amerindians in 1492 by c. 90–95% by 1650: Day, ‘Disease and World History: A Dark Side of Interaction’, p. 10; McNeill, Mosquito Empires, p. 16.

5 Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database calculates that 378,734 slaves disembarked from 1,328 voyages between 1514 and 1619.

6 Morgan cites 3.3 million transported between 1662 and 1807: Morgan, X., Slavery and the British Empire, p. 12; Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database has 2.9 million from 1640–1807.

7 The English resumed the slave trade c.1641 in which year the Star delivered a cargo of Africans to Barbados: Gragg, Englishmen Transplanted, p. 119; Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database: Voyage number 21876.

8 Kelsey, Sir John Hawkins, p. 93, 331, n. 60. The Inquisition records for Hawkins’s abandoned crew are in Cambridge University Library, Additional Manuscripts, 7226–7306 (GRG Conway Collection, Mexican Inquisition) and listed in Street, ‘The GRG Conway Collection in Cambridge University Library: A Checklist’, pp. 60–81. Conway also deposited copies of his transcripts in the Library of Congress and Aberdeen University Library.

9 Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, pp. 253–4.

10 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 171; Fernández de Navarrete, Biblioteca Maritima Española, I, 596. Gonzalo de Palma went on to become Governor of Costa Rica in the 1590s: Fernández Guardia, Cartilla Histórica de Costa Rica, p. 152.

11 Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database; Wheat, Atlantic Africa and the Spanish Caribbean, pp. 5, 12. See also Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, pp. 162–182.

12 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 53.

13 Much of the following account is taken from the 1628 edition of Nichols, Sir Francis Drake Revived reproduced in Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, p. 246–326.

14 Wright, Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569–1580, Wright, (ed.) p. 265, n. 1

15 Ibid., pp. 258–9, 264–5; Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 51, 55. See also Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, p. 66–8.

16 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 302. For a brief biography of Nichols, see Quinn, Explorers and Colonies, pp. 193–4. For discussion of Drake’s personal input into the text, see Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 61–3.

17 Cambridge University Library, G.R.G Conway Collection, Add. MSS, 7231, ff. 2, 157–8, 339–40.

18 Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, ed. Wright, pp. 188–9; Sweet, Recreating Africa, pp. 94–5; ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processos, no. 5964: http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt/viewer?id=2306003 In around 1565 Pedro Menendez de Aviles, the first Governor of Florida, had warned Philip II that because neither England nor France then allowed slavery, any corsair might, with a few thousand men, take over all Spain’s possessions by freeing and arming the grateful slaves, who would then slay their Spanish masters: Landers, Black Society in Spanish Florida, p. 17.

19 Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, pp. 260–267.

20 Pike, ‘Black Rebels’, p.254. The original source says 16 leagues; I have converted it to miles. 1 league =3 miles, so 48 miles.

21 Price, Maroon Societies, p. xviii.

22 Wright, Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, Wright, (ed.) pp. xix, 10, 72; Andrews, The Spanish Caribbean, p. 20. The first Cimarron attacks in Panama were in 1525: Pike, ‘Black Rebels’, p. 245.

23 Wright, Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, Wright, (ed.) p. 269.

24 In 1773, David Henry had it that Drake targeted Cartagena on Diego’s advice: Henry, An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators, I, 18: ‘But Drake, not to be diverted from his purpose, after being cured of his wound, inquired of a negroe, whom he took on board at Nombre de Dios, the most wealthy settlements, and weakest parts of the coast. This man recommended Carthagena as the most wealthy, and, being the most powerful, the least upon its guard. The Admiral seemed to approve the man’s notion.’

25 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, pp. 278–281. For a discussion of Diego’s negotiating strategy see Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, p. 70.

26 Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, p. 63; Henry An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators, I, p. 24.

27 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, p. 283.

28 Ibid, p. 297 and Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 3–7 for discussion of significance of this moment.

29 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, p. 298.

30 Ibid., pp. 303–4.

31 Ibid., pp. 305–310; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 68–70; Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 62–3.

32 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, p. 311.

33 ‘Le Testu, Guillaume (c. 1509–1573)’ in The Oxford Companion to World Exploration, ed. Buisseret, I, p. 469. Pike, ‘Black Rebels’, p. 258, Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 73–4.

34 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, pp. 73, 318–319.

35 Ibid., pp. 316, 324. Smith, ‘Washing the Ethiop Red: Sir Francis Drake and the Cimarrons of Panama’, pp. 17–18 and Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 72–3.

36 The Drake Jewel, 1588, Collection of Sir George Meyrick, on loan to Victoria and Albert Museum, London; Scarisbrick, Tudor and Jacobean Jewellery, pp. 84–86; Marcus Gheeraerts, ‘Sir Francis Drake, 1540–1596’, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, Caird Collection, BHC2662.

37 Fumerton, Cultural Aesthetics, p. 75; Dalton, ‘Art for the Sake of Dynasty,’ pp. 178–214; Hall, Things of Darkness, p. 222; Shields, D.S., ‘The Drake Jewel’ Uncommon Sense.

38 Baskerville’s was a draft letter to Burghley: BL Harley MS 4762, ff. 10–11, quoted in Andrews, The Last Voyage of Drake and Hawkins, Andrews, (ed.) p. 256. See also ibid., p. 212 and Pike, ‘Black Rebels’ pp. 265–6. Not all English encounters with the Cimarrons went well; when John Oxenham, one of Drake’s crew in 1573, returned to Panama in 1575, they fell out and the English were captured and executed by the Spanish: Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, pp. 327–331. Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 82–3.

39 Ibid., pp. 85–90; Boyer, ‘Gage, Thomas (1603?–1656)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Davenant, The History of Sir Francis Drake (1659), p. 12.

40 Documents concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main 1569–1580, ed. Wright, p. 326; Worth, The History of Plymouth, pp. 39–62.

41 Hawkins in Guinea, 1567–1568, ed. Hair, pp. 16–17; Kelsey, Sir John Hawkins, p. 320, n. 11 citing testimonies of Robert Barrett, 8 October 1569; Michael Sole, 26 November 1569; Walter Jones, 6 December 1569; Juan Truslon, 6 December 1569 in AGI Patronato 265, ramo 11, f. 16; AGI Justicia, 902, pp. 343, 984, 1006.

42 TNA, SP 12/53 (Testimony of John Tonnes, July 1569); Kelsey, Sir John Hawkins, p. 99; Hair, ‘Protestants as Pirates, Slavers and Proto–missionaries’, p. 220; PWDRO 358/6 MF1; St Andrews’s Parish Register, ed. Cruwys, p. 292; Bastien may also have come to Plymouth as a result of William Hawkins’s voyage of 1582–3 on the Primrose to the Caribbean, which seems to have captured some Africans on the Cape Verde islands: Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database, Voyage 98853; Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, ed. Wright, pp. 1–7; Kelsey, Sir John Hawkins, pp. 163–4.

43 Gill, ‘Drake and Plymouth’, p.84; Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 44, 68; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 43–44, 162.

44 Essex to Burghley, 23 June 1574: Lee, ‘Devereux, Walter (1541?–1576)’, The Dictionary of National Biography, XIV, p. 444.

45 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 7–74; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 84–6; Ronald, Pirate Queen, pp. 190–196.

46 John Wynter was the nephew of Sir William Wynter, and cousin of Sir Edward Wynter, who we will meet in the next chapter. Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 445, n. 62.

47 Ibid., p. 141. For the language skills of English sailors at this time see Blakemore, ‘Orality and Mutiny’, pp. 257–8.

48 The Troublesome Voyage of Sir Edward Fenton, ed. Taylor, p. 147; An Elizabethan in 1582: The Diary of Richard Madox, ed. Donno, pp. 201, 250, 319, 330.

49 Ralegh, The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, p. 48. Some, unware perhaps of the wider evidence for African sailors aboard Tudor ships, have questioned whether this passage refers to a real African or a literary trope: Smith, Black Africans in the British Imagination pp. 158, 211, n. 40. 40–42.

50 Guasco, ‘Free from the tyrannous Spanyard’, pp. 8–9.

51 Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, p. 189.

52 Hakluyt, XI, p. 222; Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrims, XVI, p. 102–3.

53 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 93–97.

54 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 302.

55 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 137–8 and pp. 113–115 on re-naming of the ship.

56 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, pp. 93–95, 97–99, 179.

57 Ibid., p. 95, 98.

58 The observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt. in his voyage into the South Sea in the year 1593, ed. Drinkwater Bethune, p. 144.

59 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 44.

60 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 83 (anonymous contemporary narrative of Drake’s voyage, see n. 85 below).

61 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, pp. 95, 98–99.

62 Clowes, A profitable and necessarie booke of obseruations, pp. 22–28; Murray, ‘Clowes, William (1543/4–1604)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Childs, Tudor Sea Power: The Foundation of Greatness, pp. 124–5; Dunglison, Medical Lexicon, p. 25.

63 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 99.

64 Morgan, ‘Hawkins, Sir John (1532–1595)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

65 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 83. The marginal note is not published in the transcription in The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 179, which may have misled some scholars.

66 Price, The Vitamin Complex, pp. 3–4; Bown, Scurvy, pp. 3, 5, 34.

67 The ship left Guatulco on 16 April 1579. New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 31, 302.

68 McKee, The Queen’s Corsair, p. 232.

69 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 199–210; The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, pp. 182–3; BL, Harley MS 280, ff. 86–86v.

70 Giraldez, The Age of Trade, pp. 120, 145.

71 Camden, Annales, tr. Darcie, p. 424; BL, Harley MS 280, ff. 86–86v; New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 31 (John Drake) and p. 250, 269 (de Silva). In 1553, the viceroy Luis de Velasco estimated Mexico’s African population at more than 20,000, including about 2,000 Maroons. Maria was likely to have been from Cape Verde or Senegambia, like 90 per cent of slaves entering Mexico in the mid–sixteenth century. Landers and Robinson, Slaves, Subjects, and Subversives, pp. 118–9.

72 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 29, 138–40, 171, 174, 262; The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 265. Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 153–6.

73 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 338, 325, 336, 354–5.

74 Hanmer, The Baptizing of a Turke, sig. E3r–3v. See also Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, pp. 457–478, and further discussion in Chapter 6.

75 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 105–106.

76 Kelsey, ‘Drake, Sir Francis (1540–1596)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

77 McKee, The Queen’s Corsair, pp. 198–212.

78 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 100–2, 124.

79 The Cimarrons of Portobello and Cerro de Cabra surrendered in 1579; those of the Vallano in 1582, so Valverde may be exaggerating. Pike, ‘Black Rebels’, pp. 262–4.

80 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 253, 317–9.

81 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 243, 183.

82 According to John Drake: New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 31. He is contradicted by the author of the anonymous voyage account who says the two men (besides Diego) were from Guatulco: BL, Harley MS 280, ff. 87v.

83 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 86v.

84 Kelsey, p.167; The anonymous narrative is BL, Harley MS 280, ff. 83–90. J.S. Corbett attributed this account to the ship’s steward William Legge in 1898 because it includes details of a falling out between Legge and Drake, but this cannot be certainly proven: Drake and the Tudor Navy, II, p. 407.

85 Sudgen, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 129, 141; BL, Harley MS 280, f. 87v.

86 British Medical Association Family Health Guide, pp. 732–733.

87 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 213.

88 Ibid., pp. 14–15.

89 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 170.

90 Huntington Library, California, HM 1648, f. 20v.

91 Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World, pp. 278–279.

92 Henry R. Wagner took Hawkins’s remarks to mean that Diego, like Brewer, made it back to England: Wagner, Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage Around the World, pp. 265, 364.

93 Kelsey, The First Circumnavigators, pp. 13, 21; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, p. 61 refers to Diego as ‘possibly the first black circumnavigator’.

94 Camden, Annales, tr. Darcie, p. 426.

95 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 86v.

96 Lessa, ‘Drake in the South Seas’, pp. 71, 73.

97 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 87v. The printed version of the account transcribes the amended version – it has the island named after one of the two African men: The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, p. 184.

98 BL, Harley MS 280, f. 86v, New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 31.

99 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 201.

100 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 18–21; McDermott, ‘Fenton, Edward (d. 1603)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

101 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, p. 32.

102 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, ed. Vaux, pp. 148–50.

103 New Light on Drake, ed. Nuttall, pp. 32, 53.

104 Shakespeare, The Tempest, Act 1, Scene 2.

105 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 201, comments on the tendency to ‘gloss over or skip entirely’ this episode. Sudgen, Sir Francis Drake, p. 141, certainly tries to put as positive a spin on it as possible, writing: ‘the island had been pleasing and it is possible that the Negroes elected to remain there’.

106 Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, II, p. 407. The dissatisfied seaman he had in mind was the ship’s steward William Legge, see n. 85 above.

Chapter 4

1 William Blake, ‘Flagellation of a Female Samboe Slave’: a plate facing p. 326 of the first volume of J. G. Stedman’s Narrative of a five years’ expedition against the revolted slaves of Surinam (London 1796) – discussed and reproduced in Wood, Blind Memory, pp. 234–239 (Fig 5.6, p. 237); Klein, C., ‘This viral photo changed America in 1863’, The Boston Globe.

2 Much of the following account is taken from the papers relating to the 1597 Court of Star Chamber case of Bucke v. Wynter, kept at The National Archives, Kew, refs: TNA: STAC 5 B11/13; STAC 5/B38/11; STAC 5/B20/36; STAC 5/B37/4; STAC 5/B22/33; STAC 5 B35/22; STAC 5 B45/4.

3 A. P. Baggs and A. R. J. Jurica, ‘Lydney’, in A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, ed. C. R. J. Currie and N. M. Herbert (London, 1996), pp. 46–84. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol5/pp46-84 [accessed 31 March 2017].

4 There is now a secondary school on the site, The Dean Academy (known as Whitecross School until 2012).

5 Loades, ‘Winter, Sir William (c.1525–1589)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Waters, The Forest of Dean (1951); Calendar of State Papers, Scotland, ed. Bain, I, p. 435 (William Cecil, Lord Burghley, to the Privy Council, 26 June 1560). John Wynter was the son of George Wynter, Sir William Wynter’s brother, and so cousin of Sir Edward Wynter. Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, p. 445, n. 62.

6 Simpson, Burning to Read, p. 268. See also Childs, God’s Traitors.

7 ‘Middlesex Sessions Rolls: 1615’, in Middlesex county records: Volume 2: 1603–25 John Cordy (ed.) Jeafrreson (London, 1887), pp. 107–119. British History Online http://www.british–history.ac.uk/middx-county-records/vol2/pp107-119 (Accessed 11 April 2017) Heal and Holmes, The Gentry in England and Wales, pp. 146–150.

8 Payne, ‘Hakluyt, Richard (1552?–1616)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Hakluyt described his lectures in the Dedicatory Epistle to Walsingham which prefaced the first edition of his Principal Navigations (1589), sig *2r; Richard Hakluyt the elder, ‘Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended Towards Virginia’ (1585), in The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, ed. Taylor, II, p. 332. For a vivid account of Hakluyt’s visit to Middle Temple in 1568, see Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise, Chapter 2. The Bible passage was from Psalm 107, verses 23 and 24.

9 A Report of the Kingdome of Congo drawen out of the writinges and discourses of O. Lopez, tr. A. Hartwell, ‘The Translator to the Reader’. Samuel, ‘Lopez, Roderigo (c. 1517–1594)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; see also Green, The Double Life of Doctor Lopez.

10 Pliny the Elder, Natural History, VIII:17:42. That he had ‘seen above twenty men at one time together with heads like dogs’ was the boast of John James, a nephew of William Sanderson, who sent him to deliver a map of the West Indies, and a ‘terrestrial globe’, with an instruction book in Latin to Sir Robert Cecil in September 1595: Skelton, and Summerson, A Description of Maps and Architectural Drawings in the Collection Made by William Cecil, p. 6; Shakespeare, Othello, Act 1, Scene 3. Kaufmann, ‘Prester John’ pp. 423–424, Alvarez, The Prester John of the Indies, tr. Lord Stanley, ed. Beckingham and Huntingford; Silverberg, The Realm of Prester John; Gumilev, Searches for an Imaginary Kingdom: The Legend of the Kingdom of Prester John; Relaño, The Shaping of Africa: cosmographic discourse and cartographic science in late medieval and early modern Europe; Braude, ‘The sons of Noah and the construction of ethnic and geographical identities in the medieval and early modern periods’, pp. 103–42. Ohajuru, M., ‘The Black Magus [King, Magi] (c 1350–)’, BlackPast.org, http://www.blackpast.org/gah/black-magus-c-1350; Kaplan, The Rise of the Black Magus in Western Art; Devisse, ‘The Black and his Color’, in The Image of the Black in Western Art, ed. Bindman, Gates & Dalton, II, 1, pp. 119–128; Koerner, ‘The Epiphany of the Black Magus Circa 1500’ in The Image of the Black in Western Art, ed. Bindman and Gates, III, 1, pp. 7–92.

11 For a detailed account of the voyage see Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 240–279; for the original sources see: Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler. These two books furnish much of the detail in the following account.

12 Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, p.215, n.1;Greville, The Life of the Renowned Sir Philip Sidney, p. 105. It was Sidney’s friend Hubert Languet, reporting on a visit to Venice, who warned that young men might ‘soften their manly virtue’ by pursuing the arts of ‘courtly flattery’: Norbrook, Poetry and Politics in the English Renaissance, p. 87.

13 Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, 245–249; Sugden, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 180–1; Calendar of State Papers, Venice, ed. Brown, 1581–1591, pp. 124–5.

14 Edward Wynter to Sir Francis Walsingham, 24 October 1585: TNA, SP 12/183/49; CSPD, 1547–1625, II, 278.

15 Quinn, ‘Turks, Moors, Blacks and Others in Drake’s West Indian Voyage’, pp. 197–204; Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, ed. Wright, p. 159; Calendar of State Papers, Venice, ed. Brown, 1581–1591, pp. 155, 168.

16 Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, p. 169.

17 Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, pp. 32, 196, 242–3, 308.

18 Captain William Cecil was assigned command of the soldiers on the Aid: Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, p. 253.

19 Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, ed. Wright, xlvi–lvi; Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, pp. 33–37; Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 264–269; Lemaitre, Historia General de Cartagena, II, p. 11. Don Juan de Castellanos mentions the African fishermen in a poem written as part of his history of Cartagena in 1586–7: ‘En la bahia apresaron los ingleses a dos negros que andaban pescando, quienes les informaron de las entradas de la ciudad y de estar sembradas las playas de puas venenosas. Sondearon el puerto donde esta la punta de las Hicascis, desguarnecida imprevisormente.’: Discurso del Capitan Francisco Draque, XLV.

