Ironically, the two people most directly involved in the national thanksgiving proclamation of 1863—Sarah Josepha Hale and Abraham Lincoln—were absent, at least in the public sense, from the activities that late November.
Hale was unable to provide comment in the November 1863 edition of the Lady’s Book on what she surely must have regarded as a momentous and long-awaited event. The publication had already gone to press before Hale had received the good news from Washington. She would not weigh in on the matter until early 1864. Still, in keeping with publisher Louis Godey’s well-known and oft-stated desire to keep the magazine as politics-free as possible, printing a presidential proclamation would likely have fallen outside the realm of possibility for the publication, even if it could have made the printing deadline. Hale appeared to allude to as much in an 1864 editorial titled “Our National Thanksgiving—a Domestic Festival,” writing, “[I]n our endeavors . . . to secure the recognition of one day throughout the land as the Day of public Thanksgiving, we are conscious of not having in any manner gone beyond the proper limits of the sphere which we have prescribed for the Lady’s Book. It is the peculiar happiness of Thanksgiving Day that nothing political mingles in its observance.”
Abraham Lincoln’s first national thanksgiving came and went, with the president still abed. There he would remain through a good bit of December. Lincoln was eventually on the mend, but the situation in the feuding United States was not. Roughly a week after the holiday, on December 8, 1863, Lincoln issued the Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction, turning an eye toward rebuilding the tattered nation once the war was finally over. However, for many that day still felt impossibly far off.
As Christmas approached, Lincoln was the recipient of an odd gift—a turkey. The president intended the bird for Christmas dinner, but young Tad Lincoln took a liking to it, naming him “Jack.” On Christmas Eve, Tad got the bad news—Jack was destined for the table. Tad protested. Lincoln gave in. He spared Jack the turkey, even putting the bird’s stay of execution in writing: a presidential pardon.
Also on that Christmas Eve, Lincoln related a dream he had had the night before to his assistant secretary, John Hay.
“He was in a party of plain people,” Hay wrote in his diary of his conversation with Lincoln, “and as it became known who he was, they began to comment on his appearance. One of them said, ‘He is a very common-looking man.’ The President replied, ‘Common-looking people are the best in the world: that is the reason the Lord makes so many of them.’ Waking,” Hay wrote, “he remembered it, and told it as rather a neat thing.”
As 1863 drew to a close, a third year of war loomed on the horizon. The “plain” and plainspoken man knew that soon there would be another political battle to wage: this one for his reelection. Recent years of national turmoil had not been kind to sitting presidents hoping for a second term. Once spring turned to summer, the Lincoln family again packed up their belongings and returned to the Soldiers’ Home in order to escape the stifling seasonal heat and humidity of Washington. The president resumed his commute from the Soldiers’ Home to the White House, and his rides through town from his summer residence to his office drew increased attention.
“I see the President almost every day,” wrote the poet Walt Whitman, who inhabited a series of Washington, DC, boardinghouses during the war, “as I happen to live where he passes to or from his lodging out of town. I saw him this morning about 8 1/2 [8:30], coming in to business, riding on Vermont avenue, near L street.” The writer’s younger brother, George, had been wounded in 1862 at the Battle of Fredericksburg, and Whitman had promptly left his home in New York City—where he was known to frequent the same bohemian bar as illustrator Thomas Nast—to visit his brother in the hospital. Though his brother was only mildly injured, Whitman was unable to look away from the carnage he saw and volunteered as a nurse in various hospitals throughout Washington during the war. In addition to his own writing, Whitman described in his journals what he saw daily of the sick and dying. His reflections on Abraham Lincoln made their way onto Whitman’s pages as well. “I see very plainly Abraham Lincoln’s dark brown face, with the deep-cut lines,” Whitman wrote, “the eyes, always to me with a deep latent sadness in the expressions. We have got so that we exchange bows, and very cordial ones.”
