3 International Military Tribunal, Trials of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal, 42 vols. (Nuremberg: 1947–1949), 3: pp.514–515; 5: pp.220–221; 32: p.267ff.
4 Alexandra Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image: Ilse Koch, the ‘Komandeuse of Buchenwald,’” trans. Pamela Selwyn, German History 19(3) (2001): 369–399, p.396.
5 Egon W. Fleck and Edward A. Tenenbaum, “Buchenwald: ein vorläufiger Bericht vom 24.4.1945,” in Lutz Niethammer, ed., Der gesäuberte Antifaschismus. Die SED und die roten Kapos von Buchenwald (Berlin: Dokumente, 1994), pp.180–198.
6 Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image,” p.370.
7 Arthur L. Smith, Die Hexe von Buchenwald: Der Fall Ilse Koch, 2d ed. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1994); Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image.”
8 Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image,” p.393.
9 Ibid., p.394, citing Gisela Bock, “Frauen- und Geschlechterbeziehungen in der nationalsozialistischen Rassenpolitik,” in Therese Wobbe, ed., Nach Osten. Verdekte Suren natioanlsozialistischer Verbrechen (Frankfurt am Main: Neue Kritik, 1992), pp.99–133, p.126.
10 For extensive theorization of this point, see Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores: Women’s Violence in Global Politics (London: Zed Books, 2007); Caron Gentry and Laura Sjoberg, Beyond Mothers, Monsters, Whores (London: Zed Books, 2015).
11 See extended discussion in Eva Stehle, Performance and Gender in Ancient Greece: Non-Dramatic Poetry in Its Setting (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997); Vern Bullough, Cross Dressing, Sex, and Gender (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), p.28.
12 See discussion in Vinay Lal, “Not This, Not That: The Hijras of India and the Cultural Politics of Sexuality,” Social Text 61 (Winter 1999): 119–140.
13 Some exceptions include the legal recognition of a third, neutral gender in Australia (Helen Davidson, “Third Gender Must Be Recognized by NSW after Norrie Wins Legal Battle,” Guardian, 1 April 2014, www.theguardian.com), and similar legal recognitions in India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Thailand (Madison Park and Kiki Dhitavat, “Thailand’s New Constitution Could Soon Recognize Third Gender,” CNN.com, 16 January 2015, www.cnn.com).
14 See discussions in Suzanne J. Kessler, “The Medical Construction of Gender: Case Management of Intersexed Infants,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 16(1) (1990): 3–26.
15 The World Health Organization reports on a number of genetic varieties of sex chromosomes (www.who.int/genomics/gender/en/index1.html), including sex monosomies, people with three or more sex chromosomes, people with a mutation on an X chromosome that incorporates part of a Y chromosome, and people with a mutation on a Y chromosome that incorporates part of an X chromosome, which, with the most common varieties of XY and XX, makes for at least seventeen biological combinations of sex chromosomes.
16 Estimate taken from Melanie Blackless, Anthony Charuvastra, Amanda Derryck, Anne Fausto-Sterling, and Ellen Lee, “How Sexually Dimorphic Are We? Review and Synthesis,” American Journal of Human Biology 12 (2000): 151–166.
17 See, e.g., discussion in Joan Roughgarden, Evolution’s Rainbow: Diversity, Gender, and Sexuality in Nature and People (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).
18 Susan Stryker, “Transgender History, Homonormativity, and Disciplinarity,” Radical History Review 100 (Winter 2008): 145–157; Julia Serano, Whipping Girl: A Transsexual Woman on Sexism and the Scapegoating of Femininity (Emeryville, CA: Seal Press, 2007); Katrina Roen, “‘Either/Or’ and ‘Both/Neither’: Discursive Tensions in Transgender Politics.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 27(2) (2002): 501–522.
19 See, e.g., see discussions of the various types of gender essentialism in Charlotte Witt, “What Is Gender Essentialism?,” in Charlotte Witt, ed., Feminist Metaphysics (New York: Springer, 2011), pp.11–25.
20 There are some rather sophisticated discussions of this, e.g., Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex (New York: Routledge, 1993); Helen Kinsella, “For a Careful Reading: The Conservativism of Gender Constructivism,” International Studies Review 5(2) (2003): 287–302; Lauren Wilcox, “Beyond Sex/Gender: The Feminist Body of Security,” Politics and Gender 7(4) (2011): 595–600.
21 I find the discussion about this in Laura J. Shepherd, “Sex or Gender? Bodies in World Politics and Why Gender Matters,” in Laura J. Shepherd, ed., Gender Matters in Global Politics (London: Routledge, 2010), pp.3–17, particularly useful.
22 See, e.g., discussions in Joan Acker, “From Sex Roles to Gendered Institutions,” Contemporary Sociology 21 (1992): 565–569; Judith Butler, Gender Trouble (New York: Routledge, 1990); Cressida Heyes, “Feminist Solidarity after Queer Theory: The Case of Transgender,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 28(3) (2003): 1093–1120.
23 See a significantly more sophisticated understanding in Raewyn Connell, Masculinities, 2d ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). There are explicit discussions of how this translates into expectations in politics in the leadership literature—see, e.g., Leonie Huddy and Nayda Terkildsen, “The Consequences of Gender Stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Levels and Types of Public Office,” Political Research Quarterly 46(3) (1993): 503–525.
24 Connell, Masculinities; Charlotte Hooper, Manly States: Masculinities, International Relations, and Gender Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001). There was a special issue of the International Feminist Journal of Politics (14[4] [2012]), edited by Marsha Henry and Paul Kirby, that explored rethinking masculinity and practices of violence in global politics.
25 See, e.g., J. Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992); V. Spike Peterson and Anne Sisson Runyan, Global Gender Issues (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992).
26 The place that this struck me the most was in the discussion of Ann Hopkins as an employee of Price Waterhouse (Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins, 490 US 228 [1989]), where a woman had been punished for masculine behavior in the workplace.
27 See discussion in Sue Rae Peterson, “Coercion and Rape: The State as a Male Protection Racket,” in Mary Vetterling-Braggin, Frederick Elliston, and Jane English, eds., Feminism and Philosophy (Totowa, NJ: Littlefield, Adams, 1977); Iris Marion Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection: Reflections on the Current Security State,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29(1) (2003): 1–25; Laura Sjoberg and Jessica Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side of the Protection Racket: Targeting Women in Wars,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 13(2) (2011): 163–182.
28 See, e.g., the discussion in Cynthia Enloe’s Nimo’s War, Emma’s War: Making Feminist Sense of the Iraq War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), where she discusses gendered expectations and gendered spaces within gendered histories of wars.
29 See, e.g, Tickner, Gender in International Relations; Lauren Wilcox, “Gendering the Cult of the Offensive,” Security Studies 18(2) (2009): 214–240.
30 See, e.g., Cynthia Enloe, Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Women’s Lives (London: Pandora, 1983). See also Annica Kronsell, Gender, Sex, and the Postnational Defense (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012); Melissa T. Brown, Enlisting Masculinity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).