20 110,000 ducats was the price Giacomo Boncompagni, illegitimate son of Pope Gregory XIII, paid the Duke of Urbino for the Neapolitan dukedom of Sora and Arce in the Terra de Lavoro in 1579: Williams, G. L., Papal Genealogy: The Families and Descendants of the Popes, p. 90.

21 Further English voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, Wright, (ed.) p. 159.

22 Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, pp. 209–210.

23 Edward Stafford to Sir Francis Walsingham, 20 August 1586: TNA, SP 78/16 f. 9. See also McDermott, ‘Stafford, Sir Edward (1552–1605)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, online edition.

24 De Belleforest, L’Histoire Universelle du Monde (1570), p. 550, cited in S. Peabody, There are no Slaves in France, pp. 12, 29. As we saw in Chapter Three, sailor William Collins also asserted in 1572 that neither in England nor in France were there any slaves. Collins’s cellmate Pedro de Trejo reported the following exchange between them to the Mexican Inquisition: “If you think you can deprive us of our dominion over the people of the new world you are welcome to try!” at which the said Guillermo [William] laughed much and said: “if the Queen cared to send a fleet to this land that the King of Castile would be hard put to it because if nothing else happened . . . the negroes and Indians would turn it over to us” because when the said Calens [Collins] told the negroes that neither in England nor in France were there any slaves they would answer that they were better Christians than the Spaniards. Cambridge University Library, G.R.G Conway Collection, Add. 7231, ff. 339–340.

25 TNA, REQ 2/164/117 For more on Hector Nunes and the Ethopian Negar see Chapter 2, Chapter 6 and also Kaufmann, M. ‘African freedom in Tudor England: Dr Hector Nunes’ petition’, in Our Migration Story http://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/oms/african-freedon-in-tudor-england-dr-hector-nuness-request.

26 The Household Papers of Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland, ed. Batho, p. 74. For Robert Crosse, Captain of the Bond, see: McDermott, ‘Crosse, Sir Robert (c.1547–1611)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585–6, ed. Frear Keeler, pp. 69, 292; Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, pp. 90, 94, 255.

27 Edward Wynter to Sir Francis Walsingham, 18 August 1587: Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, Elizabeth, 1558–1589, ed. Stevenson, Crosby, Butler, et. al,, XXI, part 3: pp. 250–1; Gloucestershire Record Office, D421/9; Strype, Annals, III, 2, pp. 38–40; ‘Wynter, Edward (c.1560–1619), of Lydney, Glos.’, The History of Parliament.

28 No baptism record has yet been found for Edward Swarthye. The Lydney parish registers do not survive before 1678.

29 Anonymous, Sir Thomas More, Act III, Scene 1, 132–135.

30 Anthony Maria Browne, Viscount Montague’s Household Book of 1595 contained a section on ‘The Porter and his office’: St. John Hope, Cowdray and Easebourne Priory, p. 128. His household would have been far grander than Wynter’s, with maybe four times as many servants. Elzinga, ‘Browne, Anthony, first Viscount Montagu (1528–1592)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

31 Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, p. 161; Leicester: Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 178, n. 364; Percy: The Household Papers of Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland, ed. Batho, p. 74; Cecils: Hertfordshire Archives & Local Studies, DP/29/1/1 (Baptism of Fortunatus, St Mary the Virgin, Cheshunt, 16 April 1570); City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Clements Danes Parish Registers, vol.1 (Burial of Fortunatus, servant to Robert Cecil, 21 January, 1602) Ralegh: Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 210, n. 444; TNA, SP 12/262/104 (declaration of John Hill of Stonehouse, Plymouth, 1597); CSPD,1595–1597, p. 381; Throckmorton: Canterbury Cathedral Archives, U85/38/14 (Sir Arthur Throckmorton’s Diary, 18 July 1589); Porter: City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Martin’s in the Fields Parish Registers, vol. 2 (Baptism of Maria, servant to Endymion Porter, 8 February 1621); Arundel: TNA, SP 14/148/99 (John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, 12 July 1623); The Letters of John Chamberlain, ed. McClure, II, 506–7; CSPD, 1623–1625, p. 13.

32 TNA, STAC 5/S14/26 (Court of Star Chamber, Hugh Smyth v Sir John Younge, Sir George Norton et. al., Interrogatory 3, and testimony of Anne White, 11th April 1580); Portrait of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby de Eresby (d.1601), Grimsthorpe Hall, Lincolnshire: Hall, Things of Darkness, p. 5; The Diary of the Lady Anne Clifford, ed. Sackville–West, lxi; Devon Household Accounts 1627–59, Part II, ed. Gray, pp. 33, 52, 65, 117, 173, 178, 206, 248, 297; Domingo’s burial: LMA, MS 09222/1, MS 09221, MS 09234/1, f. 127v (St Botolph Aldgate, 27 August 1587).

33 Pierre Mignard, ‘Louise de Kéroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth’ (1682), National Portrait Gallery, London. NPG 497. See Hall, Things of Darkness, pp. 242–252 and Amussen, Caribbean Exchanges, pp. 197–214 for further examples.

34 This was the method recommended by a book of advice in 1583: Sim, The Tudor Housewife, p. 55.

35 A. P. Baggs and A. R. J. Jurica, ‘Lydney’, in A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, ed. C. R. J. Currie and N. M. Herbert (London, 1996), pp. 46–84. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol5/pp46-84 [accessed 31 March 2017].

36 Dimmock, The Ashgate Research Companion to Popular Culture in Early Modern England, pp.273–5; Wordie, ‘The Chronology of English Enclosure, 1500–1914’, pp. 483–505.

37 A. P. Baggs and A. R. J. Jurica, ‘Lydney’, in A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, ed. C. R. J. Currie and N. M. Herbert (London, 1996), pp. 46–84. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol5/pp46-84 [accessed 31 March 2017].

38 Ibid.; for the Earls of Rutland, see: Sim, Masters and Servants in Tudor England, p. 122, and for the Earl of Leicester: Adams, Leicester and the court, p. 362, n. 122.

39 Sir Edward Wynter to the Lord Admiral and Sir Robert Cecil, 5 February 1596: Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury Cecil, Roberts, Salisbury, et al (eds) VI, pp. 43–58.

40 There are no explicit records of Guy’s childhood, besides the references to his education in the Wynter household in the 1597 Bucke vs. Wynter case in Star Chamber. Accounts of his early life quickly skip from his birth to Bristol shoemaker, as revealed in his baptism record, to his mercantile career post 1597: English, ‘Guy, John (c.1575–1628)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; ‘Guy, John (d.1629), of Small Street, Bristol, Glos.’, The History of Parliament; Williams, A.F., John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, pp. 25–27.

41 Bridgen, New Worlds, Lost Worlds, pp. 242–245; Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 242; Canny, Making Ireland British, pp. 121–164.

42 The Star Chamber case does not yield any further information about where in Ireland Guye intended to go, or what he intended to do once he got there. One possibility is that he was scouted by Percival Willoughby, who he certainly knew by 1610, through the Newfoundland Company: Williams, A. F., John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, pp. 52–3; University of Nottingham, Manuscripts and Special Collections, Middleton Collection, Mi X 1/2 and Mi X 1/7 (letters for John Guye to Percival Willoughby, 6 October 1610 and 17 June 1612). In 1594, Percival Willoughby had taken on the management of the iron works established by his father–in–law, Sir Francis Willoughby, in Warwickshire, Staffordshire and Derbyshire: R.S. Smith, ‘Willoughby, Sir Francis (1546/7–1596)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; R. S. Smith, ‘Sir Francis Willoughby’s ironworks,1570–1610’, pp. 90–140. Short of money, Percival may have been seeking to revive the attempts Sir Francis had made a decade earlier at iron working in Ireland. Sir Francis had acquired woodlands in Munster in 1586 in the hope of developing an iron manufactory at Kinalmeaky, West Cork, in association with the undertakers Phane Beecher and Robert Payne. Payne wrote to his co–investors, extolling the virtues of the project, and describing Kinalmeaky as the ideal location, rich in iron stone, lead ore and with enough wood to maintain ‘divers Iron and lead works (with good husbandry) forever’: Payne, A Brief Description of Ireland, p. 6. Sir Francis’s attempt had failed when the local Irish chief, Donal Graney O’Mahoney, attacked and laid waste to the land at Kinalmeaky in 1589: Horning, Ireland in the Virginian Sea: Colonialism in the British Atlantic (2013), p. 87. If Percival wanted an up-to-date assessment of the viability of establishing a new iron works in Ireland, and a manager on the ground to oversee it if he decided to go ahead, then John Guye, who he could easily have met through the small world of English iron-working, would have been the perfect man for the job.

43 Sharpe, Crime in Early Modern England 1550–1750, p. 51.

44 The full list or Privy Council members in 1597: John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Egerton, Keeper of the Privy Seal, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer; Robert, Earl of Essex; Charles, Earl of Nottingham, Lord High Admiral; Sir George Carey, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain; Sir Roger North, Lord North, Treasurer of Her Majesty’s Household; Sir Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst; Sir William Knollys, Comptroller of Her Majesty’s Household; Sir Robert Cecil, Principal Secretary and Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

45 There are no fines recorded in the Star Chamber records for Bucke or Wynter before the end of Elizabeth’s reign, i.e. between 1597 and 1603: TNA, Barnes Index, ‘Fines handed down by Star Chamber’ (unpublished finding aid).

46 Gloucestershire Record Office, D 421/T 31; ‘Wynter, Edward (c.1560–1619), of Lydney, Glos.,’ The History of Parliament.

47 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar of the manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury, XIV, p. 143: Hatfield, Petitions p. 151. A pursuivant was ‘a royal or state messenger, esp. one with the power to execute warrants; a warrant officer, “pursuivant, n. and adj.”’. OED Online. December 2016. Oxford University Press. http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/155082?redirectedFrom=Pursivant (accessed January 11, 2017).

48 Bartels, ‘Too Many Blackamoors: Deportation, Discrimination, and Elizabeth I’; Kaufmann, ‘Caspar van Senden, Sir Thomas Sherley and the ‘Blackamoor’ Project’; Weissbourd, “Those in Their Possession”: Race, Slavery, and Queen Elizabeth’s “Edicts of Expulsion”. See also Chapter 6, pp. 183–4.

49 Pepys wrote that he found John Wynter ‘a very worthy man; and good discourse.’ They discussed the iron works of the Forest of Dean, ‘with their great antiquity’: The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 14 August 1662; Warmington, ‘Winter, Sir John (b. c.1600, d. in or after 1676)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; A. P. Baggs and A. R. J. Jurica, ‘Lydney’, in A History of the County of Gloucester: Volume 5, Bledisloe Hundred, St. Briavels Hundred, the Forest of Dean, ed. C. R. J. Currie and N. M. Herbert (London, 1996), pp. 46–84. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol5/pp46-84 [accessed 31 March 2017].

50 Henry Anthony Jetto was baptised aged around 26 at St Martin’s, Holt on 21 March 1596 and buried there on 30 August 1627. His will, dated 20 September 1626, executed 13 September 1638, left goods to the value of £17 15s 8d. His wife was named Persida (d.1640) and his five children were Sarah, Margaret, John, Helena and Richard, all baptised in Holt between 1598–1608. Bourne, R., Ancestor was the first black person in the county’, Worcester News, 23 February 2007, p. 3; Onyeka, Blackamoores, pp. 149, 342–247; personal correspondence with Peter Bluck, Jetto’s nine-times great-grandson; Worcester Archive and Archaeology Service, BA4286 (i) (St Martin’s Holt Parish Register), BA3583 1638 102 (Will of Henry Jetto, 1638), BA3585 box 231b 1640 126 (Will of Persida Jetto, 1640).

51 English, ‘Guy, John (c.1575–1628)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; ‘Guy, John (d.1629), of Small Street, Bristol, Glos.’, The History of Parliament; Williams, AF, John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, p. 26.

52 Williams, A. F., John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, pp. 52–3; University of Nottingham, Manuscripts and Special Collections, Middleton Collection, Mi X 1/2 and Mi X 1/7 (letters for John Guye to Percival Willoughby, 6 October 1610 and 17 June 1612); Bacon, ‘Of Plantations’, The essays, or councils, civil and moral, p. 93.

53 Williams, A. F., John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, pp. 118–126.

54 Aubrey, Brief Lives ed. Clark, I, 277; Williams, A. F., John Guy of Bristol and Newfoundland, pp. 225–30, 316–321; John Guye’s will, 6 May 1629: TNA, PROB 11/155, f. 387.

Chapter 5

1 Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 296; LMA, MS 04887 (St Dunstan’s in the East, Vestry Minutes), p. 278.

2 Indeed, some Africans had the surname ‘White’. Such as John Blanke (blanco=white) and ‘Phillip White alias Haumath, a barbarian Moore’, baptised in Temple Church, Bristol on 17 February 1619: Bristol Record Office, FCP/Tem/R/1(a).

3 Hanks and Hodges, A Dictionary of Surnames, p. 54. Hanks, Coates, and McClure, The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland, I, p. 243 (Black); p. 246 (Blackman and Blackmore), III, 1872 (Moore), pp. 1880–1 (Morris); Reaney, A Dictionary of British Surnames, p. 35. Other medieval examples include ‘Elias le Blakeman’ and ‘Henry Blacman’: Bardsley, English Surnames, p. 444.

4 Hitching, References to English Surnames in 1601, xxiii; Hughes, ‘Blacman, John (1407/8–1485?)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Leadam, ‘Blakman, Blakeman, or Blackman, John (fl. 1436–1448)’, The Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement, I, 215.

5 Camden, Remaines concerning Britain, ed. Dunn, p. 92.

6 Reaney, A Dictionary of English Surnames, p. 46.

7 Bardsley, English Surnames, pp. 125, 161, 444; Reaney, A Dictionary of British Surnames, p. 34; Hanks and Hodges, A Dictionary of Surnames, pp. 54, 374; McKinley, A History of British surnames, pp. 11, 156–7; Reaney, A Dictionary of English Surnames, pp. 46–7, 313.

8 Black, The Surnames of Scotland, p. 617.

9 He is listed as ‘Resonablackmore’ in the St Saviour’s Token Book in 1579: LMA, P92/SAV/183, f. 7, line 33, and as ‘Resonable blackmor’ and ‘Resonabell blackmor’ on 13th and 16th October 1592 in the parish register of St Olave, Tooley Street: LMA, X097/233; P71/OLA/009 p. 000126.

10 Variants found in archival sources include blackamoor, blackamore, blackamoore, blackmoor, blackmore, blakemore, blackemore and blak moir. William Dunbar’s 1507 poem ‘Ane Blak Moir’ is the first known British text to use the word. This term was used in 158 (40%) of the entries in my database of Africans in Britain 1500–1640, compared with 93 instances of ‘Moor’, 47 of ‘Negro’, 24 of ‘Negar’ and 6 of ‘Ethiop’. See Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, pp. 56–71; Oxford English Dictionary, ‘blackamoor, n.’ OED Online.

11 Haigh, Elizabeth I, p.113. Simon Healy suggested to me that ‘Reasonable’ might refer to the light of reason in a religious sense.

12 Thomas More’s coat of arms also had a blackamoor crest: Chapelle Wojciehowski, Group Identity in the Renaissance World, p. 175, n. 98; Read., Mr Secretary Walsingham, II, p. 60; BL, Harley MS 6265, ff. 71v–72r.

13 Smith–Bannister, Names and Naming Patterns in England, 1538–1700, pp. 18–19; The Herald and Genealogist, ed. Gough Nichols, V, 379.

14 Blackman’s entry in the token book (LMA, P92/SAV/183, f. 7, line 33) does not yield a lot of information about his household. His name was a last-minute addition, written in over another name, which has been crossed out. The man whose name was erased, Thomas Bonit, was thought to have two adults in his household. This estimation was not crossed out when Blackman’s name was added, but we cannot be sure whether this indicates that there were also two adults in his household. Certainly, he did not purchase any tokens that year. See William Ingram and Alan H. Nelson, The Token Books of St Saviour Southwark: an interim search site: http://tokenbooks.lsa.umich.edu/. Imtiaz Habib has conflated Reasonable Blackman with a different individual mentioned in the Token Books, named John Reason: Habib and Salkeld, ‘The Resonables of Boroughside, Southwark’, 1–22. I do not believe Reasonable Blackman and John Reason can be the same person because the token books have only one reference to ‘Resonablakmore’ and half a dozen more to ‘John Reason’. Moreover in the same year (1579) that ‘Resonablakmore’ is recorded as living on the West Side (P92/SAV/183, f. 7, line 33), ‘John Reason’ appears 4 pages later on the Counter/East Side (P92/SAV/183, f. 11, line 24).

15 Boulton, Neighbourhood and Society, p. 9. The church was demolished in 1928, and the art deco St Olaf’s House built on the site is now used by the London Bridge Private Hospital as consulting and administration rooms. Edward Walford, ‘Bermondsey: Tooley Street’, in Old and New London: Volume 6 (London, 1878), pp. 100–117. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/old-new-london/vol6/pp100-117 [accessed 31 March 2017]; Coltman, R., ‘St Olaf House, London’, Modernist Britain.

16 Boulton, Neighbourhood and Society, pp. 19–20, 64.

17 ‘Clink’ in Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable, ed. Rockwood, p. 272.

18 Browner, ‘Wrong Side of the River’, Essays in History.

19 Whitelock, Elizabeth’s Bedfellows, p. 26; Nichols, Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, II, p. xlii; Luu, Immigrants and Industry, p. 181.

20 Mikhaila and Malcolm–Davies, The Tudor Tailor, p. 37.

21 Beer, Bess: The life of Lady Ralegh, p. 123.

22 Luu, ‘Immigrants and the diffusion of skills in early modern London: the case of silk weaving’ Documents pour l’histoire des techniques.

23 Dekker et al., Patient Grissill, Act 2, Scene 1.

24 Shakespeare, The Taming of the Shrew, Act 4, Scene 3; Othello, Act 3, Scene. 4.

25 Luu, Immigrants & Industries, p. 180, citing The Anatomy of Abuses (1583), p. 10.

26 Mortimer, The Time Traveller’s Guide to Elizabethan England, p. 158; Cox, ‘An Act to avoid the excess in apparel 1554–5’, p. 41. In 1559, Elizabeth I had issued a proclamation declaring that the sumptuary laws issued by her father in 1533 and her sister Mary in 1554 were still to be obeyed.