On the seventh of July 1864, Lincoln issued another proclamation—this one calling for a day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer. Both secular and religious in nature, the document spoke to faith, politics, and war. In it, Lincoln encouraged citizens to “convene at their usual places of worship,” in hopes that, among other things, “those in rebellion . . . may lay down their arms and speedily return to their allegiance to the United States, that they may not be utterly destroyed, that the effusion of blood may be stayed, and that unity and fraternity may be restored and peace established throughout all our borders.”
Of course, there was nothing quite like a predictable travel route to make matters simpler for anyone wishing the president ill. So very many did. Letters carrying death threats often arrived at the White House. Rumors proliferated that the president was to be kidnapped along his now well-known horseback commute. That year, while traveling back to the Soldiers’ Home along his usual course, Lincoln was, as he wrote, “Immersed in deep thought, contemplating what was next to happen in the unsettled state of affairs,” when he was fired upon. Luckily, the president’s stovepipe hat took the brunt of the sniper’s attempt. However, Lincoln’s horse, Old Abe—“My erratic namesake,” he wrote—did not take kindly to the gunshot, and “with one reckless bound he unceremoniously separated me from my eight-dollar plug-hat.”
More obvious threats surrounded him as well. That summer of 1864 saw not only Union soldiers feeling hopeless but Lieutenant General Jubal Early and his Army of the Valley encroaching gradually but consistently on Washington, DC, raiding and looting as many Union cities, homes, and supply depots as they could. They were, in fact, encamped precariously close to the Soldiers’ Home.
Around this time, Lincoln’s oldest son, Robert Todd Lincoln, had completed his studies at Harvard University and taken a post as a staff officer for General Ulysses Grant, bringing the war even closer to home for the president. After losing two young children, Abraham and Mary Todd Lincoln now had a son at war. Tens of thousands of Union soldiers died over that summer, the number of bodies interred on the grounds of the Soldiers’ Home only increasing beyond the door of Lincoln’s summer residence.
Though Lincoln accepted the presidential nomination for the 1864 election, the incumbent was not confident of his success against Democratic nominee General George B. McClellan, who had served as Lincoln’s head of the Army of the Potomac.
With elections looming and talk at the nominating convention of potential cease-fires and attempts to negotiate with the Confederacy on the lips of those in attendance, not to mention on the minds of those across the country, illustrator Thomas Nast again used his talents to comment on the national situation.
Compromise with the South—which happened to be the Democratic campaign slogan that year—was the title Nast chose for his latest illustration, which he dedicated to the Chicago Convention. Clearly capturing the feeling that any compromise with the Confederacy would essentially be experienced as defeat, Nast created a foreboding image depicting a triumphant Confederate soldier with his foot atop the grave of a Union soldier, its headstone reading “In Memory . . . Union Heroes in a Useless War.” In the background, a Black Union soldier sits with his wife and child, all of them in shackles.
Fall approached. There was still no legal obligation for Lincoln to declare a national day of thanksgiving for the end of November. On October 9, 1864, Hale once again wrote to William H. Seward, reminding him of the upcoming anniversary of the previous year’s thanksgiving day:
Enclosed is an article (or proof) on the National Thanksgiving. As you were, last year, kindly interested in this subject, I venture to request your good offices again. My article will appear in the November number of the “Lady’s Book”; but before its publication I trust that President Lincoln will have issued his proclamation appointing the last Thursday in November as the Day. I send a copy of the proof for the President. You will greatly oblige me by handing this to him and acquainting him with the contents of this letter. I do not like to trouble him with a note.
Hale hoped President Lincoln would issue the proclamation in time to alert Americans living outside the country as well: “[W]ould it not have a good effect on our citizens abroad? And if, on land and sea, wherever the American Flag floats over an American citizen all should be invited and unite in this National Thanksgiving, would it not be a glorious Festival?”