31 For discussions, see, e.g., Miriam Glucksman, Cottons and Casuals: The Gendered Organisation of Labour in Time and Space (London: Routledge, 2013); Juliet Webster, Shaping Women’s Work: Gender, Employment, and Information Technology (London: Routledge, 2014).
32 Particularly, Enloe argued that “the personal is international” and the “international is personal” in Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p.196.
33 Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases.
34 For a recent discussion, see Janet T. Spence and Robert L. Helmreich, Masculinity and Femininity: Their Psychological Dimensions, Correlates, and Antecedents (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014); Julia Wood, Gendered Lives, 10th ed. (Boston: CENGAGE Learning, 2013).
35 See, e.g., Connell, Masculinities; Butler, Gender Trouble; Selya Benhabib, Situating the Self: Gender, Community, and Postmodernism in Contemporary Ethics (New York: Routledge, 1992).
36 See Laura Sjoberg, “Agency, Militarized Femininity, and Enemy Others: Observations from the War in Iraq,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 9(1) (2007): 82–101, p.83, for contextual discussion.
37 Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Sjoberg and Gentry, Beyond Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, “Reduced to Bad Sex: Narratives of Violent Women from the Bible to the ‘War on Terror,’” International Relations 22(1) (2008): 5–23; Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, eds., Women, Gender, and Terrorism (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011).
38 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War (431 BCE), trans. Richard Crawley, MIT Classics, http://classics.mit.edu/Thucydides/pelopwar.html.
39 See extended discussion in Laura Sjoberg, Gender, War, and Conflict (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2014), pp.26–27.
40 Jean Bethke Elshtain, Women and Wars (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
41 See Enloe, Nimo’s War, Emma’s War.
42 See, e.g., Adrienne Harris and Yneistra King, Rocking the Ship of the State: Towards a Feminist Peace Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989); Karen Warren and Duane Cady, “Feminism and Peace: Seeing the Connections,” Hypatia 9(2) (1994): 4–19; Betty Reardon, Sexism and the War System (New York: Teachers’ College Press, 1985).
43 For discussions of these movements, see, e.g., Beth Junor and Katrina Howse, Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp: A History of Non-Violent Resistance (New York: Working Press, 1995); Catia Cecilia Confortini, Intelligent Compassion: Feminist Critical Methodology in the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
44 See discussion in Helen Kinsella, “Gendering Grotius: Sex and Sex Difference in the Laws of War,” Political Theory 34(2) (2006): 161–191.
45 E.g., Susan McKay, “The Effects of Armed Conflict on Girls and Women,” Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 4(4) (1998): 381–392.
46 See discussion in Elshtain, Women and Wars.
47 Ibid. See also Alan Norrie, Law and the Beautiful Soul (London: Routledge, 2013).
48 E.g., Alison Bailey, “Mothering, Diversity, and Peace Politics,” Hypatia 9(2) (1994): 188–198.
49 See, e.g., the discussion in Naomi Black, “The Mothers’ International: The Women’s Co-operative Guild and Feminist Pacifism,” Women’s Studies International Forum 7(6) (1984): 467–476.
50 See, e.g., Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace, 2d ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995).
51 See, e.g., Mia Bloom, Bombshell: Women and Terror (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011); Robin Morgan, The Demon Lover: Roots of Terrorism (New York: Washington Square Press, 1989); Barbara Victor, An Army of Roses: Inside the World of Palestinian Women Suicide Bombers (New York: Rodale Press, 2003).
52 See also Miranda H. Alison, Women and Political Violence: Female Combatants in Ethno-National Conflict (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008); Katherine E. Brown, “Blinded by the Explosion? Security and Resistance in Muslim Women’s Suicide Terrorism,” in Sjoberg and Gentry, Women, Gender, and Terrorism; Megan MacKenzie, Female Soldiers in Sierra Leone: Sex, Security, and Post-Conflict Development (New York: New York University Press, 2012); Swati Parashar, “Feminist International Relations and Women Militants: Case Studies from Sri Lanka and Kashmir,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 22(2) (2009): 235–256.
53 The term “opportunity structures” is used here as it is used in social movement theory, e.g., Herbert Kitschelt, “Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies,” British Journal of Political Science 16(1) (1986): 57–85; talking about gender specifically, see, e.g., Myra Marx Ferree and Silke Roth, “Gender, Class, and the Interaction Between Social Movements: A Strike of West Berlin Day Care Workers,” Gender & Society 12(6) (1998): 626–648.
54 See Lori Girshick, Woman-to-Woman Sexual Violence: Does She Call It Rape? (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 2002).
55 Erica Marlowe, “Five Thousand Lesbians and No Police Force,” Feminism and Psychology 9(4) (1999): 398–401.
56 Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores.
57 Ibid.
58 E.g., Linda Ahall, “Motherhood, Myth, and Gendered Agency in Political Violence,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 14(1) (2012): 103–120; Linda Ahall, Motherhood and War: Gender, Agency, and Political Violence (London: Routledge, 2014); Jessica Auchter, “Gendering Terror: Discourses of Terror and Writing Woman-as-Agent,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 14(1) (2012): 121–139.
59 Todd Salzman, “Rape Camps as a Means of Ethnic Cleansing: Religious, Cultural, and Ethical Responses to Rape Victims in the Former Yugoslavia,” Human Rights Quarterly 20(2) (1998): 348–378, p.349.
60 This dynamic is compounded by the assumption that real or proper women have an asexual or sexually conservative nature; women who commit sexual violence are a foil to that ideal.
61 See, e.g., description of Stella Kubler and other Jewish recruits of the Nazi regime in Beate Meyer, Hermann Simon, and Chana Schutz, eds., Jews in Nazi Berlin: From Kristallnacht to Liberation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); or of people like Pascal Simbikangwa’s conviction in the Rwandan Genocide (e.g., in Maia de la Baume, “France Convicts Rwandan Ex-Officer of Genocide,” New York Times, 14 March 2014, www.nytimes.com).
62 Sarah Wight and Alice Myers, “Introduction” in Alice Myers and Sarah Wight, eds., No Angels: Women Who Commit Violence (London: HarperCollins, 1996), p.xii.
63 See extended discussion in Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores.
64 Ibid., p.57.
65 Laura Sjoberg, “Women and the Genocidal Rape of Women: The Gender Dynamics of Gendered War Crimes,” in Debra Bergoffen, Paula Ruth Gilbert, and Tamara Harvey, eds., Confronting Global Gender Justice: Women’s Lives, Human Rights (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), pp.21–34, p.30.
66 See, e.g., Adam Jones, Gendercide and Genocide (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2004).
67 Barbara Ehrenrich, “Prison Abuse: Feminism’s Assumptions Upended: A Uterus Is Not a Substitute for a Conscience,” Los Angeles Times, 16 May 2004, http://articles.latimes.com.
68 Sjoberg, “Women and the Genocidal Rape of Women.”
69 Joshua Goldstein, War and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Aaron Belkin, Bring Me Men: Military Masculinity and the Benign Façade of American Empire, 1898–2001 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Paul Higate, “Drinking Vodka from the ‘Butt-Crack’: Men, Masculinities, and Fratriarchy in the Private Militarized Security Company,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 14(4) (2012): 450–469.