27 Habib and Salkeld, ‘The Resonables of Boroughside, Southwark’, p. 6.

28 Ingram, The Business of Playing, p. 39.

29 Luu, Immigrants & Industries, p. 183. 12,000lbs were imported in 1559–60, growing almost fivefold to 52,000 in 1592–3. 12,000lbs = £9,920; 52,000lbs = £40,000. Stevenson, Praise and Paradox, p. 33; Coates, The Impact of the Civil War on the Economy of London, pp. 3–4; Stern, ‘The Trade, Art or Mystery of Silkthrowers in the City of London’, pp. 25–8; Millard ‘Import trade of London’, pp. 234–235.

30 Steggle, ‘New Directions: Othello, the Moor of London: Shakespeare’s Black Britons’, p. 113.

31 Schoeser, Silk, pp. 17–48.

32 Luu, ‘Immigrants and the diffusion of skills in early modern London: the case of silk weaving’ Documents pour l’histoire des techniques; Luu, Immigrants & Industries, p. 179.

33 My thanks to Dr Howard Bailes for bringing this subject to life for me from 1998–2000. For a thorough account see Israel, The Dutch Republic, pp. 9–587. See also Kamen, Philip II and Parker, The Dutch Revolt and The Grand Strategy of Philip II.

34 Luu, ‘Immigrants and the diffusion of skills in early modern London: the case of silk weaving’ Documents pour l’histoire des techniques.

35 Stow Survey of London, ed. Strype, V, p. 233. See also 1583 complaint of the Company of Weavers that ‘Since the Flight of Strangers into these Parts’, certain freemen of the City had ‘learned of these Strangers . . . the Art of Silk–weaving; namely, making of Silk–lace, and such like things in the Loom’: Ibid., V, p. 219.

36 Luu, ‘Immigrants and the diffusion of skills in early modern London: the case of silk weaving’ Documents pour l’histoire des techniques; Luu, Immigrants & Industries, pp. 184–5, 194.

37 A. Blakely, Blacks in the Dutch World: The Evolution of Racial Imagery in a Modern Society (1994), p. 226; Debrunner, Presence and Prestige, p. 57; Wojciehowski, Group Identity in the Renaissance World; pp. 161–3. There was no explicit slavery legislation in the Netherlands, and there are a couple of examples of courts asserting the freedom of Africans. More research is needed to ascertain exactly what the legal and practical status of Africans was and how it was affected when the northern Netherlands became the independent United Provinces, or Dutch Republic, under William of Orange from 1581, before the Dutch East India Ordinances were issued in 1622. See Huussen, ‘The Dutch Constitution of 1798 and the Problem of Slavery’, p. 104; Hondius, ‘Black Africans in Seventeenth–Century Amsterdam’, pp. 89–108; Hondius, ‘Blacks in Early Modern Europe’, pp. 29–47; Hondius, Blackness in Western Europe, pp. 134–142; and Lowe, ‘The Lives of African Slaves and People of African Descent in Renaissance Europe’, pp. 16, 26.

38 Albrecht Dürer, ‘Study of Katharina’, 1521, Uffizi Gallery, Florence; Jan Mostaert, ‘Portrait of an African Man’, c. 1525–30, The Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam; Bate and Thornton, Shakespeare: Staging the World, pp. 170, 180–181. Another image from the Netherlands of a high status but as yet unidentified African is: Flemish/German?, ‘Portrait of a Wealthy African’, 1530–40, Private Collection, Antwerp. See Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe, ed. Spicer, pp. 16–17, 87–88.

39 Hondius, ‘Black Africans in Seventeenth–Century Amsterdam’, p. 88. Revealing the Black Presence in Renaissance Europe, ed. Spicer, pp. 82–3; see also Blakely, Blacks in the Dutch World, pp. 78–170; Boele, Kolfin and Schreuder, Black is Beautiful: Rubens to Dumas; Kolfin. ‘Rembrandt’s Africans’ in The Image of the Black in Western Art, ed. Bindman and Gates, III, part 1, pp. 271–306.

40 Stow, Annales, ed. Howe, p. 1038. Imtiaz Habib suggests that his behaviour would have provoked ‘resentment and animosity’, but this is unsubstantiated: Habib, Black Lives, p. 45; see also Onyeka, Blackamoores, pp. 235–8.

41 A Relation, or Rather a True Account, of the Island of England, ed. Sneyd, pp. 42–43.

42 Reddaway, ‘Elizabethan London – Goldsmith’s Row in Cheapside 1558–1645’, p. 199.

43 BCB, III, f. 221v.

44 Bromley, The armorial bearings of the guilds of London, p.182; Edmondson, Complete Body of Heraldry, I, p. 339; Price, The Worshipful Company of Needlemakers of the City of London, p. 10.

45 LMA, MS 09221; MS9222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 20 August 1593).

46 At her burial ‘Suzanna Pearis a blackamoore’ was described as servant to a hatband maker named John De Spinosa. LMA, MS 09221; MS 09222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 8 August 1593). He was born in Spain, but with a French wife, and previously resident in France. In 1583, he was listed as a denizen of ten years, resident in East Smithfield, where he was still living, near the sign of the Fleur de Lys, at his death in July 1594: Returns of Aliens, ed. Kirk and Kirk, II, 361; LMA, MS 09234/4 (parish clerk’s memorandum book, St Botolph Aldgate, 7 July 1594); in September 1602, a ‘blackamoore’ woman in the household of hatmaker Thomas Browne committed the abominable sin of whoredome’ with fellow servant Roger Holgate and conceived a child as a result of their continuing affair: BCB, IV, f. 344r (5 January 1603); Griffiths, Lost Londons, p. 74, n. 25. See also BCB, V, f. 7v (9 January 1605) for possible further reference to the same case.

47 None of the Blackman children were described as bastards in the church records, so it follows that their parents were married. If John was their son, then we can date their marriage to early 1579.

48 Wrigley, Davies, Oeppen and Schofield, English Population History from Family Reconstitution, p. 123.

49 This was still the case in 1837: Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners for England and Wales, III, p. 143.

50 LMA, St Olave, Tooley Street: X097/233 P71/OLA/009 Edward’s baptism: 19 February 1587: p. 00052, Jane and Edmund’s burials, 13 and 16 October 1592: p. 000126; St Saviour’s, Southwark, John Blakemore baptism, 26 October 1579: LMA, P92/SAV/3001.

51 Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, Act 3, Scene 5.

52 Prayger, ‘The Negro Allusion in the Merchant of Venice’, pp. 50–52; The Merchant of Venice, ed. Russell Brown, p. 99n.

53 Habib and Salkeld, ‘The Resonables of Boroughside, Southwark’, pp. 19–20.

54 The Marriage Registers of St. Dunstan’s, Stepney, ed. Colyer Fergusson, I, pp. 70, 72, 78. These ‘three marriages . . . between Negroes’ were noted by the East London History Group in 1982, but without further elucidation or comment: French et. al., ‘The Population of Stepney in the Early Seventeenth Century: a report on an analysis of the parish registers of Stepney, 1606–1610’, p. 173. Another possible Stepney example is Helen and Thomas Jeronimo, both ‘moors’, though, as discussed in Chapter 8, they could have been of east Asian origin.

55 Burial of ‘Anne Vause a Black-more wife to Anthonie Vause, Trompetter of the said Country’: LMA, MS 09222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 27 April 1618). See Chapter 1, n. 100.

56 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 164, 157; Baptism of Samuel Munsur: LMA, P78/NIC/001, (St Nicholas Greenwich, 28 November 1613); Marriages of Samuel Munsur: LMA, P78/NIC/001(St Nicholas Greenwich, 26 December 1613) and James Curres: LMA, MS 09155 (Holy Trinity the Less, 24 December 1617).

57 Hakluyt, VII, p. 262.

58 Another possible example is Anthony Ffageamy, described ass ‘Mauri’ (the Moor) in the baptism record of his son Michael (his wife was named Phyllis): City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Martin in the Fields Parish Registers, vol. 2. (15 March 1620)

59 Cornwall Record Office, St Mary’s Truro, FP236/1/1: Richard’s baptism, 1 October 1612; Maria’s burial 18 August 1611; Emmanuel’s burial 9 August 1623. The parish registers of St Mary’s were written in Latin. In the three entries relating to the family, Emmanuel is described variously as ‘Emmanueli Mauris Anglice (the Moore)’; ‘Emmanuelis Maurus anglice the Moore’ and ‘Emanuelius Mauri al[ia]s Emanuel the Moore’. ‘anglice’ was short for vocat in anglice (called in English), which means that the scribe wasn’t sure what the Latin for Moor was. The only other African I have found described in this way was ‘Christiana Niger anglice a blackamoore’ baptised at St Peter’s, Sibton, Suffolk on 25 December 1634. Suffolk Record Office, FC 61/D1/1.

60 Centre Kentish Studies, All Saints Church, Staplehurst, P347/1/1, f. 108 (marriage 25 October 1616), f. 115 (George baptised 13 February 1620) and f. 119 (Elizabeth baptised 19 May 1622).

61 Steggle, ‘New Directions: Othello, the Moor of London: Shakespeare’s Black Britons’, pp. 118–120. For Jetto, see Chapter 4, p. 126, n. 50.

62 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 145.

63 LMA, P71/OLA/009 (St Olave’s Tooley Street, 14 July 1592). See also Habib and Salkeld, ‘The Resonables of Boroughside, Southwark’, p. 19.

64 APC, 1592, pp. 118, 183.

65 Ibid., p. 221.

66 ‘Accounts: December 1591 – December 1593’, in St Martin-in-The-Fields: the Accounts of the Churchwardens, 1525–1603, ed. J V Kitto ([s.l.], 1901), pp. 435–456. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/churchwardens-st-martin-fields/1525-1603/pp435-456 [accessed 1 April 2017].

67 Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p.11. Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection, pp. 13–15 has a section on ‘how the plague may be in a garment’.

68 Sager, The Aesthetics of Spectacle in Early Modern Drama and Modern Cinema, p. 129.

69 APC, 1592, pp. 221, 230, 273.

70 Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection, pp. 33, 43–4. It is not clear when he started work at St Olave’s. He may have been working in Newcastle at the time of the 1592 plague, as in 1594 he dedicated A Short and Plaine Dialogue Concerning the Unlawfulness of Playing at Cards to his patrons, the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of Newcastle upon Tyne: Jenkins, ‘Balmford, James (b. c.1556, d. after 1623)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

71 Shakespeare, Romeo and Juliet, Act 5, Scene 2; Mabillard, ‘Worst Diseases in Shakespeare’s London’, Shakespeare Online. The plague is also mentioned in his other plays: including The Tempest, Act 1, Scene 2; Timon of Athens, Act 4, Scene 3; and King Lear, Act 2, Scene 4.

72 Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection, p. 10.

73 Mabillard, ‘Worst Diseases in Shakespeare’s London’, Shakespeare Online.

74 Dekker, The Wonderfull Yeare, sig. D1r.

75 Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 23.

76 Browner, ‘Wrong Side of the River’, Essays in History.

77 APC, 1592, p. 204. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 209. Orders, thought Meete by her Maiestie, and her Priuie Councell, sig C2v.

78 Kohn, Encyclopaedia of plague and pestilence, p. 231; Floyd–Wilson, Occult Knowledge, Science, and Gender on the Shakespearean Stage, p. 31–2.

79 Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection, pp. 39–40.

80 Harrison, G. B., The Elizabethan Journals, p. 175.

81 For example silk weaver Simon Brinkard lost his daughter Rachel on 14th July 1592, Hugh Van Aker’s daughter Elizabeth was buried on 26th July and William, son of William Powler, was interred on 24th October. LMA, P71/OLA/009 (St Olave’s Tooley Street Parish Register). LMA, MS 09221; MS 09222/1; MS 09223; MS 09234/4 (St Botolph Aldgate, 20 August, 8 October and 29 November 1593).

82 Stow, A Summary of the Chronicles of England, p. 438–439.

83 Kohn, Encyclopaedia of plague and pestilence, p. 231; Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, pp. 19, 26, 151, 228–235, 438–439; Orders, thought Meete by her Maiestie, and her Priuie Councell, sig. B2v.

84 Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 292.

85 I. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 7; Strype, Annals, IV, pp. 234–6; for the full text of the Austin Friars verse see: Freeman, ‘Marlowe, Kyd, and the Dutch Church Libel’, pp. 44–52.

86 APC, 1592–1593, pp. 187, 200–201, 222.

87 An estimated 658,000 died of plague in England 1570–1670 (433,000 in London). Outbreaks occurred on average every 14 years. The so–called ‘Great Plague’ of 1665 resulted in 68,596 deaths (12% of the population), while the plagues of 1563 killed 20% of London’s population, and that of 1603 killed 18%. In comparison, the plague that killed the Blackman children in 1592 was, with its 8.5% mortality rate, a relatively minor outbreak. Kohn, Encyclopaedia of plague and pestilence, p. 231; Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, pp. 62, 85, 151, 174.

88 Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 210, 297; Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection, p. 32.

89 Florentine Chronicle of Marchionne di Coppo di Stefano Buonaiuti, tr. Usher, Rubric 634a.

90 Harding, ‘Burial of the plague dead in early modern London’, pp. 53–64.

91 LMA, MS 03572/1 (St Mary the Virgin, Aldermanbury, 10 and 23 May 1565).

92 LMA, MS 028867, St Olave, Hart Street, 26 and 28 January 1617).

93 Plymouth and West Devon Record Office, W132, f. 99v (Widey Court Book, 1593–4); Worth, Calendar of the Plymouth Municipal Records, p. 136. Another example is the burial of ‘a blakmore belonging to Mr John Davies, died in White Chappel parishe, was laied in the ground in this church yarde sine frequentia populi et sine ceremoniis quia utrum christianus esset necne nesciebamus (without any company of people and without ceremony, because we did not know whether he was a Christian or not)’ LMA, MS 07644 (St Mary Woolchurch Haw, undated, between entries for 24 April and 20 May 1597). Strangely John Davies seems to have been unable to tell the church what the African’s religious status was. For more on Davies and discussion of this entry see Chapter 7, p. 199.

94 Duffy, Saints, Sacrilege and Sedition, p. 125.

95 LMA, MS 09222/1, MS 09221, MS 09223, MS 09234/4, 6 (St Botolph Aldgate, 27 August 1587, 8 October 1593, 29 November 1593, 3 March 1596).

96 The Marriage Registers of St. Dunstan’s, Stepney, ed. Colyer–Fergusson, I, p. 90.

97 LMA, P71/OLA/009 (St Olave, Tooley Street, 30 August 1590).

98 Jane baptised 14 December 1614; Mary baptised 27 April 1617, buried 19 May 1620; William baptised 2 January 1619, buried 13 May 1621: LMA, P93/DUN/256 (St Dunstan’s and All Saints, Stepney).

Chapter 6

1 Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, pp. 457–478.

2 Thomas Harridance was an ironmonger who kept memorandum books detailing the life of the parish during his time as parish clerk, 1583–1600. Adlington, ‘Being no parishioner with us’, p. 21. Much of the detail of the lives of the inhabitants of the parish of St Botolph’s Aldgate, where Mary Fillis was baptised in 1597, comes from the parish’s registers of baptisms, marriages and deaths, 1558–1665 (LMA, MS 09920, 09221, MS 09222/1 MS 09222/2 MS 09223), and crucially, the eight volumes of parish clerk’s memorandum books, kept by Harridance and his two successors, which cover much of the period 1583–1625 (LMA, MS 09234/1–8). These have been transcribed by the Centre for Metropolitan History at the Institute of Historical Research, as part of their ‘Life in the Suburbs: health, domesticity and status in early modern London’ project. The dataset will be published as Elizabeth Adlington and Mark Merry, Parish Clerks’ Memorandum Books, St Botolph Aldgate, 1583–1625. Fillis’s baptism, on 3 June 1597, was recorded thrice: in the main register: MS 09220, f. 90r; the paper burial register: MS 09223; and by Harridance: MS 09234/6, ff. 257r–258r.

3 The Oxford English Dictionary, “fillis, n.” OED Online.

4 Henry A. Harben, ‘Blakegate – Blind Chapel Court’, in A Dictionary of London (London, 1918), British History Online http://british-history.ac.uk/no-series/dictionary-of-london/blakegate-blind-chapel-court (Accessed 11 April 2017).

5 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, p. 49; Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans. Pory, II, p. 594; Zemon–Davis, Trickster’s Travels, p. 20; Messier, The Almoravids and the Meanings of Jihad, p. 45.

6 Brotton, This Orient Isle, p. 129; Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans. Pory, II, p. 262.

7 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, pp. 3, 83, see also his Figure 1: Morocco Under Siege, p. xxii.

8 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 93.

9 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, pp. 97, 107; Andrews, Trade, plunder and Settlement, pp. 101–2.

10 Brotton, This Orient Isle, p. 30.

11 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, p. 82.

12 For a family tree of the Sa’adian dynasty at this time see The Stukeley Plays, ed. Edelman, p. 11.

13 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, pp. 315, 332, 334.

14 Ibid., pp. 323, 364–366, 368–9, 379, 383.

15 Brotton, This Orient Isle, p. 175; Kaba, ‘Archers, Musketeers, and Mosquitoes: The Moroccan Invasion of the Sudan and the Songhay Resistance’, pp. 457–475.

16 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, p. 391.

17 Ibid., pp. 139–144; Johnson, Dois Estudos Polemicos, pp. 85–99; Johnson, ‘A Pedophile in the Palace’; Johnson, ‘Through a glass darkly: A Disappointing New Biography of King Sebastian of Portugal’; Sebastian, King of Portugal: Four Essays; Johnson’s theory has been called ‘extravagant’ by Sebastian’s Portuguese biographer Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, though it is given credence by Plummer.

18 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, pp. 287, 375.

19 Barker was a director of the Spanish Company in 1577: Rabb, Enterprise and Empire, p. 240.

20 Registers of St Olave, Hart St., ed. Bannerman, pp. 11, 122; Two Tudor Subsidy Rolls For the City of London 1541 and 1582, ed. Lang, pp. 278–289; ‘Barker, John, I (c. 1532–1589) of Ipswich, Suff.’, The History of Parliament.