Later that October, Lincoln did, in fact, issue another presidential proclamation establishing a national day of thanksgiving, just as he had the previous October. It again set forth the same day: the last Thursday of November. This particular proclamation spoke of increasing the free population. It spoke of the enemy within our household. And again, it spoke of inestimable blessings. Proclamation number 118 was decidedly shorter than its predecessor, but it marked the first time that a successive proclamation of a national day of thanksgiving, on the same day of the same month, had ever been issued in the United States:
It has pleased Almighty God to prolong our national life another year, defending us with his guardian care against unfriendly designs from abroad and vouchsafing to us in His mercy many and signal victories over the enemy, who is of our own household. It has also pleased our Heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens in their homes as our soldiers in their camps and our sailors on the rivers and seas with unusual health. He has largely augmented our free population by emancipation and by immigration, while he has opened to us new sources of wealth and has crowned the labor of our working men in every department of industry with abundant rewards. Moreover, He has been pleased to animate and inspire our minds and hearts with fortitude, courage and resolution sufficient for the great trial of civil war into which we have been brought by our adherence as a nation to the cause of Freedom and Humanity, and to afford to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do, hereby, appoint and set apart the last Thursday in November next as a day, which I desire to be observed by all my fellow-citizens, wherever they may then be as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to Almighty God, the beneficent Creator and Ruler of the Universe. And I do further recommend to my fellow-citizens aforesaid that on that occasion they do reverently humble themselves in the dust and from thence offer up penitent and fervent prayers and supplications to the Great Disposer of events for a return of the inestimable blessings of Peace, Union and Harmony throughout the land, which it has pleased him to assign as a dwelling place for ourselves and for our posterity throughout all generations.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
—Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty four, and, of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
Ever the optimist, seventy-six-year-old Sarah Hale did not want to miss the opportunity to share this delightful news with her readership, no matter when the magazine had to go to press: “On the twenty-fourth of this month recurs the Day—‘The last Thursday in November’—which has now become firmly established as one of the three National Festivals of America,” she wrote in the November issue, referring to the longer-standing holidays of Washington’s Birthday and Independence Day. She envisioned the celebration as a day “which lifts our hearts to Heaven in grateful devotion.” She added that “the women of our country should take this day under their peculiar charge, and sanctify it to acts of piety, charity, and domestic love.” Hale encouraged her readers to reach out to those less fortunate. “Let us each see to it that on this one day there shall be no family or individual, within the compass of our means to help, who shall not have some portion prepared, and some reason to join in the general Thanksgiving.”
She also took the opportunity to recap her own progress over the years, citing those who participated on a state-by-territory basis in 1859, 1860, and so on. In employing language such as “last Thursday in November” or “firmly established,” “fixed day” or “yearly,” Hale almost seemed to be working to convince her readers—if not perhaps even herself—that this time the proclamation would take hold for years to come, and that the holiday might be set for all time. Calling the day “fixed” and “annual” after just two consecutive years of proclamations may have been overly confident on her part, especially considering that the fate of the war had yet to be decided. Without an act of Congress, the holiday, its timing, and its celebration would forever remain at the whim of presidents, first and foremost, then governors. After decades of work and dreaming of this day, Hale was nothing if not tirelessly rosy and bullish.
As for President Lincoln, he again may have worried that come November there would not be much to be thankful for, this time because of the election. But Lincoln and his new running mate, Andrew Johnson, of the National Union Party—a temporary Civil War handle for the Republican Party—need not have worried. They won handily.
Several days before the holiday in 1864, Lincoln received a letter from a Providence, Rhode Island, man:
“Sir,” the letter began,
I have taken the liberty of forwarding to you by Adams Ex. Co. two R.I. Turkeys for your Thanksgiving Dinner. They are “Narragansett” Turkeys celebrated in the New England and New York markets as being the best in the world.
Congratulating you up on the recent Election I am
Your obt. Svt
Walter C. Simmons
Thomas Nast again took to the pages of Harper’s Weekly to create a thanksgiving illustration for readers. As the years passed, Nast would depict the November holiday differently, often responding to the mood of the country as he himself saw it. And with that approach, the tone of his artistic works might range from egalitarian hopefulness to hierarchical exclusionism.