70 Laura Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict: Toward a Feminist Theory of War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013).
71 See, e.g., discussion in Carol Cohn, ed., Women and Wars: Contested Histories, Uncertain Futures (London: Polity, 2012).
72 Enloe, Nimo’s War, Emma’s War; Cynthia Cockburn, “Gender Relations as Causal in Militarization and War,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 12(2) (2010): 139–157.
73 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, ch.9; Cockburn, “Gender Relations as Causal”; Tickner, Gender in International Relations; Cohn, Women and Wars.
74 See Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, ch.9.
75 Catherine Niachros, “Women, War, and Rape: Challenges Facing the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,” Human Rights Quarterly 17(4) (1995): 649–690; Lene Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape: Bosnia and the Construction of Security,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 3(1) (2001): 55–75; Claudia Card, “Rape as a Weapon of War,” Hypatia 11(4) (1996): 518; Catherine MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide, and Women’s Human Rights,” Harvard Women’s Law Journal 17 (1994): 5–16; R. Charli Carpenter, Forgetting Children Born of War: Setting the Human Rights Agenda in Bosnia and Beyond (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).
76 Goldstein, War and Gender; Jan Jindy Pettman, Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics (London: Routledge, 1996).
77 Elshtain, Women and Wars; Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side”; Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection.”
78 J. Ann Tickner, Gendering World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001); Laura J. Shepherd, Gender, Violence, and Security: Discourse as Practice (London: Zed Books, 2008); Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict.
79 See, e.g., Carol Cohn, “Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War,” in Miriam Cooke and Angela Wollacott, eds., Gendering War Talk (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Pres, 1993), p.236.
80 See, e.g., Dara Kay Cohen, Amelia Hoover Green, and Elisabeth Jean Wood, “Wartime Sexual Violence: Misconceptions, Implications, and Ways Forward,” United States Institute of Peace Special Report, 8 February 2013, www.usip.org.
81 Elisabeth J. Wood, “Variations in Sexual Violence during War,” Politics & Society 34(3) (2006): 307–342; Inger Skjelsbaek, “Sexual Violence and War: Mapping out a Complex Relationship,” European Journal of International Relations 7(2) (2001): 211–237; Elisabeth Jean Wood, “Armed Groups and Sexual Violence: When is Wartime Rape Rare?” Politics & Society 37(1) (2009): 131–161.
82 Dara Kay Cohen and Ragnhild Nordas, “Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict: Introducing the SVAC dataset, 1989-2009,” Journal of Peace Research 51(3) (2014): 418–428.
83 See Wilcox, “Gendering the Cult of the Offensive,” p.233.
84 See discussion in V. Spike Peterson, “Sexing Political Identities/Nationalism as Heterosexism,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 1(1) (1999): 34–65.
85 See, e.g., Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side.”
86 Robin May Schott, “War Rape, Social Death, and Political Evil,” Development Dialogue 55 (March 2011): 47–62, pp.47–48.
87 Ibid., p.48.
88 Bulent Diken and Carsten Bagge Laustsen, “Becoming Abject: Rape as a Weapon of War,” Body & Society 11(1) (2005): 111–128, p.111.
89 Schott, “War Rape, Social Death,” p.48.
90 Catharine MacKinnon, Sex Equality (New York: Thomson Reuters, 2001), p.897.
91 K. R. Carter, “Should International Relations Consider Rape a Weapon of War?,” Politics & Gender 6(3) (2010): 343–371, p.345.
92 Ibid., p.360.
93 Ibid., p.367.
94 See discussion in Debra Bergoffen, “Exploiting the Dignity of the Vulnerable Body: Rape as a Weapon of War,” Philosophical Papers 38(3) (2009): 307–325.
95 Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side”; Pettman, Worlding Women; Anne McClintock, “Family Feuds: Gender, Nationalism, and the Family,” Feminist Review 44 (Summer 1993): 61–80.
96 Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape,” p.59.
97 Judith Gardam, “Gender and Non-Combatant Immunity,” Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems 3 (1993): 345–370, pp.358–359.
98 Ibid., pp.363–364.
99 Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side.”
100 Pettman, Worlding Women, p.190.
101 Sibohan K. Fisher, “Occupation of the Womb: Forced Impregnation as Genocide,” Duke Law Journal 46 (1996): 91–133.
102 Kelly D. Askin, “The Quest for Post-Conflict Gender Justice,” Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 41 (2003): 509–521.
103 See longer discussion in Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side.”
104 See, e.g., Sarah Pomeroy, Goddesss, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York: Schocken Books, 1975).
105 Susan Brownmiller, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, new ed. (New York: Open Road Media, 2013).
106 See, for example, Claudia Card, “Genocide and Social Death,” Hypatia 18(1) (2003): 63–79.
107 See Prosecutor v. Akayesu, Case No. ICTR 96 4 T. (1998), 694.
108 Ibid., 731.
109 Quoted in Magdalini Karagiannakis, “Case Analysis: The Definition of Rape and Its Characterization as an Act of Genocide—A Review of the Jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the Former Yugoslavia,” Leiden Journal of International Law 12(2) (1999): 379–490, p.481.
110 Ibid.
111 Kelly D. Askin, “Gender Crimes Jurisprudence in the ICTR: Positive Developments,” Journal of International Criminal Justice 3(4) (2005): 1007–1018.
112 Karagiannakis, “Case Analysis,” p.486.
113 Ibid.
114 See, e.g., Rhonda Copelon, “Gender Crimes as War Crimes: Integrating Crimes against Women into International Criminal Law,” McGill Law Journal 46 (2000): 217–240.
115 See discussions in Elshtain, Women and Wars, and R. Charli Carpenter, “‘Women, Children, and Other Vulnerable Groups’: Gender, Strategic Frames, and the Protection of Civilians as a Transnational Issue,” International Studies Quarterly 49(2) (2005): 295–334.
116 I discuss this phenomenon in the broader discipline of IR in “The Norm of Tradition: Gender Subordination and Women’s Exclusion in International Relations,” Politics & Gender 4(1) (2008): 73–80.
117 Tickner, Gender in International Relations, p.129.
118 V. Spike Peterson, “Transgressing Boundaries: Theories of Knowledge, Gender, and International Relations,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 21(2) (1992): 183–206.
119 Jill Steans, Gender and International Relations: An Introduction (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998), p.5.
120 See, e.g., Tickner, Gendering World Politics; Pettman, Worlding Women.
121 V. Spike Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices in the Context of War and Militarism,” in Laura Sjoberg and Sandra Via, eds., Gender, War, and Militarism: Feminist Perspectives (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Security International, 2010), pp.17–29, p.17.
122 Ibid., p.18.
123 Sjoberg, “Women and the Genocidal Rape of Women.”
124 Tickner, Gender in International Relations, p.141.
1 ICTY Sentencing Hearing, 16 and 18 December 2002, pp.395, 625, www.icty.org.
2 Credited to William Tecumseh Sherman, a Union general in the US Civil War, otherwise most famous for burning his troops’ path across the state of Georgia.