21 TNA, SP 46/185 (Papers of George Stoddard, Grocer, 1553–1568) See also Hall, Society in the Elizabethan Age, pp. 48–57, 159.

22 TNA, PROB 11/116/270 (Will of Anne Barker, Widow, of Saint Catherine Coleman, City of London, 28 August 1610).

23 Returns of Strangers in the Metropolis, ed. Scoloudi, p. 197.

24 LMA, MS 028867 (St Olave, Hart Street, 23 January 1595).

25 Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 478; ‘Barker, John, I (c. 1532–1589) of Ipswich, Suff.’, The History of Parliament; Queen Elizabeth and Her Times: A Series of Original Letters, ed. Wright, II, pp. 83–85, 295, 336. The original letter of 10th April 1578 is BL, Cotton MS, Vespasian C VII, f. 371. The collection also includes two other letters from Barker to Leicester, at ff. 362 (28th April 1578) & 373 (12th April 1578). All three are written from St Lucar de Barrameda, a port to the north of Cadiz.

26 Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 178, n. 364.

27 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 185; Hakluyt, VI, 419–425.

28 Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 280; TNA, SP 102/4, 54; Moore, ‘Roberts, Henry (fl. 1585–1617)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 225.

29 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 136–137. This was not the first contact. The Trinity of Bristol had voyaged to Morocco in 1480–1, and Roger Barlow went to Agadir early in his career: Sacks, The Widening Gate: Bristol and the Atlantic Economy, p. 34; Reddaway and Ruddock, The Accounts of John Balsall, Reddaway and Ruddock (eds) pp. 1–29; Dalton, ‘Barlow, Roger (c.1483–1553)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The merchant investors included William Chester, William Garrard, Thomas Lodge, Sir John Yorke, Sir Thomas Wroth, Francis Lambert and Alexander Cole: Alsop, ‘Chester, Sir William (c.1509–1595?)’, Miller, ‘Garrard, Sir William (c.1510–1571)’, McConnell, ‘Lodge, Sir Thomas (1509/10–1585)’, Elzinga, ‘York, Sir John (d. 1569)’, Lehmberg, ‘Wroth, Sir Thomas (1518?–1573)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

30 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 99; Tong, ‘Captain Thomas Wyndham’, p. 224; Hakluyt, VI, 138–40.

31 Read, ‘English Foreign Trade Under Elizabeth’, p. 518.

32 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 95; Andrews, Trade, plunder and Settlement, pp. 7–9; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, pp. 12–13.

33 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, pp. 101–104, 133–5; Shepard, ‘White, Sir Thomas (1495?–1567)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The first two ventures to Barbary are recorded by Hakluyt, but as he was concerned with voyages of discovery, once the trade became established, it disappeared from his pages.

34 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, p. 267; Ronald, The Pirate Queen, p.199.

35 Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, pp. 93–4; ‘Spain: August 1551’, in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 10, 1550–1552, ed. Royall Tyler (London, 1914), pp. 341–348. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol10/pp341-348 [accessed 1 April 2017].

36 ‘Simancas: June 1574’, in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568–1579, ed. Martin A. S. Hume (London, 1894), pp. 482–483. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp482-483 [accessed 1 April 2017].

37 Plummer, Roads to Ruin, p. 390.

38 Henry Roberts writing to James I in 1603, quoted in Matar, Britain and Barbary, p. 40.

39 Hakluyt, VI, 285–293; Brotton, This Orient Isle, pp. 71–76, 118–9.

40 BL, Lansdowne MS 115, f. 196. One of Barker’s ships, laden with rye, was taken by the Spanish near Dunkirk that December: ‘Elizabeth: December 1586, 26–31’, in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 2, June 1586–March 1587, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas and Allen B. Hinds (London, 1927), pp. 287–305. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no2/pp287-305 [accessed 1 April 2017].

41 Rabb, Enterprise and Empire, p. 66.

42 Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, pp. 4, 32.

43 This observation was made in the draft proclamation probably authored by Caspar Van Senden and Sir Thomas Sherley: Hatfield, Cecil Papers 91/15; Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury, ed. Owen, XI, p. 569; Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed. Hughes and Larkin, III, pp. 221–222; see also Chapter 4, p. 125 and discussion later in this chapter pp. 183–184; for statistics showing numbers of Africans recorded in England did indeed peak 1588–1604 see Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, p. 121.

44 TNA, SP 12/218/14, f. 25; CSPD, 1581–1590, p. 558.

45 TNA, HCA 13/29, ff. 40–1 (13 March 1591).

46 Letter from Antonio Fogaza to the Prince Ruy Gomez De Silva: CSPS, 1568–1579, p. 352. The Castle of Comfort was a prolific privateering ship, of 200 tons’ burden. Sir Henry Compton had acquired it in 1569. In 1571, she had set out for Morocco under the command of John Garrett of Plymouth. In 1574, she was bought by William Hawkins and Richard Grenville. Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, p.17; Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p.110.

47 The ship’s captain, Jonas Bradbury, had captained the Disdain during the Armada battle and was Vice–Admiral of Ireland in 1601: Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, II, p. 150; Marsden, ‘The Vice Admirals of the Coast’, p. 754.

48 BL, Lansdowne MS 115, no. 82, ff. 234–238, and no. 83, f. 239. The Mayor William Hopkins reports the figures at 30 and 100, but the figures of 32 and 135 given by Nicholas Thorne, the chamberlain, seem more precise. No doubt the barn was the only lodging large enough to accommodate the group at such short notice. When Francis Drake captured the Nuestra Senora del Rosario in August 1588 the 397 prisoners were kept in an old barn in the grounds of Torre Abbey, near Torquay: Martin, Spanish Armada Prisoners, p. 44.

49 Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, p. 154.

50 TNA, SP 12/262/104 (Declaration of John Hill of Stonehouse, Plymouth, 1597); CSPD, 1595–1597, p.381. This may have been one of two brothers, John and William Clements, who were promoters of the privateering ship Archangel in 1600, which took two prizes near Cuba in 1602: Andrews, ‘English Voyages to the Caribbean’, p. 250.

51 Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, pp. 153–158.

52 Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, pp. 109–111; Andrews, ‘English Voyages to the Caribbean’, p. 248; Archer, ‘Bayning, Paul (c.1539–1616)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

53 Returns of Strangers in the Metropolis, ed. Scoloudi, p. 149; LMA, MS 04310 (St Mary Bothaw, 29 March 1602); BCB, V, f. 337v (1 April 1609); TNA, PROB 11/128, f. 256v (Will of Paul Bayning, 12 October 1616). If Julyane was one of the three maids noted in 1593, then there were four Africans in the Bayning household. If she was not, then there were five (though they were not necessarily all there at the same time).

54 LMA, MS 028867 (St Olave, Hart Street); Registers of St Olave, Hart St., ed. Bannerman; and St Botolph, Aldgate Registers as referenced above, n.2. Details of African entries in Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’ Appendix, 1: Baptism Records and 2: Burial Records, see also Habib, Black Lives, Index and notes in Onyeka’s Blackamoores, pp. 355–361. Robert, who worked for William Matthew, was buried at St Botolph Aldgate on 29 November 1593, Francis, who worked for Peter Miller the beer brewer, died of scurvy and was buried there on 3 March 1596; for Francis Pinto see: Samuel, ‘Portuguese Jews in Jacobean London’, pp. 181, 185–7.

55 Samuel, ‘Nunes, Hector (1520–1591)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

56 Skelton and Summerson, A Description of Maps and Architectural Drawings in the Collection made by William Cecil, pp. 6, 65.

57 For the Ethiopian Negar, see Chapter 2, p. 58 and Chapter 4, p. 113 and Kaufmann, M., ‘African freedom in Tudor England: Dr Hector Nunes’ petition’, Our Migration Story, http://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/oms/african–freedom–in–tudor–england–dr–hector–nuness–request. In 1576, ‘Elizabeth a neger’ was listed amongst eight ‘servants to Mr Farnando’ in Tower Ward. By 1582–3, Alvarez himself was listed as part of Nunes’s household, as was Elizabeth and a second black woman, ‘Gratia’, or Grace. This was probably the ‘Grace a nigro out of Doctor Hector’s’ buried at St Olave Hart Street in July 1590. ‘Mary a blackamore from Doctor Hector’s’ had been buried in the same parish two years earlier in January 1588. Kirk and Kirk, Returns of Aliens, II, pp. 161 279; LMA, MS 028867; Registers of St Olave, Hart St., ed. Bruce Bannerman, pp. 121, 123.

58 Wilson further deposed that ‘they did make Saturday their Sunday’ wearing their best clothes and avoiding work on Saturdays, ‘but contrariwise on Sundays they would go and do as any workday.’ TNA, C 24/250, no. 6, f. 6; Sisson, ‘A colony of Jews in Shakespeare’s London’, pp. 45–7; Habib, Black Lives, Index, no. 169; Adelman, Blood Relations: Christian and Jew in the Merchant of Venice, pp.11–13, 261–2; Meyers, ‘Lawsuits in Elizabethan Courts of Law: The Adventures of Dr. Hector Nunes, 1566–1591’, pp. 157-8.

59 Piracy, Slavery and Redemption, ed. Vitkus, p. 2.

60 Brotton, This Orient Isle, pp. 80–81, 166–9; Holmes, ‘Stucley, Thomas (c.1520–1578)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; The Stukeley Plays, ed. Edelman, pp. 1–49.

61 BL, Cotton MS, Vespasian C VII, ff. 362, 371.

62 This was the first official embassy from the Moroccan state. However, ‘two Moores, being noble men, whereof one was of the Kings blood’ returned to Morocco with Thomas Wyndham on his first voyage there in 1551: Hakluyt, VI, p. 137. They were probably the ‘gentlemen from the King of Velez in Morocco’ who came to the English court in July 1551: CSPS, 1550–1552, p. 325. Velez was Peñόn de Vélez de la Gomera, a rocky fortress off the coast of Morocco, whose ruler was in conflict with Mohammed ash Sheikh. Despite the efforts of these men to gain support from Charles V in their struggle, the King of Velez was captured and beheaded by ash Sheikh in 1554: Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 97; CSPF, 1553–1558, p. 149.

63 Matar, Britain and Barbary, pp. 13–14.

64 Hakluyt, VI, p. 428.

65 TNA, SP 12/132, ff. 39–42; CSPD, 1547–1580, p. 633.

66 CSPS, 1587–1603, p. 516.

67 Green, The Double Life of Dr. Lopez, pp. 62–65, 72–73. BL, Lansdowne MS 158/66, ff. 131–2 (A remembrance of such matters as are requested in the behalf of the King of Portugal, 1592) and 67 f. 133 (The King of Portugal his answer upon the Supplication of his creditors, 1592).

68 Matar, Britain and Barbary, p. 15.

69 CSPS, 1587–1603, p. 523.

70 For a full account of the mission see Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, pp. 341–364 and The Expedition of Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake to Spain and Portugal, 1589, ed. Wernham.

71 CSPS, 1587–1603, p. 550.

72 LMA, MS 028867 (St Olave’s, Hart Street, 6 June 1589); TNA, PROB 11/74/77 (Will of John Barker, 16 June 1589).

73 Matar, Britain and Barbary, p. 21. The merchant’s name was Edward Holmden.

74 Matar, Europe through Arab Eyes, p. 159.

75 Brotton, This Orient Isle, p. 203; Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, Act 2, Scene 7.

76 Stow, A Survey of London, p. 48. Hadfield, Edmund Spenser, p. 23. Pettegree, Foreign Protestant Communities, pp. 18, 108; Luu, Immigrants and Industries, p. 93; Grainger, The Royal Navy Victualling Yard and The Black Death Cemetery.

77 James Crew (d.1591), Baker and Citizen of London, and his wife Elizabeth (d.1595), had four sons living in 1595, Caleb, Joshua, James and Thomas.

78 ‘Lucretia’, The Dictionary of Medieval Names from European Sources, ed. Uckelman.

79 This is recorded in Harridance’s memorandum book, 19 January 1584, and also commented on in Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred’s Poultry’, p. 124, n. 10.

80 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 430; Oxford English Dictionary, “catechism, n.”, OED Online.

81 Owen, ‘The London Parish Clergy in the Reign of Elizabeth I’, p. 417, n. 2.

82 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 149.

83 Van Cleve, ‘Somerset’s case and its antecedents’, p. 610; Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, p. 188, citing Lloyds Evening Post, 3–5 November 1760, p. 433.

84 ‘Sicut Dudum: Pope Eugene IV Against the Enslaving of Black Natives from the Canary Islands, January 13, 1435’, Papal Encyclidals Online; Smith, De Republica Anglorum, ed. Dewar, p. 136; Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, ed. McIlwane, p. 33; no evidence has been found, as yet, of John Phillip’s baptism in the English parish registers.

85 Fryer, Staying Power, p. 114. See also Kaufmann, ‘English Common Law, Slavery and’, pp. 200–203.

86 Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, p. 467.

87 TNA, PROB 11/128, f. 256v.

88 Canterbury Cathedral Archives, DCb/L/R/13 and DCb/BT/1/94; Habib Index, no. 352.

89 Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, p. 459.

90 A.T. Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, p. 83.

91 ‘The Records of a Church of Christ 1640–1687’, ed. Hayden, pp. 101–2; Linebaugh and Redikker, The Many–Headed Hydra, pp. 71–104. Nathaniel Ingelo (1621–1683) came to Bristol from Cambridge in 1646, when he was appointed to All Saints, Bristol. He was the pastor of the independent congregation for the next few years, appointed fellow of Eton in 1650, and sent on an embassy to Sweden 1653–4. McLellan, ‘Ingelo, Nathaniel (1620/21–1683)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

92 Onyeka, Blackamoores, pp. 275–6.

93 BRO, FCP/St P +J/R/1(a)2.

94 The spelling ‘byllys’ is used by Margaret Paston in 1465: ‘the tenauntes havyng rusty polexis and byllys’: Paston letters and papers of the 15th century, ed. Davis, p. 312.

95 Numbers 12:1. Although the Hebrew refers to a ‘Cushite’ woman, so she may have been from Northern Arabia. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English readers would have taken it to mean Africa, as the Latin text was ‘Aethiopissam’, translated as ‘a woman of Ethiopia’ in the Geneva Bible (1560, first printed in England in 1575) and ‘Ethiopian woman’ in the King James’s Bible (1611). The Oxford Handbook of the Bible in Early Modern England, ed. Killeen, Smith and Willie, pp. 227–8. See also Iyengar, Shades of Difference, p. 24.

96 Bromley Historic Collections, P92/1/1, p. 1 (St Nicholas, Chislehurst, 22 April 1593); Bristol Record Office, FCP/Dy/R/1(a)1 (St Peter’s, Dyrham, 15 August 1575); LMA, MS 04310 (St Mary Bothaw, 29 March 1602); Devon Record Office, MF1, (St John the Baptist, Hatherleigh, 13 May 1604 and 10 August 1606).

97 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 150.

98 Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, p. 467.

99 Hanmer, The Baptizing of a Turke, sigs. A4v–5r., E3r–E4r; Hanmer cites Matthew, 5:14; Babinger, Hickman and Mannheim, Mehmed the Conqueror and his Time, p. 281. See also Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, pp. 457–478.

100 ‘The Records of a Church of Christ 1640–1687’, ed. Hayden, pp. 101–2.

101 Acts, 10: 34–5. This is the wording from the King James Bible (1611).

102 Habib, Black Lives, pp. 19–20; Fryer and Bush, The Politics of British Black History, pp. 10–11.

103 BL, Royal MS, 17 B. X (Petition of William Bragge to the Honourable Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, and all the Company of the East India and Sommer Islands).

104 The Lives, Apprehensions, Arraignments, and Executions, of the 19 Late Pirates, sigs. E2r, E4r.

105 Dimmock, ‘Converting and not converting “Strangers” in Early Modern London’, p. 467.

106 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 141.

107 City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Martin’s in the Fields Parish Registers, vol. 2 (8 February 1621).

108 The Book of Common Prayer, ed. Cummings, p. 145.

109 ‘The Records of a Church of Christ 1640–1687’, ed. Hayden, pp. 101–2.

110 See above, n. 92.

111 Hatfield, Cecil Papers 91/15; Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury, ed. Owen, XI, p. 569; Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed. Hughes and Larkin, III, pp. 221–222.

112 For Fortunatus, see Chapter 4, p. 116, n. 31. Kaufmann, ‘Caspar van Senden, Sir Thomas Sherley and the ‘Blackamoor’ Project’. See also Bartels, ‘Too Many Blackamoors: Deportation, Discrimination, and Elizabeth I’ and Weissbourd, “Those in Their Possession”: Race, Slavery, and Queen Elizabeth’s “Edicts of Expulsion”.

113 Brotton, This Orient Isle, p. 273–4, citing Stow, Annales, p. 791. There has been some confusion as to the location of Alderman Radcliffe’s house in the secondary literature. Brotton, p. 4, (possibly following Harris, ‘Portrait of a Moor’, p. 28) says it is on The Strand, near the Royal Exchange. But the Strand ends at Temple Bar, over a mile west of the Exchange. Anthony Radcliffe was resident in the parish of St Christopher le Stocks, and so lived near the Royal Exchange, but not on the Strand: The register book of the parish of St. Christopher le Stocks, ed. Freshfield, pp. 7, 34, 35; Knowles, ‘Moulson, Ann, Lady Moulson (1576–1661)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

114 TNA, SP 12/275, f. 160; CSPD, 1598–1601, p. 481.

115 Isom–Verhaaren, Allies with the Infidel.

116 TNA, SP 12/275, f. 152; CSPD, 1598–1601, p. 478.

117 Zemon Davis, Trickster’s Travels, p. 65.

118 Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans. Pory, I, p. 3.

119 Matar, Britain and Barbary, pp. 27–8, 40.

120 Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred’s Poultry’, p. 124, n. 10 first pointed out the possibility that the former woman was Fillis.

121 Rosemary Lane (formerly Hogg Lane; the street was named Rosemary Lane in the early seventeenth century, and renamed Royal Mint Street in 1850) was situated a little to the north east of the Tower of London, about half a mile south east of St Botolph’s Church. The death of an individual in the street was not unique. In the period 1583–1625 covered by the parish clerk’s memorandum books 13 men and 12 other women died in the street. Fifteen of these 25 were described as poor, and eight as vagrants. Two died in Rosemary Lane itself: just a few weeks before Mary the ‘Blacke Moore’ was buried, on 22 October 1623, ‘a poor man . . . whose name we could not learn’ was found there dead, and the year before, on 13 December 1622, ‘a poor woman, being a vagrant, who died in the Street in Rosemarie Lane, was buried’.