Nast’s Harper’s Weekly portrayal of that 1864 thanksgiving once again featured multiple panels. This illustration stood in contrast to the downtrodden, foreboding nature of Compromise with the South. In this new engraving, President Lincoln takes his place front and center, standing atop the Confederate flag. Columbia is once again at an altar, shield and sword ever by her side, with the legend reading, “Thank God for Our Union Victories.” The lower right of the engraving featured a panel titled “On Board,” which depicted sailors aboard a ship preparing to eat turkey. Similarly, the panel on the lower left, titled “In the Field,” portrayed soldiers seated on the ground of their camp and carving their own bird. Thanks, too, was given to Maryland in one of the panels for freeing its enslaved people. In the bottom center of the illustration Nast included a panel titled “Blessed Be the Peacemakers,” featuring a group of generals poring over maps. The vision as a whole is one of both conflict and aspiration, hope and loss, and captured the thanksgivings that this country had experienced and perhaps what Lincoln wished to convey in proclaiming the holiday. Times are dire. And yet, thankfulness begins to tear at the dark shroud of despair, allowing in at least a little light.
Reports of how citizens celebrated that thanksgiving of 1864 were numerous, and included extensive acts of charity. The Chicago Tribune reported on November 23 that arrangements were being made for turkey to be served in the hospitals of Richmond, Virginia.
Tennessee’s Nashville Daily Union pled for remembering those less fortunate: “And while in thousands of homes the day will pass with mirth and pleasure, we hope those who are suffering will not be forgotten. The consciousness of kind deeds performed, of hearts made glad, will add a keen relish to all the pleasures of the day, and like a benison of peace hover over the record of life’s deeds. Let some concerted action upon this matter be taken and the day will then be made a Thanksgiving day indeed.”
The New York Herald reported extensively on the content of sermons preached throughout the city, as well as festive and philanthropic activities. In Brooklyn, the American Temperance League treated the local newsboys to a dinner of turkey, roast beef, boiled cabbage, potatoes, pies, cakes, and fruits.
In Washington, DC, the temperature was fall at its best—cool and crisp but not oppressively cold. A local Sunday school had helped raise money for the thanksgiving celebration held for those recovering at the Armory Square Hospital.
Beyond the states themselves, the territories continued the tradition as well, with the Gold Hill Daily News of the Nevada Territory assuring readers that the “croppings at the San Francisco Restaurant are rich and give promise of a layout worthy of the occasion. Turkey feathers are knee-deep on the premises.”
In the southern states, observances varied, with only some governors following Lincoln’s lead. Confederate president Jefferson Davis issued his own proclamation, declaring November 16 as a day of thanksgiving throughout the Confederate states. Davis may not have wanted to join in with the North, but he—as did so many others—still perhaps valued what a day of thanks could mean.
The day before Davis’s thanksgiving, on November 15, the Confederate-friendly Yorkville Enquirer in South Carolina included the following suggestion among their news items: “A movement is on foot in New York, to send 50,000 turkeys and 50,000 barrels of apples to Grant’s army for a thanksgiving dinner. Can’t Gen. Hampton borrow a portion of them for the use of General Lee’s boys?”
Yet even if not celebrated, the day of November 24 brought some respite to the Confederate forces as well.
“Yesterday was observed as a day of thanksgiving in Grant’s army,” the Daily Dispatch out of Richmond, Virginia, reported, “who, no doubt, devoured the several thousand turkeys sent them from the North. . . . There was unbroken quiet all along the lines throughout the day. Even General Graham, commanding at Bermuda Hundred, finding it impossible to dislodge General Pickett from the advanced position captured by him last night a week ago, seems to have come to the conclusion to let him alone.”
And from Petersburg, Virginia, one southern soldier reported, “The enemy observes this as thanksgiving day. All quiet.” On that day, some bitter enemies chose to take a moment, no matter their passions or patriotic stances.
The quiet was short-lived, as fields returned to becoming battlefields and Major General William Tecumseh Sherman, marching to the sea, blazed a Union path of destruction along the way.
Come Christmastime, President Lincoln received a telegraph with an altogether different sort of gift:
I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the City of Savannah with 150 heavy guns & plenty of ammunition & also about 25,000 bales of cotton.
W. T. Sherman
Major Genl
With increasing devastation in the South, war, if not division, if not loss, felt closer to an end.