3 See introduction, notes 13–17.
4 See introduction, notes 18–20.
5 See introduction, notes 20–21.
6 I am not even sure any longer what the word “natural” means, especially in the context in which it is most often used to denaturalize others’ behaviors.
7 See, e.g., discussions in Michael Genovese and Janie Steckenrider, eds. Women as Political Leaders: Studies in Gender and Governing (New York: Routledge, 2013); Fernando Ferreira and Joseph Gyourko, “Does Gender Matter for Political Leadership? The Case of US Mayors,” Journal of Public Economics 112 (2014): 24–39; Kathleen Dolan, “Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates: What Really Matters?” Political Research Quarterly 67(1) (2014): 96–107.
8 Sjoberg, Gender, War, and Conflict.
9 Shepherd, Gender, Violence, and Security, p.3.
10 Butler, Bodies That Matter, p.xii.
11 Ibid., pp.69–70.
12 Ibid., p.27.
13 Connell, Masculinities.
14 Ibid.
15 Cynthia Enloe, The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in a New Age of Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), p.6.
16 Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices,” p.19.
17 Ibid.
18 Mary Hawkesworth, “Feminists v. Feminization: Confronting the War Logics of the Bush Administration,” Comunicacion e Cidondonia 1(2) (2006): 117–142, p.129.
19 Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices.”
20 Ibid., p.19.
21 Jack Levy and William R. Thompson, Causes of War (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2010), p.5. They use violence to distinguish what they see as war from nonviolent protracted conflicts; see e.g., John Lewis Gaddis, The Long Peace (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
22 Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, relying heavily on interpretations of Carl von Clausewitz, On War, ed. and trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976), originally published 1832.
23 See, e.g., discussions in Thomas Risse-Kappen, ed., Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Politics, and International Institutions (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in Global Politics, 2d ed. (London: Polity, 2006); Chris Hables Gray, Postmodern War: The New Politics of Conflict (New York: Guilford Press, 1997).
24 See discussion in Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, p.12. Magnitude or longevity are measured different ways by different scholars—in the democratic peace literature (discussed in more detail below), for example, it is often measured by battle deaths. Others measure it by war declaration, though that has its own problems (largely in that it rarely happens anymore).
25 Kenneth Waltz, Man, the State, and War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959); J. David Singer, “The Levels of Analysis Problem in International Relations,” World Politics 14(1) (1961): 77–92. Waltz refers to “images” while Singer uses “levels,” but their division and content are fairly similar, and the terms have come to be used interchangeably in discussions about IR theorizing and research.
26 See, e.g., the power transitions research program, from A. F. K. Organski’s World Politics (New York: Knopf, 1958) to Ronald Tammen, Jacek Kugler, Douglas Lemke, Carole Alsharabati, Brian Efird, and A. F. K. Organski, Power Transitions: Strategies for the 21st Century (New York: Chatham House, 2000).
27 See, e.g., Richard Little, “Religious Militancy,” in Chester Crocker and Fen Hampson with Pamela Aall, eds., Managing Global Chaos (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 1996).
28 Patrick James, “Structural Realism and the Causes of War,” Mershon International Studies Review 39 (1995): 181–208; Stephen Walt, “The Enduring Relevance of the Realist Tradition,” in Ira Katznelson and Helen Milner, eds., Political Science: The State of the Discipline (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002), pp.197–220; Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, pp.28–29.
29 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001); Stephen Van Evera, The Causes of War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
30 David Lake, Hierarchy in International Relations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); David Lake, “Anarchy, Hierarchy, and Variety in International Relations,” International Organization 50(1) (1996): 1–33.
31 Karen Rasler and William R. Thompson, The Great Powers and Global Struggle, 1490–1990 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1994); Joshua Goldstein, Long Cycles: Prosperity and War in the Modern Age (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988).
32 Immanuel Wallerstein, “Three Instances of Hegemony and the History of the World Economy,” International Journal of Comparative Sociology 24 (1984): 100–108.
33 Paul Diehl and Gary Goertz, “The Rivalry Process: How Rivalries are Sustained and Terminated,” in John Vasquez, ed., What Do We Know about War? (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), pp.83–110; Paul Diehl and Gary Goertz, War and Peace in International Rivalry (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000); Paul Diehl, The Dynamics of Enduring Rivalries (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998).
34 For discussion of path dependency, see, e.g., Russell Leng, “When Will They Ever Learn? Coercive Bargaining in Recurrent Crises,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 27 (1983): 379–419; for discussions of the steps to war, see, e.g., Paul Sense and John Vasquez, The Steps to War: An Empirical Study (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008). See also discussion in Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, pp.60–61.
35 See, e.g., special issue of International Interactions on the Capitalist Peace 36(2) (2010), including Gerald Schneider and Nis Petter Gleditsch, “The Capitalist Peace: Origins and Prospects of the Liberal Idea,” pp.107–114; Erik Gartzke and J. Joseph Hewitt, “International Crises and the Capitalist Peace, pp.115–145. For a general overview of the liberal-trade perspective, see, e.g., John R. Oneal and Bruce Russett, “Assessing the Liberal Peace with Alternative Specifications: Trade Still Reduces Conflict,” Journal of Peace Research 36(4) (1999): 423–442.
36 Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, “Normative and Structural Causes of the Democratic Peace, 1946–1986,” American Political Science Review 87(3) (1993): 624–638, building on Michael Doyle, “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs, Parts I & II,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (1983): 205–235, 323–353.
37 Douglas M. Gibler, “Bordering on Peace: Democracy, Territorial Issues, and Conflict,” International Studies Quarterly 51(3) (2007): 509–532.
38 Sebastian Rosato, “The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory,” American Political Science Review 97(4) (2003): 585–602; John Owen, “How Liberalism Produces Peace,” International Security 19(2) (1994): 87–125.
39 Valerie Hudson and Andrea Den Boer, Bare Branches: The Security Implications of Asia’s Surplus Male Population (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press); Valerie Hudson, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, and Chad F. Emmett, Sex and World Peace (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Valerie Hudson, Mary Caprioli, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Rose McDermott, and Chad Emmett, “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States,” International Security 33(3) (2009): 7–45.
40 See discussion in Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, p.83, citing V. I. Lenin, Imperialism (New York: International Publishers, 1939), originally published 1916.
41 Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and Social Classes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1951), originally published 1919.
42 E.g., Graham Allison, “Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis,” American Political Science Review 63(3) (1969): 689–718; Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971); Jack Snyder, Myths of Empire: Domestic Politics and International Ambitions (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991).
43 Very different perspectives on culture as a causal influence on war exist, including Samuel Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations?” Foreign Affairs 72(3) (1993): 22–29; Mark Salter, Barbarians and Civilizations in International Relations (New York: Pluto Press, 2002); Robert English, Russia and the Idea of the West: Gorbachev, Intellectuals, and the End of the Cold War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Richard Ned Lebow, A Cultural Theory of International Relations (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
44 Daniel Byman and Kenneth Pollack, “Let Us Now Praise Great Men: Bringing the Statesmen Back In,” International Security 25(4) (2001): 107–146.