122 She may have been the same ‘Mary Peter Blacamore woman’, who appeared before the London Bridewell Court on 9 June 1619, brought in by the Constable from Holborn, accused of vagrancy. She was described as ‘an old guest’, which suggested this was not her first stay in the prison, and as ‘unruly’: BCB, VI, f. 127r.

Chapter 7

1 The word ‘maafa’ was used to refer to the slave trade by Marimba Ani in his 1998 book Let the Circle Be Unbroken. See also Dagbovie, African American History Reconsidered, p. 191.

2 LMA, MS 04429/1 (St Mildred Poultry, 1 January 1611). See also Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 111. These are their names as recorded in the London parish register when Jaquoah was baptised. They might well have been spelt or pronounced quite differently at home.

3 Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, pp. 273, 290, 294–5.

4 Villault, A relation of the coast of Africa called Guinee, pp. 77. Towerson, noted the ‘very high trees all along the shore’ in 1555: Hakluyt, VI, p. 182; Jean Barbot also mentioned the large trees, adding that the eastern bank was covered with mangroves: Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, p. 264

5 Hakluyt, VI, p. 158.

6 Zeguebos was the name recorded by Pacheco Pereira in 1507: Hair, ‘Ethnolinguistic Continuity on the Guinea Coast’, p. 257 and ‘An Ethnolinguistic Inventory of the Upper Guinea coast before 1700: Part II’, p. 227. De Marees, Description and historical account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea, ed. Van Dantzig and Jones, p. 14, n. 5; Massing, ‘Mapping The Malagueta Coast’, p. 350; Dalby & Hair, “Le langaige de Guynee”: A Sixteenth Century Vocabulary from the Pepper Coast’, pp. 174–91.

7 Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, pp. 264–9.

8 Europeans In West Africa, 1450–1560, ed. Blake, I, p. 167.

9 Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, The Miller’s Tale, lines 580–582; O’Connell, The Book of Spice, pp. 121–125; De Marees, Description and historical account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea, ed. Van Dantzig and Jones, p. 14, n. 4.

10 Blake, West Africa: Quest for God and Gold, p. 9.

11 Hakluyt, VI, p. 147.

12 Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, p. 276.

13 Northrup, Africa’s Discovery of Europe, pp. 12–13, 20–22.

14 Blake, West Africa: Quest for God and Gold, pp. 85–6.

15 Ibid., pp. 2–3, 107, 125–6, 157, 169; Centers, ‘Fourteenth Century Normans in West Africa’; Hakluyt, VI, p. 238. This trading contact with Guinea may explain the presence of an African servant in Sir William Wynter’s London household (see Chapter 4).

16 Hakluyt, II, p. 700. Morgan, ‘Hawkins, William (b. before 1490, d. 1554/5)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. This is the first known English voyage to Guinea that set out from England. English merchants resident in Spain and Portugal may have travelled to Africa earlier. See Ungerer, The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of British Slavery, p. 28.

17 Tong, ‘Captain Thomas Wyndham’, pp. 221–228; Thomas, H., The Slave Trade, p. 154; Hakluyt, VI, pp. 145–154.

18 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 158, 163–4; Slack, ‘Judde, Sir Andrew (c.1492–1558)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

19 Appleby, ‘Towerson, William (d. 1584)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

20 The merchants were William Brayley, Gilbert Smyth, Nicholas Spycer and John Daricott of Exeter, John Younge of Colyton, Devon, Richard Dodderidge of Barnstaple, and Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner of the City of London. Their remit covered the entirety of the coastline of modern–day Senegal, from St Louis to Bakau: TNA, C 66/1312, ff. 41–43 (Patent Rolls, 3 May 1588); Calendar of Patent Rolls, 30 Elizabeth, ed. Neal, p. 84; Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, p. 139.

21 Gregory was also to pay Don Antonio his cut of the profits. Scott, English, Scottish and Irish Joint–Stock Companies, II, p. 10; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 34 Elizabeth, ed. Neal, p. 45.

22 McDermott, ‘Howard, Charles, second Baron Howard of Effingham and first earl of Nottingham (1536–1624)’ and Hicks, ‘Stanhope, John, first Baron Stanhope (c.1540–1621)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

23 Hair, ‘Attitudes to Africans in English Primary Sources on Guinea up to 1650’, p. 46.

24 Pieter Van Den Broeke’s Journal of Voyages to Cape Verde, Guinea and Angola, ed. La Fleur, p. 4.

25 William Rutter called at River Cestos in the Primrose on 3 April 1562: Hakluyt, VI, pp. 258–261; a voyage was proposed to River Cestos for ivory and pepper in 1582: CSPD, 1581–1590, p. 59. TNA, SP12/154/24.

26 Jobson, The Golden Trade, pp. 88–9.

27 The English resumed the slave trade c.1641 in which year the Star delivered a cargo of Africans to Barbados: Gragg, Englishmen Transplanted, p. 119; Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database, Voyage 21876. See further discussion in Chapter 3.

28 Hakluyt’s account talks of Hawkins’s dealings with the king of ‘Castros’ in 1567. This was misidentified as Cestos by Walter Rodney, in his A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, p. 53. See Massing, ‘The Mane, the Decline of Mali, and Mandinka Expansion towards the South Windward Coast,’ p. 52 and Hair An ethnolinguistic inventory of the Upper Guinea coast before 1700, Part I’, pp. 49, 61.

29 Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 115; Knutson, ‘What’s a Guy like John Davies Doing in a Seminar on Theater History?’, nn.1–2, notes online at: http://ualr.edu/rlknutson/davies.html (accessed 3 April 2017).

30 Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering, pp. 121, 266–7; Blake, ‘The English Guinea Company, 1618–1660’, p. 17; TNA, C2/Jas I/D10/61 (Court of Chancery, Davies vs. Kilburne, 15 October 1622).

31 Knutson, ‘What’s a Guy like John Davies Doing in a Seminar on Theater History?’ p. 2, n. 4, notes online at: http://ualr.edu/rlknutson/davies.html (accessed 3 April 2017).

32 Pieter Van Den Broeke’s Journal of Voyages to Cape Verde, Guinea and Angola, ed. La Fleur, p. 48.

33 Blake, ‘The farm of the Guinea Trade in 1631’, pp. 92–3; Porter, ‘The Crispe Family and the African Trade in the Seventeenth Century’, p. 58; Blake, ‘The English Guinea Company, 1618–1660’, p. 17.

34 Blake, ‘English Trade with the Portuguese Empire in West Africa, 1581–1629’, p. 324; TNA, HCA 14/39, no. 85.

35 The port books for the 1610 voyage do not survive, but it seems likely that the cargo was similar to those recorded on the Abigail in January 1608: Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 117; TNA, E 190/14/4 (Port book, London overseas outwards, 25 December 1607–25 December 1608).

36 McDermott, ‘Hudson, Henry (d. 1611)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

37 Trinity House of Deptford Transactions, ed. Harris, p. 151; Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea, p.234. Scammell, ‘Mutiny in British Ships, c.1500–1750’, p. 349.

38 LMA, MS 30045/1, f. 9v (Corporation of Trinity House, Transactions, 1 January 1611); Trinity House of Deptford Transactions, ed. Harris, p. 7.

39 LMA, MS 04429/1 (St Mildred Poultry, 1 January 1611).

40 Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 122; TNA, C 2/JasI/K7/12 (Court of Chancery, Kilburne v Watts, 9 July 1622); TNA, C2/Jas I/D10/61(Court of Chancery, Davies vs. Kilburne, 15 October 1622).

41 See Towers’ testimony in the High Court of Admiralty: HCA 1/47/290; Knutson, A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 117.

42 Blake, ‘The English Guinea Company, 1618–1660’, p. 24; Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, p. 268.

43 LMA, MS 07644 (St Mary Woolchurch Haw, undated, between entries for 24 April and 20 May 1597).

44 Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, Act 5, Scene 1; Returns of Aliens, ed. Kirk and Kirk, III, p. 385. See also The Oxford English Dictionary, ‘belonging, vbl, n.’, OED Online.

45 Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, pp. 115, 124, n.14.

46 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 176, 217–8, 225, 245. Lok and Gainsh had taken the Africans in 1554, arriving with them in London in 1555. They have been cited as the ‘first’ Africans to come to England by: Little, Negroes in Britain, p. 166; Scobie, Black Britannia, p. 5; Shyllon, Black People in Britain 1555–1833, p. 6; and Walvin, Black and White: the Negro and English society 1555–1945 (1973), p. 7.

47 Farrington, Trading Places, pp. 10–22. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, pp. 21, 209.

48 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 205, 207.

49 TNA, HCA 24/59, ff. 29–46; TNA, REQ 2/353/44; BL Lansdowne MS 158, ff. 131–137.

50 Northrup, Africa’s Discovery of Europe, pp. 26, 38.

51 Northrup, ‘Africans, Early European Contacts and the Emergent Disapora’, p. 52.

52 Northrup, Africa’s Discovery of Europe, p. 33; Blake, Europeans in West Africa, p. 124; There is some confusion as to which Oba was ruling at this time and whether the war was with the Idah or the Uromi: Bradbury, ‘Chronological Problems in The Study Of Benin History’, pp. 263–28; Ekeh, ‘Benin, The Western Niger Delta, and the Development of the Atlantic World’, p. 20, n. 36.

53 Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, pp. 64, 70, 84, 88.

54 Edward Blitheman to Sir Thomas Smith, 20 February 1615: Letters Received by the East India Company ed. Danvers and Foster, II, p. 331.

55 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 185, 187.

56 Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, p. 23.

57 This Gabriel Towerson was the tenth child of William Towerson (d. 1584) who conducted some of the voyages to Guinea discussed earlier. Alsop, ‘Towerson, Gabriel (bap. 1576, d. 1623)’, Oxford Dictionary Of National Biography.

58 Ibid.; Hakluyt, VI, pp. 205, 207, 218; Alsop, ‘The career of William Towerson, Guinea trader’, pp. 45–82. For a detailed analysis of the Guinean merchants’ interactions with Towerson, see Smith, C. L., Black Africans in the British Imagination, pp. 29–48. Binne had returned by June 1558; see n. 94 below. Anthony probably returned too. An African of that name is mentioned in the account of William Rutter’s voyage of 1562: Hakluyt, VI, p. 260. Hair and Alsop, English Seamen and Traders in Guinea, p. 67, quote Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, CC–1–106–11 in which a Portuguese agent reported in 1562 that the English vessels had carried back to Guinea two Africans who had been in London when King Philip was there. Philip had been in England from June 1554 until August 1555 and again from March to July 1557 (Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor, pp. 95, 191, 207, 312).

59 The Troublesome Voyage of Captain Edward Fenton, ed. Taylor, p. 56.

60 Vaughan, A.T., Transatlantic Encounters, pp. 11–12.

61 MacGaffey, ‘Dialogues of the deaf: Europeans on the Atlantic coast of Africa’, p. 253.

62 Northrup, Africa’s Discovery of Europe, pp. 20–21.

63 Vaughan, A.T., Transatlantic Encounters, p. 13.

64 TNA, HCA 24/59, ff. 29–46; TNA, REQ 2/353/44; BL Lansdowne MS 158, ff. 131–137. See also APC, 1592, pp. 128–9, 131–2.

65 Hakluyt, VI, p. 273.

66 TNA, HCA 24/59, ff 49–51; TNA, REQ 2/353/44; BL Lansdowne MS 158, ff. 131–137. Ungerer, ‘The presence of Africans in Elizabethan England and the performance of Titus Andronicus at Burley–on–the–Hill, 1595/96’, pp. 19–55. Richard Kelly also appears in an account of the voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to Guinea in 1591 in Hakluyt, VII, pp. 90–99.

67 Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, pp. 54, 83; Laughton, ‘Saris, John (1580/81–1643)’, rev. Trevor Dickie, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

68 Edward Blitheman to Sir Thomas Smith, 20 February 1615: Letters Received by the East India Company ed. Danvers and Foster, II, p. 329.

69 Isaac Kilburne referred to Davies ‘not having any [children] of his own’ in October 1622: TNA, C2/Jas I/D10/61(Court of Chancery, Davies vs. Kilburne, 15 October 1622). Knutson, ‘What’s a Guy like John Davies Doing in a Seminar on Theater History?’, n.2.

70 LMA, MS 07644, (St Mary Woolchurch Haw, 29 June 1612) The next day Davies paid £1 2s. 6d. ‘for breaking the ground in the middle Ile for Mrs Davis and for the knell and peales’ LMA, MS 1013 (St Mary Woolchurch Haw Churchwardens’ Accounts, 30 June 1612).

71 Hakluyt, VI, p. 176.

72 BL Lansdowne MS 158, ff. 131–7.

73 Terry, A voyage to East–India, pp. 20–21.

74 ‘Smythe, Sir Thomas (c.1558–1625), of Philpott Lane, London and Bounds Place, Bidborough, Kent’, The History of Parliament.

75 A third Virginian, named Abraham, was buried at St Dionis Backchurch in 1616. Vaughan, A. T., Transatlantic Encounters, pp. 52, 93.

76 Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, ed. Adams, p. 210, n. 444; TNA, SP 12/262/104 (Declaration of John Hill of Stonehouse, Plymouth 1597); CSPD, 1595–1597, p. 381. See also Beer, Bess: The life of Lady Ralegh, p. 124; Vaughan, A.T., ‘American Indians in England (act. c.1500–1615)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Vaughan, A.T., Transatlantic Encounters, pp. 11–12, 22–24, pp. 30–33, 35. Lee, ‘Caliban’s Visits to England’, pp. 337–9.

77 Von Bulow, ‘Journey through England and Scotland Made by Lupold von Wedel in the Years 1584 and 1585’, p. 251; Ford, ‘Wedel, Lupold von (1544–1615)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

78 Sir James Bagg to Edward Nicholas, 18 January 1628, TNA, SP 16/334/50; CSPD, 1636–1637, pp. 177–179; Matar Britain and Barbary, p. 122.

79 Vaughan, A.T., Transatlantic Encounters, p. 11.

80 This was what William Towerson told the Guinea traders who asked after them: Hakluyt, VI, p. 200.

81 Von Bulow, ‘Journey through England and Scotland Made by Lupold von Wedel in the Years 1584 and 1585’, p. 251. Von Wedel himself acquired an African servant during his stay in England – see his entries for 24 and 28 April 1585 on p. 269.

82 Salmon, ‘Thomas Harriot (1560–1621) and the origins of Algonkian Linguistics’, p. 149; Vaughan, A.T., Transatlantic Encounters, p. 23.

83 Ibid., p.22. Salmon, ‘Thomas Harriot (1560–1621) and the origins of Algonkian Linguistics’, pp. 151, 145; Aubrey’s Brief Lives, ed. Barber, p. 126n. The alphabet itself survives in two copies, one at the British Library, (BL Add MS 6782, f. 337) the other in the library at Westminster School. For a reproduction, and analysis of the letters, see Stedall, ‘Symbolism, Combinations, and Visual Imagery in the Mathematics of Thomas Harriot’, pp. 381–4.

84 Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, p. 99.

85 Knutson, ‘A Caliban in St. Mildred Poultry’, p. 111.

86 Hakluyt, VI, pp. 218–9.

87 Terry, A voyage to East–India, p. 21.

88 Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, p. 64, 66.

89 An account of this voyage was included in Samuel Purchas’s 1625 compendium of voyages, but it omitted events prior to the arrival at the Cape of Good Hope in October 1614. Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrims, pp. 524–527; Makepeace, ‘Middleton, David (d. 1615)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Richard Rowe, master of the Thomas, to the East India Company, 21 February, 1615: Letters Received by the East India Company ed. Danvers and Foster, II, pp. 333–4.

90 Edward Blitheman to Sir Thomas Smith, 20 February 1615: Letters Received by the East India Company ed. Danvers and Foster, II, p. 329.

91 Barbot, A Description of the coasts of North and South–Guinea, p.132; Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, pp. 271, 284–5, n. 22.

92 Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, pp. 266, 268.

93 Edward Blitheman to Sir Thomas Smith, 20 February 1615: Letters Received by the East India Company ed. Danvers and Foster, II, p. 329.

94 Hakluyt, VI, p. 217, 225. At this point, George appears to have been left behind in Shama due to a skirmish with the Portuguese.

95 Binne had returned at some point since his absence was noted in January 1557, perhaps even with Towerson himself, who refers to ‘our Negro’ a little earlier in his account of the 1558 voyage: Hakluyt, VI, pp. 240, 245.

96 The sources disagree about whether Coree’s armour was made of copper or brass. Before Van Riebeeck: Callers at South Africa from 1488 to 1652, ed. Raven–Hart, pp. 72, 75, 88, 114. L. E. Merians, Envisioning the Worst: Representations of “Hottentots” in Early–Modern England (2001), p. 90.

97 Villault, A relation of the coast of Africa called Guinee, p. 77. This defunct factory is also referenced in an ‘Account of the Limits and Trade of the Royal African Company’ amongst the Colonial State Papers in 1672: ‘they trade to Cabe Mount and Cestos for elephants’ teeth, where there was formerly a factory’: Calendar of State Papers Colonial, ed. Noel Sainsbury, 1669–1674, pp. 412–3.

98 Barbot on Guinea, ed. Hair, Jones and Law, I, p. 273.

99 The Gynney and Bynney Company was a chartered company headed by Lord Rich (Earl of Warwick from 1619), Sir Robert Mansell (Treasurer of the Navy) and Sir Ferdinando Gorges: Kelsey, ‘Rich, Robert, second earl of Warwick (1587–1658)’, Thrush, ‘Mansell, Sir Robert (1570/71–1652)’, and Clark, ‘Gorges, Sir Ferdinando (1568–1647)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Scott, English, Scottish and Irish Joint–Stock Companies, II, pp. 11–13; Jobson, The Discovery of River Gambra (1623), ed. Gamble and Hair, Introduction. For Davies’ career see: Blake, ‘The farm of the Guinea Trade in 1631’, pp. 92–3; R. Porter, ‘The Crispe Family and the African Trade in the Seventeenth Century’, p. 58; Blake, ‘The English Guinea Company, 1618–1660’, pp. 17, 22; Hair and Law, ‘The English in Western Africa’, p. 252.