45 For discussion of bureaucratic politics and organizational processes, see Graham Allison, Essence of Decision (New York: Longman, 1971), cited and discussed in Levy and Thompson, Causes of War, p.165; for discussion of leadership styles, see Margaret Hermann, “How Decision Units Shape Foreign Policy: A Theoretical Framework,” International Studies Review 3(2) (2001): 47–81; for a discussion of risk propensity, see work in prospect theory and conflict, e.g., Rose McDermott, Risk-Taking and International Politics: Prospect Theory in American Foreign Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001).
46 E.g., E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis: 1919–1939 (New York: Palgrave, 2001), originally published in 1939 and 1945; Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1948). Some credit these scholars’ work on human nature to Thucydides’s History of the Peloponnesian War (431 B.C.E.), Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (London: Andrew Crooke, 1651), and Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince (1515).
47 E.g., Azar Gat, “So Why Do People Fight? Evolutionary Theory and the Causes of War,” European Journal of International Relations 15(4) (2009): 571–599; Bradley A. Thayer, “Bringing In Darwin: Evolutionary Theory, Realism, and International Politics,” International Security 25(2) (2000): 124–151; Valerie M. Hudson, Donna Lee Bowen, Perpetua Lynne Nielsen, “What Is the Relationship between Inequity in Family Law and Violence against Women? Approaching the Issue of Legal Enclaves,” Politics and Gender 7(4) (2011): 453–492.
48 B. Lidell Hart, The Way to Win Wars (New York: Faber & Faber, 1942); Colin Gray, Strategic Studies and Public Policy (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1982); Alan Stephens and Nicola Baker, Making Sense of War: Strategy for the 21st Century (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Dan Reiter and Curtis Meek, “Determinants of Military Strategy: A Quantitative Empirical Test,” International Studies Quarterly 43(2) (1999): 362–387.
49 Robert Art, “To What Ends Military Power?,” International Security 4(1) (1980): 4–35.
50 Stephens and Baker, Making Sense of War, includes a good general discussion. About terrorism, see, e.g., Robert Pape, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (New York: Random House, 2006); for counterterrorism, see Robert W. Ortung and A. S. Makarychev, National Counter-Terrorism (New York: IOS Press, 2006); for preemption, see John Lewis Gaddis, “A Grand Strategy of Transformation,” Foreign Policy 133 (2002): 50–57; Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “U. S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs 82(4) (2003): 60–73; for siege, see, e.g., Neil Arya, “Economic Sanctions: The Kinder, Gentler Alternative?” Medicine, Conflict, and Survival 24(1) (2008): 25–41; for intentional civilian victimization, see Alexander Downes, Targeting Civilians in War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008).
51 Edward Luttwak, Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p.81.
52 Ibid.
53 See, e.g., discussion of the airplane as a tactic, in Robert Pape, Bombing to Win: Air Power and Coercion in War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), and Derek Wood and Derek Dempster, The Narrow Margin: The Battle of Britain and the Rise of Air Power, 1930–1940 (London: Hutchinson, 1961). For more general discussions, see Eliot Cohen and John Gooch, Military Misfortunes: The Anatomy of Failure in War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005).
54 E.g., Michal Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Larry May, War Crimes and Just War (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
55 Thomas Kane, Military Logistics and Strategic Performance (London: Cass, 2001), p.2; Martin Van Creveld, Supplying War: Logistics from Wallenstein to Patton, 2d ed. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
56 Ken Booth, Theory of World Security (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, Critical Security Studies: Concepts and Cases (New York: Psychology Press, 1997). These two works use the phrase in different ways, both of which have become popularized.
57 Booth, Theory of World Security, pp.65, 38.
58 E.g., Lloyd Axworthy, “Human Security and Global Governance: Putting People First,” Global Governance 7(1) (2001): 19–25; Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, eds., Quality of Life (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report: New Dimensions of Human Security (New York: United Nations, 1994).
59 Bill McSweeney, “Identity and Security: Barry Buzan and the Copenhagen School,” Review of International Studies 22(1) (1996): 86–93; Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (New York: Whitesheaf, 1983); Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Press, 1998).
60 Lene Hansen, “A Case for Seduction? Evaluating the Poststructuralist Conceptualization of Security,” Cooperation and Conflict—Nordic Journal of International Studies 32(4) (1997), p.372, citing Jef Huysmans, “Security! What Do You Mean? From Concept to Thick Signifier,” European Journal of International Relations 4(2) (1998): 226–255.
61 For a characterization of security as a continuum, see Chris J. Cuomo, “War Is Not Just an Event: Reflections on the Significance of Everyday Violence,” Hypatia 11(4) (1996): 30–45; as a practice, see Lene Hansen, Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War (New York: Routledge, 2006); as symbolic politics, see Michael C. Williams, Culture and Security: Symbolic Power and the Politics of International Security (New York: Psychology Press, 2007); Shepherd, Gender, Violence, and Security; Judith Butler, Precarious Life (New York: Routledge, 2006).
62 James Der Derian, Virtuous War: Mapping the Military-Industrial-Media-Entertainment Network, 2d ed. (London: Routledge, 2009); Ronnie Lipschutz, ed., On Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995) (especially James Der Derian’s chapter, “The Value of Security”).
63 See discussion of the distinction in Alexander Wendt, “On Constitution and Causation in International Relations,” Review of International Studies 24(5) (1998): 101–118.
64 J. Ann Tickner, “What Is Your Research Program? Some Feminist Answers to International Relations Methodological Questions,” International Studies Quarterly 49(1) (2005): 1–22, pp.3, 4.
65 Annick T. R. Wibben, Feminist Security Studies: A Narrative Approach (London: Routledge, 2011), p.106.
66 Cuomo, “Not Just an Event”; Betty Reardon, Sexism and the War System (New York: Teachers’ College Press, 1985); Christine Sylvester, ed., Experiencing War (London: Routledge, 2011); Christine Sylvester, “War, Sense, and Security,” in Laura Sjoberg, ed. Gender and International Security: Feminist Perspectives (London: Routledge, 2010), p.24–37; Rachel Pain, “Everyday Terrorism: Connecting Domestic Violence and Global Terrorism,” Progress in Human Geography 38(4) (2014): 531–550.
67 See discussions in Cohn, Women and Wars; Jean Vickers, Women and War (London: Zed Books, 1993); Jacqui True, The Political Economy of Violence against Women (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Enloe, Nimo’s War, Emma’s War; Katharine Moon, Sex Among Allies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Lois Ann Lorentzen and Jennifer E. Turpin, eds., The Women and War Reader (New York: New York University Press, 1998).
68 Peterson, “Coercion and Rape”; Young, “Logic of Masculinist Protection”; Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side”; Goldstein, War and Gender; Elshtain, Women and War.
69 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.265.
70 Sylvester, Experiencing War; Christine Sylvester, War as Experience (London: Routledge, 2013); Annica Kronsell and Erika Svedberg, Making Gender, Making War: Violence, Military, and Peacekeeping Practices (London: Routledge, 2011); Lauren B. Wilcox, Practices of Violence: Theorizing Embodied Subjects in International Relations (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014); Judith Butler, Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? (New York: Routledge, 2009).
71 This concern started early in feminist work in international relations; see, e.g., Tickner, Gender in International Relations, for a discussion of the importance of structural violence and commitments to paying attention to the security of people at the margins.
72 Maria Stern, “‘We’ the Subject: The Power and Failure of (In)Security,” Security Dialogue 37(2) (2006): 187–205; Laura Shepherd, “Power and Authority in the Production of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325,” International Studies Quarterly 52(2) (2008): 384–404. For broad treatments, see Amy Allen, The Power of Feminist Theory (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000); Tickner, Gender in International Relations; Nancy Hirschmann, The Subject of Liberty: Towards a Feminist Theory of Freedom (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004).
73 Enloe, Does Khaki Become You?; Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Carol Cohn, “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 12(4) (1987): 687–718; Hanne Marlene Dahl, “A Perceptive or Reflective State?” European Journal of Women’s Studies 7(4) (2000): 474–494; Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side”; Paul Kirby, “How Is Rape a Weapon of War? Feminist International Relations, Modes of Critical Explanation, and the Study of Wartime Sexual Violence,” European Journal of International Relations 19(4) (2013): 797–821; Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection;” Peterson, “Sexing Political Identities.”
74 Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices.”
75 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, chs.7, 8. See also Cynthia Weber, “Flying Planes Can Be Dangerous,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 31(2) (2002): 129–147; Wilcox, “Gendering the Cult of the Offensive.”
76 McClintock, “Family Feuds”; McClintock, Imperial Leather; Pettman, Worlding Women; Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage, 1997); Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side.”
77 See, e.g., discussion in Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict.
78 “Where are the women?” is Cynthia Enloe’s trademark question—she forms research methodologies around asking where women are in global politics, what they do, and what happens to them. See, e.g., extended discussion in Enloe, The Curious Feminist.
79 Tickner, Gender in International Relations; Tickner, Gendering World Politics; Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection.”
80 Hynes, “On the Battlefield of Women’s Bodies”; Cohn, Women and Wars; Lorentzen and Turpin, eds., Women and War Reader, especially Cynthia Enloe’s chapter, “All the Men Are in the Militias, All the Women Are Victims: The Politics of Masculinity and Feminity in Nationalist Wars,” pp.50–62.
81 Enloe, “All the Men”; Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection”; Paul Higate and John Hopton, “War, Militarism, and Masculinities,” in Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn, and Raewyn Connell, eds., Handbook of Studies on Men and Masculinities (London: Sage, 2005); Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices.”
82 Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices”; V. Spike Peterson, “Sexing Political Identities”; see discussions in empirical work like Spyros A. Sofos, “Inter-Ethnic Violence and Gendered Constructions of Ethnicity in Former Yugoslavia,” Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation, and Culture 2(1) (1996): 73–92; Goldstein, War and Gender.
83 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, Articles II and III.
84 Ibid., Article III.
85 Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institute for International Peace, 1944), p.179. See also, e.g., Raphael Lemkin, “Genocide as a Crime under International Law,” American Journal of International Law 41(1) (1947): 145–151; Raphael Lemkin, “Genocide,” American Scholar 15(2) (1946): 227–230; Daniel Marc Segesser and Myriam Gessler, “Raphael Lemkin and the International Debate on the Punishment of War Crimes (1919–1948),” Journal of Genocide Research 7(4) (2005): 453–468.
86 See, e.g., John Webb, “Genocide Treaty-Ethnic Cleansing-Substantive and Procedural Hurdles in the Application of the Genocide Convention to Alleged Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia,” Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law 23 (1993): 377–408; William A. Schabas, “Was Genocide Committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina? First Judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,” Fordham International Law Journal 25 (2001–2002): 23–94; Thomas Cushman and Stjepan G. Meštrović, eds., This Time We Knew: Western Responses to Genocide in Bosnia (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
87 See, e.g., Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995); Alison DesForges, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999); Alain Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Century (London: Pluto Press, 1995); Helen M. Hintjens, “Explaining the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda,” Journal of Modern African Studies 37(2) (1999): 241–286; Payam Akhavan, “The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: The Politics and Pragmatics of Punishment,” American Journal of International Law 90(3) (1996): 501–510; Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1998).
88 The Prosecutor Versus Jean-Paul Akayesu, Case No. ICTR-96–4-T, decided 2 September 1998. See discussion in Jose E. Alvarez, “Lessons from the Akayesu Judgment,” ILSA Journal of International and Comparative Law 5 (1998–1999): 359–370.
89 Also in Akayesu case. See discussion in Valerie Oosterveld, “Gender-Sensitive Justice and the International Criminal Tributnal for Rwanda: Lessons Learned for the International Criminal Court,” New England Journal of International and Comparative Law 12 (2005–2006): 119–134; Copelon, “Gender Crimes as War Crimes”; Alex Obote-Odora, “Rape and Sexual Violence in International Law: ICTR Contribution,” New England Journal of International and Comparative Law 12 (2005–2006): 135–160.
90 The United States Congress, followed by Secretary of State Colin Powell and President G. W. Bush, used the term in reference to Darfur. See discussion in Scott Straus, “Darfur and the Genocide Debate,” Foreign Affairs, January–February 2006, www.foreignaffairs.com.
91 See, for introduction, Samuel Totten and Paul R. Bartop, The Genocide Studies Reader (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009); Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses, The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
92 See www.genocidescholars.org, the site of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, which was founded as the Association of Genocide Scholars in 1994.
93 See, e.g., the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (www.genocidestudies.org), Yale Genocide Studies Program (www.yale.edu/gsp/), Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies at Concordia University (http://migs.concordia.ca), Institute for Holocaust, Genocide, and Memory Studies at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst (www.umass.edu/ihgms/), NIOD Institute for War-, Holocaust and Genocide Studies with the University of Amsterdam (www.niod.nl/en), Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights at Rutgers University (www.ncas.rutgers.edu/cghr), Danish Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies (www.holocaust-education.dk), and Institute for the Study of Genocide (www.studyofgenocide.org). Certainly this list is incomplete, and biased towards available English-language resources, but gives a sense of the development of a critical mass of scholarly/political interest in naming, understanding, and combatting genocide.
94 L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, “Criminology and Genocide Studies: Notes on What Might Have Been and What Still Could Be,” Crime, Law, and Social Change 34 (2000): 43–59.
95 Herbert C. Kelman, “Violence without Moral Restraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of Victims and Victimizers,” Journal of Social Issues 29(4) (1973): 25–61; Herbet C. Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton, Crimes of Obedience: Toward a Social Psychology of Authority and Responsibility (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
96 Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Random House, 1996).
97 R. J. Rummel, Death by Government (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997); R. J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992); R. J. Rummel, “Democracy, Power, Genocide, and Mass Murder,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 39(1) (1995): 3–26.