100 Keay, The Honourable Compan, p. 15; Hair, ‘Africa (other than the Mediterranean and Red Sea lands) and the Atlantic Islands’, p. 207.

101 These events were described when the Guinea Company complained to Parliament in 1650 regarding interlopers to the African trade: TNA, CO 1/11, no. 15 (Colonial Papers, 25 May 1650).

102 Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery, pp. 222–229.

103 McFarlane, The British in the Americas, p. 49.

104 Voyages: The Trans–Atlantic Slave Trade Database.

105 Davies, Royal African Company, p. 41.

106 An answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England trading into Africa to the petition . . . exhibited to the Honourable House of Commons by Sir Paul Painter, Ferdinando Gorges, Henry Batson, Benjamin Skutt, and Thomas Knights on the behalf of themselves and others concerned in His Majesties plantations in America (1667), p. 11; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, p. 220. See also Zook, Company of Royal Adventurers and Davies, Royal African Company. For a recent account of the Royal Africa Company (which succeeded the Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa in 1672) see William Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672–1752 (2013).

107 TNA, CO 268/1, ff 5v (Accompt of the Limits & Trade for the African Company, 1672).

Chapter 8

1 John Anthony is described in this way in the two petitions for payment of wages due to him for his service aboard the Silver Falcon that he sent to Lord Zouche over the winter of 1619 that form the basis of this chapter. They appear in the State Papers, held at the National Archives: TNA, SP 14/113, ff. 59–60. The summary of these two documents listed as nos. 28 and 29 in CSPD, 1619–1623, p. 131 is too brief to do them justice, but have nonetheless formed the basis of the limited scholarly comment on Anthony to date (e.g. Habib, Black Lives, p. 221, who mistakenly characterises the petitions as a legal suit). The following item in the Calendar (CSPD, 1619–1623, p. 131, no. 30/TNA, SP 14/113, ff. 61–2) is also pertinent. In this letter, Sir Henry Mainwaring (whose relationship to John Anthony will become clear as this chapter unfolds) mentions to Lord Zouche that ‘the black boy’ has been paid, with interest.

2 Bolster, Black Jacks, p. 9.

3 Burial 23 November 1618: Centre for Kentish Studies, TR2451/6 (St Mary’s, Dover). This was likely to be the ‘Capt. Ward of Dover’ whose funeral was reported by Richard Marsh to Edward Nicholas on 3rd March 1623: CSPD, 1619–1623, p. 509, i.e. William Warde, the Mayor of Dover who appears later in this chapter, and who was buried on 1 March 1623 at St James’s, Dover: Canterbury Cathedral Archives, U3/26/1/1, p. 33.

4 No comparable names have as yet been found. LMA, MS 09222/1 (St Botolph, Aldgate, 26 November 1623); PROB 11/152 (Will of Sir Thomas Love, 1627). He also sponsored privateering voyages, and had his portrait painted: English School, ‘Sir Thomas Love, c. 1571–1627’, c. 1620, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

5 The Marriage Registers of St. Dunstan’s, Stepney, ed. Colyer–Fergusson, I, p. 78; The Jeronimos appear in the Middesex Sessions records, when Helen was accused (but exonerated) of theft by the converso merchant Francis Pinto in 1616: ‘Sessions, 1616: 5 and 6 September’, in County of Middlesex. Calendar To the Sessions Records: New Series, Volume 3, 1615–16, ed. William Le Hardy (London, 1937), pp. 288–312. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/middx-sessions/vol3/pp288-312 [accessed 2 April 2017]; LMA, MJ/SR/S53, nos. 112, 113 (Middlesex Sessions Roll); LMA: MJ/SR/2/346, 349a (Middlesex Sessions Register); LMA: GDR 2/93 (Gaol Delivery Registers). Once a widow, Helen successfully petitioned the company for financial assistance: BL, IOR, B/8, f. 280. (East India Company Court Minute Book, 26 November 1623); BL, IOR, B/9, f. 78. (Helen Jeronimo’s second petition to the East India Company, 18, August 1624); BL, IOR, B/10, f. 102. (Helen Jeronimo’s third petition to the East India Company, 7 July 1625). A further example of the Black presence in maritime Stepney is the February 1631 baptism record for: ‘James, son of Grace a blackmore servant of Mr Bromfield of Limehouse begotten as she affirmeth by James Diego a Negro late servant to Mr Bromfield born in the house of William Ward of Limehouse mariner’, LMA, P93/DUN/256 (St Dunstan and All Saints, Stepney, 9 February 1631). This Mr. Bromfield was probably Richard Bromfield, a merchant linked to the East India Company through both his daughter Elizabeth’s marriage to a Company captain, and his son Robert’s apprenticeship to the Company: Habib, Black Lives, p. 155; ‘East Indies: December 1627’, in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Persia, Volume 6, 1625–1629, ed. W Noel Sainsbury (London, 1884), pp. 428–438. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/east-indies-china-japan/vol6/pp428-438 [accessed 2 April 2017]; TNA, PROB 11/175/364 (Will of Bence Johnson, Mariner of Limehouse, 21 November 1637).

6 There were 46 English, 5 ‘Swarts’, 15 ‘Japaners’ and 3 ‘passengers’ aboard the Clove when it departed Hirado, Japan on 5 December 1613. Eleven of the Japanese men returned home on the Expedition in 1615. The voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan, 1613, ed. Satow, p. 183.

7 LMA, MS 017602 (St Dionis Backchurch, 22 December 1616), MS 09659/2 (St Katharine by the Tower, 20 August 1623).

8 Jayasuriya, S. de S., ‘South Asia’s Africans’, History Workshop Online, and The African diaspora in Asian trade routes and cultural memories.

9 Barbour, ‘The English Nation at Bantam’, p. 179.

10 ‘East Indies, China and Japan: September 1621’, in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 3, 1617–1621,ed. W.Noel Sainsbury (London, 1870), pp. 450–462. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/east-indies-china-japan/vol3/pp450-462 [accessed 3 April 2017].

11 Senior, A Nation of Pirates, p. 7.

12 Calendar of State Papers, Venice, ed. Brown, 1607–10, p. 192.

13 Appleby, ‘Jacobean Piracy’ in The Social History of English Seamen, ed. Fury, pp. 277–299.

14 The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, pp. 8–9, 22; ‘Mainwaring, Sir Henry (1586/7–1653), of Dover Castle, Kent; later of Camberwell, Surr’., The History of Parliament; The Autobiography of Phineas Pett, ed. Perrin, p. 96; ‘Venice: January 1619, 21–25’, in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 15, 1617–1619, ed. Allen B. Hinds (London, 1909), pp. 436–456. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol15/pp436-456 [accessed 2 April 2017].

15 ‘James 1 – volume 65: July 1611’, in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: James I, 1611–18, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London, 1858), pp. 51–65. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/domestic/jas1/1611-18/pp51-65 [accessed 2 April 2017].

16 Thomas Duffus Hardy, ‘Appendix: G. Extracts from Letters relating to English Naval and Military Celebrities’, in Report to the Master of the Rolls On Documents in the Archives of Venice (London, 1866), pp. 84–86. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/master-of-rolls-report/pp84-86 [accessed 2 April 2017].

17 ‘James 1 – volume 113: March 1620’, in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: James I, 1619–23, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London, 1858), pp. 127–135. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/domestic/jas1/1619–23/pp127-135 [accessed 2 April 2017].

18 Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database; The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, I, p. 42.

19 Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, ed. McIlwaine, p. 33.

20 The figure of 30% (possibly exaggerated) comes from Clifford, The Black Ship, p. 165. See also The Social History of English Seamen, ed. Fury, p. 292; Earle, The Pirate Wars, pp.171–2. See also Bolster, Black Jacks; Costello, Black Salt; Linebaugh and Reddiker, The Many Headed Hydra, pp.165–7; Gates, ‘Were There Black Pirates?’, The Root; Kinkor, ‘Black Men under the Black Flag’, pp. 195–210.

21 Newes from Mamora, tr. William Squire.

22 Earle, The Pirate Wars, p. 33; The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, I, p. 21. It is not impossible, given the black presence in Europe, that John Anthony joined Mainwaring in France.

23 Earle, The Pirate Wars, p. 29; Tinniswood, Pirates of Barbary, p. 71; ‘Venice: March 1613’, in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 12, 1610–1613, ed. Horatio F Brown (London, 1905), pp. 498–516. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol12/pp498-516 [accessed 3 April 2017].

24 Calendar of State Papers, Venice, Brown (ed.) 1613–1615, p. 509, and n. 3. The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, pp. 12, 26; Horwood, Plunder & Pillage, p. 39. By Midsummer’s Day, Mainwaring may actually mean 4th July which was the midpoint by the Julian calendar (Britain only adopted the Gregorian calendar in the eighteenth century). The Spanish ships are recorded as returning to Lisbon on 8th July.

25 The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, p. 42.

26 Jowitt, The Culture of Piracy, p. 156; ‘Venice: January 1618, 21–31’, in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 15, 1617–1619, ed. Allen B. Hinds (London, 1909), pp. 108–126. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol15/pp108-126 [accessed 3 April 2017].

27 Thomas Duffus Hardy, ‘Appendix: G. Extracts from Letters relating to English Naval and Military Celebrities’, in Report to the Master of the Rolls On Documents in the Archives of Venice (London, 1866), pp. 84–86. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/master-of-rolls-report/pp84-86 [accessed 2 April 2017].

28 The Seaman’s Dictionary was written in 1623 while Mainwaring was at Dover Castle, though only published in 1644. It formed the basis of the Virginia governor Captain John Smith’s popular and repeatedly printed maritime manual, An Accidence, or the Path-Way to Experience, Necessary for All Young Seamen (1626), revised and republished as A Sea Grammar (1627). Morgan, ‘Smith, John (bap. 1580, d. 1631)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Blakemore, ‘Orality and Mutiny’, p. 257, n. 21. Cruz, N., ‘The Seaman’s Dictionary: ‘This book shall make a man understand’, Royal Museums Greenwich blog.

29 The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, p. 278.

30 Ibid., I, p. 29, II, p. 277.

31 There had been an unsuccessful English expedition against Algiers in 1620–1. The government continued to struggle with the problem of Barbary pirates throughout the 1630s and 1640s. See Matar, Britain and Barbary, pp. 45–75.

32 Earle, The Pirate Wars, p. 28.

33 The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, p. 11, 26.

34 APC, 1615–1616, pp. 359–60.

35 Zell, Early Modern Kent, p. 151; Worthington, Proposed Plan for Improving Dover Harbour, p. 11; Hasted, ‘The town and port of Dover’, pp. 475–548.

36 Senior, ‘An Investigation of the Activities and Importance of English Pirates, 1603–1640’, pp. 411–12; The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America, 1480–1650, ed. Andrews, Canny, Hair and Quinn, pp. 132–3; Appleby, ‘Thomas Mun’s West Indies Venture, 1602–5’, pp. 101–110. The Lives, Apprehensions, Arraignments, and Executions, of the 19. Late Pyrates, sig. E2r; Weatherford, Crime and Punishment in the England of Shakespeare and Milton, pp. 100–1; Depositions relating to this case are to be found in T.N.A., HCA 1/47, ff. 4–5 [William Hill 1 May 1609], f. 56 [William Longcastle], ff. 56–57 [William Tavernor], f. 59 [John Moore, 20 November 1609].

37 Sweet, Recreating Africa, pp. 94–5; citing ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Processos, no. 5964.

38 McCaughey, ‘Pett, Phineas (1570–1647)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

39 Knafla, ‘Zouche, Edward la, eleventh Baron Zouche (1556–1625)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

40 The Autobiography of Phineas Pett, ed. Perrin, pp. 116–7.

41 McCaughey, ‘Pett, Phineas (1570–1647)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The Naval establishment caught up with Pett, and his associates Sir Robert Mansell and Sir John Trevor, in the course of an official enquiry into embezzlement in the Navy in 1608–9: Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, pp. 365–8; ‘TREVOR, Sir John I (1563–1630), of Oatlands Palace, Surr.; Plas Têg, Flints. and Cannon Row, Westminster’, The History of Parliament; Jacobean Commissions of Enquiry, 1608 and 1618, ed. McGowan, pp. 260–5.

42 The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, ed. G.E. Mainwaring, II, p. 42.

43 Giles Milton, White Gold, p.303. See also Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters.

44 James I, A Counterblaste to Tobacco, sig D2r.

45 Jones and Salmon. ‘Tobacco in Colonial Virginia’ Encyclopedia Virginia; Tilton, ‘Rolfe, John (1585–1622)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

46 Rolfe, A True Relation of the state of Virginia Lefte by Sir Thomas Dale Knight in May Last 1616, p. 37.

47 Their correspondence is one of the main sources for the following account of the adventures of the Silver Falcon. It is preserved in the British Library, BL Add MS 37818, ff. 7v–34v (Lord Zouche’s letters to Warde, 27 January 1619–1 March 1620); and BL Egerton MS 2584, no. 245, f. 53, no. 255, f. 71v and no. 352, f. 240 (Warde’s letters to Lord Zouche, 13 February 1619, 1 March 1619 and 17 December 1619). These letter collections also contain relevant correspondence between the other key figures in this chapter: Jacob Braems’s letters to Lord Zouche, 12 Feb 1619 and 31st March 1619 (BL Egerton MS 2584, no. 243, f. 50, and no. 288, f. 133) and Lord Zouche’s letters to Mainwaring, 24 February 1620 and 20 March 1620 (BL Add MS 37818, f. 34r–35r). The other source for the following events are the various legal records generated when merchant Jacob Braems ended up in court in the aftermath of the Silver Falcon’s voyage of 1619. This account draws on papers in The National Archives from The High Court of Admiralty: TNA, HCA 1/48, ff. 310–311 (Examination of Jacob Braems, 13 May 1620) and the Court of Exchequer: TNA, E 112/88, no. 316 (Jacob Braems’s Bill of Complaint and the Answers of John Berry and Thomas Fultnetby, defendants, 1624); TNA, E 134/22Jas1/Mich38 (Interrogatories and Depositions in the case of Jacob Braems vs. John Berry and Thomas Fulnetby, 1624); TNA, E134/10Chas1/Trin6 (John Reston and his wife Susan v Jacob Braems and William Nethersole, 1634).

48 TNA, CO 1/1, no.38 (Project of the intended voyage to Virginia by Captain Andrews and Jacob Braems in the Silver Falcon,? October 1618); ‘America and West Indies: October 1618’, in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 1, 1574–1660, ed. W. Noel Sainsbury (London, 1860), pp. 19–20. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol1/pp19-20 [accessed 4 April 2017].

49 Billings, W. M., & the Dictionary of Virginia Biography, ‘Thomas West, twelfth baron De La Warr (1576–1618)’, Encyclopedia Virginia.

50 Collins and Brydges, Collins’s Peerage of England, V, 23. Camden, Annals of King James I, p. 32; Calendar of State Papers Colonial, ed. Noel Sainsbury, 1574–1660, pp. 19–20.

51 Lord De la Warr’s covenant to Lord Zouche for his adventure to Virginia, 27 December 1617: Calendar of State Papers Colonial, ed. W. Noel Sainsbury, 1574–1660, p. 18.

52 Price, The Vitamin Complex, pp. 3–4; Bown, Scurvy, pp. 3, 5, 34.

53 In 1624, Daniel Braems of London, aged 43, estimated his cousin Jacob Braems had spent more than £700 on fitting out the ship. Braems himself claimed he adventured £1700 and said the ship ‘did wholly or for the most part belong’ to him.

54 The visitation of Kent, ed. Hovenden, pp. 215–6. In November 1624, Braems: TNA, E112/88/316.

55 Hariot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall inhabitants, p. 9.

56 See n.48 above.

57 Fenner adventured £115: TNA, E 44/353. (Covenant between John Fenner, Henry Bacon and Jacob Braems concerning a voyage to Virginia and north–west and south parts of America for trade, discovery and plantation, 22 February 1619).

58 TNA, CO 1/1, no 44 Warrant by Lord Zouche for John Fenner, Captain of the Silver Falcon, and Henry Bacon, master, to pass to Virginia, 15 February 1619. The ship then took two weeks to get as far as Dartmouth, where she spent at least seven days, finally heading into the Atlantic by the end of March, as Jacob Braems reported to Lord Zouche in a letter of 31 March 1619.

59 Bernhard, A Tale of Two Colonies, pp. 40, 166, 109–110, 186.

60 Berlin, Many Thousands Gone, p. 29; Sluiter, ‘New Light on the “20 and Odd Negroes” Arriving in Virginia, August 1619’, pp. 396–398; Thornton, ‘The African Experience of the “20 and Odd Negroes” Arriving in Virginia in 1619’, pp. 421–434.

61 He may have come from England. Thornton and Heywood, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles and the Foundation of the Americas, p. 320.

62 Breen and Innes, ‘Myne Owne Ground’.

63 Higginbotham, In the Matter of Color, pp. 32–40.

64 Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, ed. McIlwaine, p. 33. See Chapter 6, p. 176, n. 87.

65 Thornton and Heywood, Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles and the Foundation of the Americas, p. 320.

66 Coldham, The Complete Book of Emigrants, 1607–1660, pp. 62, 67. This Antonio’ was actually Anthony Johnson, Breen and Innes, Myne Owne Ground, p. 8. These Africans could also have joined ship en route, in the same way that Angelo came to be on board the Treasurer.

67 The average voyage to Virginia took 11.5 weeks, with a range from 7–25 weeks, with the return voyage being 6.5 weeks ranging from 4.5–9 weeks: Steele, ‘Empire of Migrants and Consumers’, p. 498.

68 This was Jacob Braems’s version of events, as reported to the High Court of Admiralty.

69 A Voyage to Virginia in 1609, ed. Wright, pp. vii, xv.

70 Morgan, P. D., ‘British Encounters with Africans and African Americans’, p. 169; Bernhard, ‘Beyond the Chesapeake’, pp. 547, 554.

71 Bernhard, A Tale of Two Colonies, pp. 160–1, 181; Kingsbury, The Records of the Virginia Company of London, I. Kingsbury (ed.) p. 367.

72 Personal correspondence with Dr. Richard Blakemore, University of Reading.

73 According to Thomas Fulnetby and John Berry. Appleby, Women and English Piracy, pp. 51–86 shows how pirates were able to sell their plunder in England in spite of the authorities, often with the help of female receivers.

74 Braemes, Arnold (1602–81), of Bridge, Kent’, The History of Parliament.

75 Thomas Lawley, by then ‘of London’ gave evidence to the Exchequer aged 36 in 1624. ‘Lawley, Thomas (1580/3–1646), of London; Twickenham, Mdx. and Spoonhill, Much Wenlock, Salop; formerly of Middelburg, Zeeland and Delft, Holland’, The History of Parliament.

76 Daniel Braems later said he saw this tobacco stored in the cellar of Lord Zouche’s house in Hackney.

77 See n. 47 above.

78 TNA, SP 14/110, f. 104 (Braems served notice to appear before Lord Zouche on 23 September, 17 September 1619); ‘James 1 – volume 110: September 1619’, in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: James I, 1619–23, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London, 1858), pp. 74–82. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/domestic/jas1/1619-23/pp74-82 [accessed 2 April 2017].

79 The friend was one Mr Broadreaux.

80 ‘Breeches (ensemble)’, 1600–1700, Museum of London, ID no: 53.101/1b: http://collections.museumoflondon.org.uk/online/object/83032.html; Elizabeth I and her People, ed. Cooper, item 84, pp. 202–3; Cunnington and Lucas, Occupational Clothing in England, pp. 55–58.

81 Blakemore, ‘Pieces of eight, pieces of eight: seamen’s earnings and the venture economy of early modern seafaring’, pp. 1–32.

82 For example, Vincent Lovet, groom, petitioned Lord Buckingham in March 1628 for 13l. 6s. he was owed after the last expedition to Cadiz, in which voyage he ‘received many wounds’... Sir Thomas Love (who had an African servant – see p. 218, n. 4 above) ‘in his life always put him off, saying he had no money of the King’s in his hands’: CSPD, 1628–29, p. 51. For examples from the High Court of Admiralty see Steckley, ‘Litigious Mariners: Wage Cases in The Seventeenth–Century Admiralty Court’, pp. 315–345.

83 See cases of Grebby and Claybrook (1561–2) and Leache (1564–5) in Hair and Alsop, English Seamen and Traders in Guinea, 1553–1565, pp. 116, 298, 323.

84 Harris, ‘Mainwaring, Sir Henry (1586/7–1653)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

85 ‘Extracts from the Accounts of the Burgh of Aberdeen’, in The Miscellany of the Spalding Club, ed. Stuart, V, pp. 79, 85.

86 Sim, Masters and Servants in Tudor England, pp. 44–45; Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, pp. 189–201; The Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. Dickson, Balfour Paul, McInnes et al., XII, 97, 18, Laing, ‘Notice Respecting the Monument of the Regent Earl of Murray, Now Restored, within the Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh’, pp. 52–53; The 6s payment was made at Theobalds in Hertfordshire, formerly a Cecil house, but by 1622 a favourite residence of James I: Cecil Papers, Box F/8, Cash Book 1622, f. 18r; Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury, ed. Dyfnallt Owen, XXII, 166; Daniel Lysons, ‘Theobalds’, in The Environs of London: Volume 4, Counties of Herts, Essex and Kent (London, 1796), pp. 29–39. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/london-environs/vol4/pp29-39 [accessed 2 April 2017].

87 Blakemore, ‘Pieces of eight, pieces of eight: seamen’s earnings and the venture economy of early modern seafaring’, pp. 1–32.

88 TNA, PROB 11/257/248 (Will of John Anthony, Shipwright of Dover, Kent, 16 July 1656). This man’s family can be traced in the parish records of St Mary’s Dover. On 4 December 1628, a John Anthony married Sybil Sparks, widow of Giles. He is described in their marriage licence as being a ‘ship carpenter, a bachelor of the age of 24 years or thereabout’. She died and was buried on 5 May 1629. Soon afterwards, on 5 April 1630, John Anthony married Elizabeth Hazelwood. They had two sons and two daughters. Richard, the eldest, was born in May 1634. John arrived in February 1636, but died the following year. Martha was born in April 1638 and Sarah in September 1640. There is also a baptism record, of a ‘John Anthony, son of John Anthony’ on 20 January 1620. As none of these records include an ethnic descriptor, and John Anthony is not an uncommon name it’s impossible to tie them definitively to the African sailor aboard the Silver Falcon. Canterbury Cathedral Archives, CCA-U3-30 (St Mary, Dover Parish Registers); CCA-DCb-L/R/vol 11, f. 223v (Register of General Licences, 1625–1629). Strangely, a man described as ‘John Anthony of Inde, musician and moor’ was bound for Helen Jeronimo to appear before the Middlesex Sessions in 1616; see n. 5 above.

Chapter 9

1 Fryer, Staying Power, p. 8, Sherwood, ‘Blacks in Tudor England’ p. 41; Scobie, Black Britannia, pp. 5–8; Habib, Shakespeare and Race, pp. 13, 30–31. See also Kaufmann, M., ‘Time Traveller’s Guide to Africans in Elizabethan England’, http://www.miranda-kaufmann.com, which engages Ian Mortimer in debate over the proposition on his BBC2 programme Time Traveller’s Guide to Elizabethan England, Episode 3: ‘Brave New World’, broadcast 14 June 2013, that ‘rich men are lending out their black female servants to friends and neighbours for sexual novelty and experimentation’.

2 G.B. Harrison, Shakespeare at Work (1933), p. 310.

3 The details of Anne Cobbie’s life and circumstances of her employment in the Bankes’s bawdy house in this chapter are largely drawn from the case brought against the Bankes by Clement Edwards and Mary Hall at the Westminster Quarter Sessions in 1625–1626. The relevant documents are held at the London Metropolitan Archives and comprise: LMA, WJ/SR/NS/15/104 (Clement Edwards’s indictment, Westminster Sessions Roll, 24 June 1625); WJ/SR/NS/15/24 (Solomon Carr, surgeon and Richard Watmough, cordwainer, of St Clements Danes bound for John and Jane Bankes to appear at the next Sessions, 10 February 1626); WJ/SR/NS/15/26 (John Bankes and Solomon Carr bound for Anne Edwards to appear at the next Sessions, 16 February 1626); WJ/SR/NS/15/130 (The Information of Mary Hall against John Bankes and Jane his wife for keeping a bawdy house, Westminster Sessions Roll, 23 February 1626): printed, with a commentary by Martin Ingram in Reading Early Modern Women, ed. Ostovich and Sauer, pp. 40–41; WJ/SR/NS/15/71 (John Little, butcher, Peter Johnson, bricklayer, both of St Clements Danes and James Wright of St Martins in the Fields, gentleman, bound for Mary Hall to appear, 27 February 1626); WJ/SR/NS/15/76 (Clement Edwards and Francis Heath of London, draper, to give evidence against John and Jane Bankes, and Anne Edwards, 16 February 1626); WJ/SR/NS/16/120 (John Bankes, Thomas Caulfield of St Martin in the Fields, gentleman, and Peter Collier of London, cook, bound for Jane Bankes to appear, 2 June 1626); WJ/SR/NS/16/121 (John Bankes and John Fuller of London gentleman, and Brian Buckley of Westminster, gentleman, bound for John Bankes to appear, 2 June 1626); WJ/SR/NS/16/41(Clement Edwards to appear to prosecute Mr and Mrs Bankes, 4 June 1626); WJ/SR/NS/16/153. (Mrs and Mrs Bankes appear on list of prisoners in the Gatehouse, 23 June 1626); WJ/SR/NS/17/56 (John and Jane Bankes, Peter Collier of St Dunstan in the West, cook, Brandon Buckley, of St Margaret’s, Westminster, gentleman and William Smith of Hampstead Norris, Berks, yeoman bound for the Bankes to appear to prosecute a traverse on the indictment against them 11 July 1626).

4 In the eighteenth century, a sample of prostitutes working around the Strand were found to be aged 15–22, with a median age of 18: Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, p. 618.

5 The Oxford English Dictionary, ‘tawny–moor, n’., OED Online.

6 The Right Plesaunt and Goodly Historie of the Foure Sonnes of Aymon, tr. Caxton, p. 565.

7 Thomas, Principal Rvles of the Italian Grammer, X2r.

8 Shakespeare, Othello, Act 1, Scene 2; Titus Andronicus, Act 4, Scene 2.

9 Schlueter, ‘Rereading the Peacham Drawing’, pp. 171–184.

10 This is Eldred Jones’ conclusion in his ‘Racial Terms for Africans in Elizabethan Usage’, p. 85. See also Chandler, ‘The Moor: Light of Europe’s Dark Age’, pp. 144–175. G.K. Hunter concluded in 1967 that the term ‘Moor’ had ‘no clear racial status’: Hunter, ‘Othello and Colour Prejudice’, p. 147.

11 Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice, Act 2, Scene 1; Antony and Cleopatra, Act 1, Scene 1.

12 Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans. Pory, I, p. 205, n.13.

13 Boling, ‘Anglo–Welsh relations in Cymbeline’, p.52; Owen, Description of Pembrokeshire, p. 46.

14 Hanks, Coates, and McClure, ‘Cobby’, The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland, I, p. 533.

15 The eighteenth century survey of girls arrested in the streets around the Strand found the median age of first becoming a prostitute was 16½ while seven of the girls had begun at 14 or less: Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, p. 618.

16 Sugden, A Topographical Dictionary to the Works of Shakespeare and his Fellow Dramatists, p. 489. The poet was Joshua Sylvester, his surname giving rise to the epithet ‘silver-tongued’. ‘Sylvester, Joshua (1562/3–1618)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

17 Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, p. 182.

18 Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, p. 295; Sugden, A Topographical Dictionary to the Works of Shakespeare and his Fellow Dramatists, pp. 58, 488. Ben Jonson uses these terms in Bartholomew Fair, Act 2, Scene 6, and in his ‘An Epistle to Sir Edward Sackville, now Earl of Dorset’.

19 Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, pp. 168, 225.

20 Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, n. 33; Sugden, A Topographical Dictionary to the Works of Shakespeare and his Fellow Dramatists, p. 124.

21 Taylor, ‘A Whore’, in All the Works of John Taylor the Water Poet, p. 110; Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, pp. 294; Sermons by Hugh Latimer, ed. Corrie, 133–34.

22 Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 215; Nashe, Christ’s Tears Over Jerusalem, p. 141; BCB, III, f. 318.

23 Westminster Archives, St Martin-in-the-Fields, vol.1 (27 Sept 1571).

24 For Fortunatus, see Chapter 4, p. 116, n. 31 and Chapter 7, p. 184, and footnote. Issues of the Exchequer: Being Payments Made Out of His Majesty’s Revenue, ed. Devon, p. 98; ‘Stallenge, William (b.c.1545), of Plymouth, Devon’, The History of Parliament.

25 City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Martin’s in the Fields Parish Registers, vol. 2 (8 February 1621).

26 Asch, ‘Porter, Endymion (1587–1649)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Neither of his recorded trips to Spain (in 1612 and 1622–3) fits perfectly with the timing of Maria’s baptism. She was only born in 1616, so could not be a product of the first trip, and was already in London by the time Porter went back to Spain in 1622. So either he went there at another, unrecorded time, or one of his agents or contacts may have brought Maria to London on his behalf.

27 TNA, SP 14/148/99 (John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, 12 July 1623); The Letters of John Chamberlain, ed. McClure, II, pp. 506–7; CSPD, 1623–1625, p. 13.

28 DiMeo, ‘Howard, Aletheia, countess of Arundel, of Surrey, and of Norfolk, and suo jure Baroness Furnivall, Baroness Talbot, and Baroness Strange of Blackmere (d. 1654)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Howarth, ‘The Patronage and Collecting of Aletheia, countess of Arundel, 1606–54’, p. 130.

29 David Howarth has suggested that the ‘blackamore’ who came to London was the individual depicted in Van Dyck’s Portrait of George Gage with Two Attendants and The Continence of Scipio. However, the word ‘massara’ is the feminine form of ‘massaro’, an Italian word meaning servant, so Lady Arundel’s black servant was a woman, and therefore unrelated to the man depicted by Van Dyck. Howarth, Lord Arundel and his Circle, pp. 158, 196, 242. Anthony Van Dyck, ‘Portrait of George Gage with Two Attendants’, 1622–3, The National Gallery, London and ‘The Continence of Scipio’, 1620–1, Christ Church Picture Gallery, Oxford.

30 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, pp. 49–50; Newman, Cultural Capitals, p. 137. Salkeld, Shakespeare amongst the Courtesans, pp. 164–5.

31 ‘An Act for The Reformation of Divers Abuses’, in Stow, The survey of London (1633), p. 681.

32 BCB, V, f. 26v.

33 Varholy, ‘Rich Like A Lady’, p. 10.

34 Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act 3, Scene 2.

35 BCB, IV, ff. 352r, 373r; Salkeld, Shakespeare amongst the Courtesans, pp. 64, 139; LMA, WJ/SR/NS/18/73 (Westminster Sessions Roll, 5 June 1627).

36 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’ p. 51, Griffiths, Lost Londons, pp. 149–30; Newman, Cultural Capitals, p. 140. LMA, MJ/SR/0510/33 (Middlesex Sessions Roll: Sessions of the Peace and Gaol Delivery, March 1612).

37 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’ p. 44; BCB, III, f. 121r.

38 Newman, Cultural Capitals, p. 136. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 213.

39 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 46.

40 Nashe, Christ’s Tears Over Jerusalem, pp. 141–2; Browner, ‘Wrong Side of the River’, Essays in History; Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, p. 301. The average fee in Elizabethan England was 4s 3d: Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 47.

41 Dekker, The Honest Whore, Part II, Act 5, Scene 2.

42 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 47. n. 67; BCB V, f. 378r.

43 Newman, Cultural Capitals, pp. 140–142. Varholy, ‘Rich Like a Lady’, pp. 11, 16: Cranley, Amanda: or the Reformed Whore, p. 35.

44 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 45; Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 213; BCB, III, ff. 279–81.

45 The other church frequented by the gentry was St Martins in the Fields. Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, pp. 145, 147, 151,195.

46 Dekker and Webster, Westward Ho!, Act 4, Scene 1.

47 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 55.

48 Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, p. 616; Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 215.

49 A Pepysian Garland, ed. Rollins, p. 41.

50 Nashe, Christ’s Tears Over Jerusalem, p. 141; Griffiths, Youth and Authority, pp. 220–221.

51 BCB, III, ff. 218r (15 May 1577), 261v (16 December 1577), 277r–277v (15 January 1578); Griffiths, Lost Londons, p. 74, n. 25; D. Salkeld, Shakespeare amongst the Courtesans, pp. 106, 131. Habib (Black Lives, p. 109), insists that Rose Brown may also have been an African, due to her surname.

52 Newman, Cultural Capitals, pp. 139, 145.

53 By the Restoration failed erection had become a conventional topos in erotic verse, with poems such as the Earl of Rochester’s ‘The Imperfect Enjoyment’ and Aphra Behn’s ‘The Disappointment’, following the classical example set by, for example, Ovid’s Amores 3.7: Frick, ‘Sexual and Political Impotence in Imperfect Enjoyment Poetry’, Portals.

54 Nashe, The Choice of Valentines, lines 130–227, 257–259.

55 Lowe, An easie, certaine, and perfect method, to cure and prevent the Spanish sickness, sig. B2v; Dingwall, ‘Lowe, Peter (c.1550–1610)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

56 Brome, The English Moor, Act 3, Scene 3.

57 Hall, Things of Darkness, p.22. It seems unlikely that the character of Hermia was literally meant to be from Ethiopia. McCullough, The Negro in English Literature, p.24, concludes: ‘certainly . . . Hermia was not as black as the raven nor as dark as an Ethiope, yet she obviously was of a darker hue than the others’.

58 Jonson, The Characters of Two Royall Masques: The One of Blacknesse, The Other of Beautie (1608).

59 Hall, Things of Darkness, p.205. For further examples, see Shakespeare, Love’s Labour’s Lost, IV, iii, 114–5, Two Gentlemen Of Verona, II, vi, 25–6.

60 Jonson, ‘Masque of Blackness’, in Court Masques: Jacobean and Caroline Entertainments, ed. Lindley, p. 4.

61 Hall, Things of Darkness, pp. 206–10.

62 Shakespeare, Sonnets 127 and 144. Crewe, Trials of Authorship, p. 120; De Grazia, ‘The Scandal of Shakespeare’s Sonnets’, pp. 89–112; Hall, ‘These bastard signs of fair’, pp. 64–83; Hunt, ‘Be dark but not too dark: Shakespeare’s dark lady as a sign of color’, pp. 369–91.

63 Other examples include: John Collop, ‘On an Ethiopian Beauty, M.S.’ (1656); Walton Poole, ‘To a Black Gentlewoman: Mistress A.H.’ (1656); Abraham Wright, ‘On a Black Gentlewoman’ (1656); Eldred Revett’s One Enamour’d on a Black–Moor (1657); Edward Herbert, “Sonnet of Black Beauty” (1665). These and related poems are all printed in Hall, Things of Darkness, 269–290. For a broader context, see An Anthology of Interracial Literature, ed. Sollors.

64 Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra, Act 2, Scene 2; Anonymous, Lust’s Dominion, Act 3, Scene 1; Beaumont and Fletcher, The Knight of Malta, Act 1, Scene 1.

65 Dekker, The Honest Whore, Part II, Act 5, Scene 2.

66 The Lord Chamberlain at this time was Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk. Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, p. 305; ‘Poor and vagrants’, in Analytical Index to the Series of Records Known as the Remembrancia 1579–1664, ed. W. H. Overall and H. C. Overall (London, 1878), pp. 357–364. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/index-remembrancia/1579-1664/pp357-364 [accessed 1 April 2017].

67 Griffiths, Lost Londons, pp. 11–13; Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, p. 8.

68 A Pepysian garland, ed. Rollins, pp. 40–43.

69 Massinger, The City Madam, Act 5, Scene 1.

70 Female Transgression in Early Modern Britain, ed. Ruberry–Blanc and Hillman, p. 81. Porter, ‘Lupton, Donald (d. 1676)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

71 Nashe, Christ’s Tears Over Jerusalem, pp. 144–145.

72 LMA, WJ/SR/NS/13, no. 18 (Daniel Powell accuses Jane Bankes of ‘misdemeanours’, Westminster Sessions Roll, 22 March 1624).