98 The disciplines incorporated here are of course partial and biased towards literatures with which the author is familiar; disciplines like health sciences and psychology are admittedly under-covered.
99 E.g., John Hagan and Ron Levi, “Crimes of War and the force of Law,” Social Forces 83(4) (2005): 1499–1534; Joachim Savelsberg, Crime and Human Rights: Criminology of Genocide and Atrocities (London: Sage, 2010); Joachim Savelsberg and Ryan King, American Memories: Atrocities and the Law (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2011); Alex Alvarez, Genocidal Crimes (London: Routledge, 2009).
100 E.g., Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990); Eric Markusen and David Kopf, The Holocaust and Strategic Bombing: Genocide and Total War in the 20th Century (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995); Helen Fein, Genocide: A Sociological Perspective (London: Sage, 1993); Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000).
101 E.g., George Andreopolous, ed., Genocide: The Conceptual and Historical Dimensions (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); Barbara Harff, “No Lessons Learned from the Holocaust? Assessing Risks of Genocide and Political Mass Murder since 1955,” American Political Science Review 97(1) (2003): 57–73; Toni Erskine, Can Institutions Have Responsibilities? Collective Moral Agency and International Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004); Christian Davenport, “State Repression and Political Order,” Annual Review of Political Science 10(1) (2007): 1–23.
102 E.g., William Schabas, Genocide in International Law: The Crime of Crimes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Vahakn N. Dadrian, “Genocide as a Problem of National and International Law: The World War I Armenian Case and Its Contemporary Legal Ramifications,” Yale Journal of International Law 14(2) (1989): 221–334; R. J. Strickland, “Genocide-at-Law: An Historic and Contemporary View of the Native American Experience,” University of Kansas Law Review 34 (1986): 713–756.
103 E.g., Allan D. Cooper, The Geography of Genocide (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 2009); James Tyner, The Killing of Cambodia: Geography, Genocide, and the Unmaking of Space (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008); Carl Dahlman, “Geographies of Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing: The Lessons of Bosnia-Herzegovina, in Colin Flint, ed., The Geography of War and Peace: From Death Camps to Diplomats (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp.174–197; Elizabeth Oglesby and Amy Ross, “Guatemala’s Genocide Determination and the Spatial Politics of Justice,” Space and Polity 13(1) (2009): 21–39.
104 This is inspired by Cynthia Enloe’s writing of the word “womenandchildren” to explain the conflation of femininity and infantilism in a significant amount of international security discourse. Enloe suggests that the subconscious combining of these two is representative of how they are conceptualized; I want to suggest that it would be dangerous to think of war and genocide in a similarly subconscious combination. That’s why there is a section on genocide in this chapter. For full discussion and citation of Enloe’s use of this term, see chapter 2, p.85, and n.174.
105 Martin Shaw, War and Genocide: Organized Killing in Modern Society (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2003).
106 See, e.g., the characterization in Antonio Cassese, International Criminal Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
107 Paul Bartrop, “The Relationship between War and Genocide in the Twentieth Century: A Consideration,” Journal of Genocide Research 4(4) (2002): 519–532.
108 This characterization can be seen in work as diverse as Donald Dutton, Ehor Boyanowsky, and Michael Harris Bond, “Extreme Mass Homicide: From Military Massacre to Genocide,” Aggression and Violent Behavior 10(4) (2005): 437–473 (from psychology), and Samantha Power, “A Problem from Hell”: America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2002) (from journalism and law).
109 Martin Shaw, “The General Hybridity of War and Genocide,” Journal of Genocide Research 9(3) (2007): 461–473, p.461.
110 Mahmood Mamdani, “The Politics of Naming: Genocide, Civil War, Insurgency,” London Review of Books 29(5) (8 March 2007), www.lrb.co.uk.
111 Lisa Sharlach, “Gender and Genocide in Rwanda: Women as Agents and Objects of Genocide,” Journal of Genocide Research 1(3) (1999): 387–399; Helen Fein, “Genocide and Gender: The Uses of Women and Group Destiny,” Journal of Genocide Research 1(1) (1999): 43–63; Ronit Lentin, “The Rape of Nation: Women Narrativising Genocide,” Sociological Research Online 4(2) (1999), http://socresonline.org.uk; Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995); Rhonda Copelon, “Surfacing Gender: Re-Engraving Crimes Against Women in Humanitarian Law,” Hastings Women’s Law Journal 5 (1994): 243–316.
112 See discussion in Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, chs.7, 8.
113 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, pp.194–195, citing Ujala Sehgal, “New Reports of Qaddafi Forces Using Rape as a Weapon of War,” Atlantic Wire, 29 May 2011, www.theatlanticwire.com; Michelle Faul, “Hundreds of Women Raped by Gaddafi Militia,” Independent, 29 May 2011, www.independent.co.uk.
114 See, e.g., Lauren Wolfe, “Syria Has a Massive Rape Crisis,” Atlantic, 3 April 2013, www.theatlantic.com; Lauren Wolfe, “Will There Ever Be Justice for Syria’s Rape Survivors?,” Nation, 14 May 2014, www.thenation.com.
115 See discussions in Antony Beevor, Berlin: The Downfall 1945 (London: Penguin, 2002); Anonymous, A Woman in Berlin: Eight Weeks in a Conquered City (New York: Henry Holt, 2005); Chris Bellamy, Absolute War: Soviet Russia in the Second World War (New York: Knopf, 2007); J. W. Messerschmidt, “The Forgotten Victims of World War II: Masculinities and Rape in Berlin, 1945,” Violence against Women 12(7) (2006): 706–712; Atina Grossman, “A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers,” October 72 (1995): 42–63; Atina Grossman, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009).
116 See, e.g., discussion in Karen F. Pierce and Susan Deacy, eds. Rape in Antiquity: Sexual Violence in the Greek and Roman Worlds (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2002).
117 For discussions of occurrences of sexual violence in war and conflict, see, e.g., Andrea Stiglmayer, ed., Mass Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzgovina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994); Sondra Hale, “Rape as a Marker and Eraser of Difference: Darfur and the Nuba Mountains (Sudan),” in Sjoberg and Via, Gender, War, and Militarism, pp.105–113; Takahasi Yoshida, The Making of the “Rape of Nanking”: History and Memory in Japan, China, and the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), p.267; Grossman, “A Question of Silence”; W. Andy Knight and Tanya Narozhna, “Rape and Other War Crimes in Chechnya: Is There a Role for the International Criminal Court?,” Spaces of Identity 5(1) (2005): 89–100; Catherine MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide, and Women’s Human Rights,” Harvard Women’s Law Journal 17(1) (1994): 5–16; Lisa Sharlach, “Rape as Genocide: Bangladesh, the Former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda,” New Political Science 22(1) (2000): 89–102; Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape.”
118 Gardam, “Gender and Non-Combatant Immunity,” pp.358–359; Schott, “War Rape, Social Death, and Political Evil.”
119 Card, “Genocide and Social Death.”
120 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.218.