73 Samuel Rowlands, Greene’s Ghost Hunting Coney Catchers (1602), cited in Fabricius, Syphilis in Shakespeare’s England, p.117.

74 Clement Edwards graduated from Corpus Christi, Cambridge, and was ordained as a deacon on 23rd May 1619 by Bishop Thomas Dove at Peterborough Cathedral. He was Rector of Witherley in Leicestershire from April 1619 until June 1622: Clergy of the Church of England Database, Person ID: 139450.

75 This was during the Trinity session. The Westminster Sessions were held quarterly (at Epiphany, Easter, Trinity and Michaelmas) in Westminster Hall. Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, p. 8.

76 William Camden, Britannia (1586), cited in Fabricius, Syphilis in Shakespeare’s England, p. 81.

77 The indictment is in Latin. This translation is from an unpublished finding aid at the LMA.

78 ‘Preachers and preaching’, in Analytical Index to the Series of Records Known as the Remembrancia 1579–1664, ed. W. H. Overall and H. C. Overall (London, 1878), pp. 364–369. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/index-remembrancia/1579-1664/pp364-369 [accessed 28 March 2017].

79 ‘Heywood, Peter (d.1642), of King Street East, Westminster’, The History of Parliament; Merritt, The social world of early modern Westminster, pp. 334, 350.

80 There is no record of what was said, but we know that the Grand Jury thought there was enough evidence to commit the case for trial at the next Quarter Session because the court clerk wrote ‘a bill of vera’ on the back of the indictment.

81 Lovelace, ‘To Althea, from Prison’, (1649).

82 LMA, WJ/SR/NS/17/127 (List of Prisoners in the Gatehouse, 3 October 1626).

83 Creighton, A History of Epidemics, I, p. 429, and p. 424, citing William Clowes, A short and profitable Treatise touching the cure of the disease called Morbus Gallicus by unctions (1579).

84 Richard Ames, The Female Fire–Ships. A Satyr Against Whoring (1691), p. 14.

85 Sydenham, A New Method of Curing the French–Pox (1690), p. 20.

86 Aubrey’s Brief Lives, ed. Dick, (1957), p. 86; Edmond, ‘Davenant, Sir William (1606–1668)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. For further discussion of the woman’s ethnicity, see Habib, Black Lives pp. 157–9 and Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, pp. 187–188.

87 Shugg, ‘Prostitution in Shakespeare’s London’, pp. 302–3. William Clowes recommended stewed prunes in his ‘Treatise on Lues Venerea’ included in his A profitable and necessarie booke of obseruations. (1596).

88 O’Connell, The Book of Spice, p. 124.

89 Haynes, Sex in Elizabethan England, p. 187.

90 Sins of the Flesh, ed. Siena, p. 41.

91 Taylor, ‘A Whore’, in All the Works of John Taylor the Water Poet, p. 112.

92 Nashe, Christ’s Tears Over Jerusalem, p. 142.

93 Fabricius, Syphilis in Shakespeare’s England, pp. 136–7.

94 Siena, Venereal Disease, Hospitals and the Urban Poor, pp. 62–67.

95 City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Mary Le Strand Parish Registers, vol. 1 (3 July 1626).

96 Galen, Galen on the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body, tr. Tallmadge May, II, 633. Samuel Purchas reported that some, including Herodotus, attributed dark skin to the ‘blacknesse of the Parents sperme or seed’: Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage (1613), p. 545.

97 Dorset Record Office, PE/SH: RE 1/1 (Sherborne Abbey, Sherborne, 15 January 1631).

98 Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, p. 50; McFarlane, ‘Illegitimacy and Illegitimates in English History’, pp. 73–4.

99 Dorset Record Office, Mayors Accounts (town and County of Poole) 1609–10, MA 10, transcript, 15. For further examples and discussion see Kaufmann ‘“Making the beast with two backs” – Interracial relationships in Early Modern England’, pp. 22–37.

100 Dabhoiwala, The Origins of Sex, p. 13; Ridley, John Knox, p. 417; Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, p. 238; Capp, England’s Culture Wars, p. 134.

101 Essex Record Office, D/AEA 16, ff. 162v, 196. (Archdeacon of Essex, Act Books, 17 February 1593, 24 March 1593); Emmison, Elizabethan Life: Morals and the Church Courts, p. 19; West Sussex Record Office, Ep.I/17/8, ff. 139r, 140r (Diocese of Chichester Detection Books, 15 December 1593 and 19 January 1594); in April 1632 ‘Grace, a blackamoore’ was accused by Stepney churchwardens of ‘living incontinently’ with Walter Church: LMA, MS 09065E/1 f. 81(London Commissary Court ‘Ex Officio’ Book).

102 Personal correspondence with Peter Bluck, Jetto’s nine times great-grandson. See Chapter 4, p. 126, n. 50.

103 Personal correspondence with one of Adam Ivey’s descendants, Clem Lee Canipe III of Kinston, North Carolina.

104 King, Parkin, Swinfield, et. al., ‘Africans in Yorkshire?’, pp. 288–293; Redmonds, King, and Hey, Surnames, DNA, and Family History, pp. 200–4.

105 Shakespeare, W. Measure for Measure, Act 3, Scene 2; Cranley, Amanda: or the Reformed Whore, p. 33.

106 Griffiths, ‘The structure of prostitution in Elizabethan London’, p. 52.

107 City of Westminster Archives Centre, St Clements Danes Parish Registers, vol.1 (11 June 1626); LMA, CLC/L/HA/C/007/MS15857/001, f. 209 (Worshipful Company of Haberdashers, Register of Freedom Admissions, 1629).

108 William Hogarth, ‘A Rake’s Progress, 3: The Orgy’, 1733 painting, Sir John Soane’s Museum, London, and 1735 print, plate 3; Dabydeen, Hogarth’s Blacks, pp. 96–97 and Fig. 62, p. 92; Thomas Rowlandson, ‘Sea Stores’, 1812, Royal Collection.

109 M. Kaufmann, ‘“Making the beast with two backs” – Interracial relationships in Early Modern England’, pp. 29–31.

110 Gesta Grayorum, ed. Bland, p. 17.

111 Archer, The Pursuit of Stability, p. 213; Salkeld, ‘Black Luce and the “Curtizans” of Shakespeare’s London’ p. 5, Hotson, Mr. W.H., p. 252.

112 TNA, SP 12/270/119 (Denis Edwards to Thomas Lankford, 28 May 1599); CSPD, 1598–1601, p. 199.

113 Sugden, A Topographical Dictionary to the Works of Shakespeare and his Fellow Dramatists, p. 533.

114 Shakespeare, Henry IV Part 2, Act 3, Scene 2. III.

115 Gowing, ‘Language, power and the law: women’s slander litigation in early modern London’, p. 30.

Chapter 10

1 This is the conclusion drawn by Habib, Black Lives, p. 116.

2 I first came across Cattelena in Dresser, Slavery Obscured, p. 11. She was also mentioned in Jones and Youseph, The Black Population of Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, p. 2; Linebaugh and Redikker, The Many Headed Hydra, p. 78 mistakenly refer to Cattelena as the first African recorded in Bristol.

3 Thomas Gray, An Elegy Wrote in a Country Churchyard (1751), p. 6.

4 When Death Do Us Part, ed. Arkell, Evans and Goose, p. 72.

5 Bristol Record Office, FCI/1620-1632/19, frames 1–2 (Probate Inventory of Cattelena of Almondsbury, 24 May 1625).

6 Froide, Never Married, p. 3.

7 Martyr de Anghiera, The Decades of the New World, tr. R. Eden, f. 355.

8 Bristol Record Office, FCP/Xch/R/1(a)4 (Christ Church, 4 January 1612). See also Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, p. 65 and Appendix, 1: Baptism Records and 2: Burial Records.

9 Kelly, ‘Ealhmund (784)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Britton and Brayley, The beauties of England and Wales, (1810), V, 728–9; ‘Almondsbury’, Open Domesday, http://opendomesday.org/place/ST6084/almondsbury/; Walker, The Book of Almondsbury, p. 14.

10 Smyth, A description of the hundred of Berkeley, in The Berkeley manuscripts, ed. Maclean, III, p. 54; ‘Smith (Smyth), John (1567–1641), of Warrens Court, North Nibley, Glos.’, The History of Parliament; Warmington, ‘Smyth, John (1567–1641)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

11 Walker, The Book of Almondsbury, p. 37.

12 Wells, ‘Baker [née Willcocks], Mary [alias Princess Caraboo] (bap. 1791, d. 1864)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. See also Catherine Johnson’s 2015 novel, The Curious Tale of the Lady Caraboo.

13 Northamptonshire Record Office, Microfiche 120p/3 (St Nicholas, Eydon, 16 December 1545).

14 County Record Office, Huntingdon: HP5/1/1 (St Mary’s, Bluntisham-cum-Earith, 16 December 1594); Mayo, ‘Parish Register of Stowell, Somerset’, p. 6 (St Mary Magdalene, Stowell, 12 May 1605); Suffolk Record Office, FC 61/D1/1 (St Peter’s, Sibton, 25 December 1634). See also Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, Appendix, 1: Baptism Records and 2: Burial Records.

15 Bristol Record Office, FCP/Dy/R/1(a)1 (St Peter, Dyrham, baptisms: 28 October 1578, 25 February 1581, burial: 9 June 1583). Ivie himself was baptised in the same parish on 15 August 1575 – see Chapter 7, p. 179, n. 100 and Chapter 9, p. 264, n. 116.

16 Cornwall Record Office, P99/1/1(St Keverne, Cornwall, 14 January 1605).

17 Dresser, Slavery Obscured, p. 11; TNA, STAC 5/S14/26 (Court of Star Chamber, Hugh Smyth v Sir John Younge, Sir George Norton et. al., Interrogatory 3, and testimony of Anne White, 11th April 1580).

18 These were in the parishes of St Philip and St Jacob (3), St Augustine the Less (3), Temple (2), St John the Baptist (2), and one each in St Nicholas, St Stephen and Christ Church. See n.19 below; Dresser, Slavery Obscured, p. 11 and Kaufmann, ‘Africans in Britain’, Appendix, 1: Baptism Records and 2: Burial Records for further details.

19 Bristol Record Office: FCP/StP+J/R/1(a)2 (St Philip and St Jacob, 18 August 1600); FCP/StP+J/R/1(a)4 (St Philip and St Jacob, 14 December 1600); FCP/Xch/R/1(a)4 (Christ Church, 4 January 1612); FCP/St.Aug/R/1(a)3 (St Augustine the Less, 12 and 28 September 1632); FCP/St. JB/R/1(a)2 (St John the Baptist, 14 August 1636); The Oxford English Dictionary, ‘maudlin, n,’ and ‘maudlin, adj.’, OED Online.

20 Idle or vagrant persons were punishable under legislation such as the 1572 Act for the Punishment of Vagabonds, and the 1576 Act for the setting of the poor on work and for the avoiding of idleness. Tudor Economic Documents, ed. Power and Tawney, II, p. 331; Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England, p. 180, n. 6.

21 BCB, IV, f. 209v; Salkeld, Shakespeare amongst the Courtesans, p. 112.

22 Dorset History Centre, DC/DOB 8/1 f. 181v (Dorchester Offenders’ Book, 8 July 1633).

23 Brooks and Verey, Gloucestershire: The Vale and the Forest of Dean, p. 142.

24 Walker, The Book of Almondsbury, p. 39.

25 Inwood, ‘The Chesters of Bristol’, p.27; APC, 1554–1556, p. 358.

26 TNA, STAC 5/S14/26 (Court of Star Chamber, Hugh Smyth v Sir John Younge, Sir George Norton et. al., Interrogatory 3, and testimony of Anne White, 11th April 1580).

27 Chester had acquired the former Carmelite friary in 1569: Inwood, ‘The Chesters of Bristol’, pp. 24–5. Colston Hall is named after the slave trader and merchant Edward Colston (1636–1721), but after much public debate it is due to be renamed when it reopens in 2020.

28 Chester Waters, Genealogical Memoirs of the Families of Chester of Bristol, Barton Regis, London and Almondsbury, pp. 31–35; ‘Caplyn, John II (d.c.1603), of Southampton’,The History of Parliament; Southampton tax returns: TNA, E179/174/432 (26 September 1598), E179/174/446 (24 September 1599), and E179/175/488 (4 March 1611); Central Hampshire Lay Subsidy Assessments, 1558–1603, ed. Vick, pp. 32–38.

29 Oxford English Dictionary, ‘bed, n.’, OED Online.

30 We don’t know how old Cattelena was. More women (about half) over the age of 45 headed their own households. Froide, Never Married, p. 19; Wall, ‘Women alone in English society’, p. 311.

31 Burial records of ‘Suzanna Pearis a blackamoore’: LMA, MS 09221; MS 09222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 8 August 1593) and John de Spinosa: LMA, MS 09234/4 (St Botolph Aldgate, 7 July 1594) See also Chapter 5, n. 46 above; BCB, V, f. 94v (29 March 1606); LMA, MS 09222/1 (St Botolph Aldgate, 31 September 1616).

32 Erickson, Women and Property, p. 191.

33 Bristol Record Office, EP/J/4/6 (Will of Richard Ford of Almondsbury 25 April 1639).

34 Karras ‘Sex and the Singlewoman’, p. 131.

35 Froide, Never Married, pp. 21, 159.

36 Forgeng, Daily Life in Elizabethan England, p. 118; Worsley, If Walls Could Talk, p. 5; TNA, PROB 1/4 (Will of William Shakespeare, 25 March 1616); Oxford English Dictionary, ‘flock, n.2’, and ‘bolster, n.1’. OED Online; Gretton, L., ‘Beds in Late Medieval and Tudor Times’, Old and Interesting, http://www.oldandinteresting.com/medieval-renaissance-beds.aspx.

37 Harrison, W., Description of England, ed. Edelen, pp. 200–1.

38 Milward, A glossary of household, farming, and trade terms from probate inventories, p. 45; Buxton, Domestic Culture in Early Modern England, p. 192.

39 Milward, A glossary of household, farming, and trade terms from probate inventories, p. 44.

40 Strachan, ‘Coryate, Thomas (1577?–1617)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Coryat, Coryat’s Crudities, I, 236–237; Jonson, The Devil is an Ass, Act 5, Scene 4.

41 Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, Act 1, Scene 1; Oxford English Dictionary, ‘trencher, n.1’, OED Online; Milward, A glossary of household, farming, and trade terms from probate inventories, pp. 56–7.

42 Ransome, ‘Wives for Virginia, 1621’, p. 16.

43 Lodge and Greene, A Looking Glasse for London and England, Act 1, Scene 3.

44 Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth, p. 176; Digby, A late discourse made in a solemne assembly of nobles and learned men at Montpellier in France touching the cure of wounds by the powder of sympathy, tr. White, p. 117.

45 Peters, Women in Early Modern Britain, p. 33.

46 Thomas, Man and the Natural World, p. 96.

47 Fudge ‘Farmyard Choreographies in Early Modern England’, p. 159.

48 Markham, Countrey Contentments, Or, The English Huswife, pp. 174–190.

49 Neeson, Commoners: Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England, p. 311.

50 Markham, Countrey Contentments, Or, The English Huswife, pp. 179, 182.

51 Martin Parker, The Woman to the PLOW; And the Man to the HEN-ROOST; OR, A fine way to cure a Cot-quean (London 1629), University of Glasgow Library – Euing 397, English Broadside Ballad Archive, ID: 32024, http://ebba.english.ucsb.edu/ballad/32024/xml.

52 Hill, Women Alone, p. 19; Valenze ‘The Art of Women and the Business of Men: Women’s Work and the Dairy Industry c. 1740–1840’, p. 145; Pinchbeck, Women Workers in the Industrial Revolution, pp. 22–3.

53 Walter, The Book of Almondsbury, p. 43. Local lore has it that Sundays Hill was so-called because Bristolians used to drive out on Sundays by horse and carriage to the escarpment for the great views across the estuary.

54 Thirsk, Chapters from The Agrarian History of England and Wales, III, p. 87.

55 LMA, MJ/SBR/1 ff. 479, 498 (Middlesex Sessions Registers, 1612); Griffiths, Lost Londons, p. 74.

56 Oxford English Dictionary, ‘band, n.2’ and ‘pillow-bere, n.’, OED Online; Mortimer, The Time-Traveller’s Guide to Elizabethan England, pp. 167–8.

57 The following discussion is based on these three examples: TNA, PROB 11/98, f. 301 (Will of William Offley, 1600); Hampshire Record Office, 1612B/036 (Will of Mary Groce, 14 October 1612) and TNA, PROB 11/52, ff. 194v–195 (Will of Nicholas Witchals, 1570).

58 Habib, Black Lives, p. 116

59 Erickson, Women and Property, p. 3.

60 Devon Record Office, MFC 46/6 (St Peter’s, Barnstaple, 18 June 1565).

61 Woodward, Men at Work, p. 172.

62 LMA, P95/MRY1/413, pp. 15, 35 (Churchwardens Accounts, St Mary’s, Putney, 27 March 1625 and 20 March 1627). For Jetto, see Chapter 4, p. 126, n. 50.

63 Her third and final marriage was to John Thornborough, Bishop of Worcester, in 1627. Habib, Black Lives, p. 149; Collins, The Peerage of England, VII, p. 316.

64 Erickson, Women and Property, pp. 32, 204–6, 217. Froide, Never Married, pp. 46–49.

65 Bristol Letters of Administration do not survive earlier that 1660, but Helen Ford is named as administrator in the inventory; Erickson, Women and Property, p. 34.

66 Poynton ‘The Family of Haynes of Westbury-on-Trym, Wick and Abson, and other places in Gloucestershire’, pp. 277–297.

67 Erickson, Women and Property, p. 33.

68 Ibid., pp. 33–34. D. Hey (ed.), The Oxford Companion to Local and Family History, p. 239.

Conclusion

1 The copie of a leter, vvryten by a Master of Arte of Cambrige, to his friend in London (1584), p. 13.

2 Hair, ‘Attitudes to Africans in English Primary Sources on Guinea up to 1650’, p. 47.

3 See the Runnymede Trust website, Our Migration Story for examples: http://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/.

4 Jordan, White Over Black, p. 44; Shore, ‘The Enduring Power of Racism: A Reconsideration of Winthrop Jordan’s White over Black’, pp. 195–226.