121 Stjepen Gabriel Metrovic, The Balkanization of the West: The Confluence of Postmodernism and Postcommunism (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), p.x; cited in Skjelsbaek, “Sexual Violence and War,” p.225.
122 Wilcox, “Gendering the Cult of the Offensive,” discussing rape as national humiliation; Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side,” discussing rape as a signifier of conquest; Debra Bergoffen, “Exploiting the Dignity of the Vulnerable Body: Rape as a Weapon of War,” Philosophical Papers 38(3) (2009): 307–325; Anne McClintock, “Family Feuds: Gender, Nationalism, and the Family,” Feminist Review 44 (Summer 1993): 61–80; Pettman, Worlding Women, discussing rape as a tool of feminization; Card, “Genocide and Social Death,” discussing rape as a tool of extermination.
123 Todd Salzman, “Rape Camps as a Means of Ethnic Cleansing: Religious, Cultural, and Ethical Responses to Rape Victims in the Former Yugoslavia” Human Rights Quarterly 20(2) (1998): 348–378; Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape,” p.59.
124 Gardam, “Gender and Non-Combatant Immunity,” pp.358–359.
125 MacKinnon, Sex Equality, p.897; Richard J. Goldstone, “Prosecuting Rape as a War Crime,” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 34 (2007): 277. For a more skeptical view, see Katie C. Richey, “Several Steps Sideways: International Legal Developments Concerning War Rape and the Human Rights of Women,” Texas Journal of Women and the Law 17 (2007–2008): 109–129.
126 Francis Pilch, “Rape as Genocide: The Legal Response to Sexual Violence,” Working Paper, Center for Global Security and Democracy, Rutgers University (2002), Columbia International Affairs Online, www.ciaonet.org.
127 Christine Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women in International Law,” European Journal of International Law 5 (1996): 326–241.
128 For example, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (S/Res/2001/1325); United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820 (S/Res/2008/1820); United Nations Security Council Resolution 1888 (S/Res/2009/1888); United Nations Security Council Resolution 1889 (S/Res/2009/1889); United Nations Security Council Resolution 1960 (S/Res/2010/1960).
129 Siobhan Fisher, “Occupation of the Womb: Forced Impregnation as Genocide,” Duke Law Journal 46(1) (1996): 91–133.
130 See discussion in Sjoberg, Gender, War, and Conflict.
131 Kadic v. Karadzic, 70 F.3d 232 (2d Cir. 1995).
132 Prosecutor v. Akayesu, Case No. ICTR 96 4 T (1998), 694.
133 Akayesu, ICTR 96 4 T, 694, 731.
134 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.196, citing Pettman, Worlding Women.
135 See note 1, this chapter.
136 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.224.
137 Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases, p.38.
138 Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.224.
1 Cindy S. Snyder, Wesley J. Gabbard, J. Dean May, and Nihada Zulcic, “On the Battlegrounds of Women’s Bodies: Mass Rape in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” Affilia 21(2) (2006): 184–195, p.190.
2 Todd Salzman, “Rape Camps as a Means of Ethnic Cleansing: Religious, Cultural, and Ethical Responses to Rape Victims in the Former Yugoslavia,” Human Rights Quarterly 20(2) (1998): 348–378, p.349.
3 Enloe, Nimo’s War, Emma’s War; Jean Bethke Elshtain, Women and War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Laura Sjoberg, Gender, Justice, and the Wars in Iraq (New York: Lexington Books, 2006); Jan Jindy Pettman, Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics (London: Routledge, 1996); Helen Kinsella, The Image before the Weapon: A Critical History of the Distinction between Combatant and Civilian (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011); Kinsella, “Gendering Grotius.”
4 Kinsella, “Gendering Grotius.”
5 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War. See extended discussion in Sjoberg, Gender, War, and Conflict, pp.26–27.
6 Elshtain, Women and War; Jean Bethke Elshtain, “On Beautiful Souls, Just Warriors, and Feminist Consciousness,” Women’s Studies International Forum 5(3) (1982): 341–348; Laura Sjoberg, “The Gendered Realities of the Immunity Principle: Why Gender Analysis Needs Feminism,” International Studies Quarterly 50(4) (2006): 889–910.
7 Goldstein, War and Gender.
8 Sjoberg and Peet, “A(nother) Dark Side,” citing Nancy Huston, “Tales of War and Tears of Women,” in Judith Stiehm, ed., Women and Men’s Wars (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1983), p.279.
9 Concerning 1945 Germany, see discussion in Sjoberg, Gendering Global Conflict, p.204–205, citing James W. Messerschmidt, “The Forgotten Victims of World War II: Masculinities and Rape in Berlin, 1945,” Violence against Women 12(7) (2006): 706–712; Beevor, Berlin: The Downfall 1945; Anita Grossman, “A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers,” October 72 (1995): 43–63. Concerning the United States War on Terror, in summer 2014 as it appeared that ISIS/Daesh would consolidate control of Iraq, a number of news outlets focused their attention on restrictions on women’s freedoms, women’s suicides as a result of sexual violence, and the inability of the moderate government of Iraq to protect its women and children (e.g., Rebecca Collard, “Thousands of Iraqis Flee to Kurdish Territory to Escape Unrest,” Time, 13 June 2014, http://time.com; Jessica Elgot, “11 Terrifying New Laws ISIS Will Impose on Its Iraq Caliphate,” Huffington Post UK, 13 June 2014, www.huffingtonpost.co.uk). The mention of women in each of these pieces (and dozens more) is in a context that suggests that the danger of losing the war to the enemy is at least in part the danger that the enemy will violate the women the war was fought to protect.
10 See, e.g., Enloe, Does Khaki Become You?; Enloe, Nimo’s War, Emma’s War; Katharine Moon, Sex among Allies: Military Prostitution in US-Korea Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Denise Horn, “Boots and Bedsheets: Constructing the Military Support System in a Time of War,” in Sjoberg and Via, Gender, War, and Militarism, pp.57–68.
11 See, e.g., the American Revolution, where the Quartering Act of 1774 made explicit what had been common practice for several years: when British soldiers announced that they were going to stay in people’s homes in North America, it was not optional to decline; instead, the soldiers were to be provided with food, shelter, entertainment, and medical care. Josh Dugan takes a contemporary look at the involved legal questions in “When Is a Search Not a Search? When It’s a Quarter: The Third Amendment, Originalism, and NSA Wiretapping,” Georgetown Law Journal 97 (2008–2009): 555–588. Quartering was not a uniquely New World practice, however, as is explained in Andre Corvisier, Armies and Societies in Europe, 1494–1789, trans. Abigail T. Siddall (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979).
12 See, e.g., Holly A. Mayer, Belonging to the Army: Camp Followers and Community During the American Revolution (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999); Linda Grant de Pauw, “Women in Combat: The Revolutionary War Experience,” Armed Forces and Society 7(2) (1981): 209–226; Sondra Albano, “Military Recognition of Family Concerns: Revolutionary War to 1993,” Armed Forces and Society 20(2) (1993): 283–302; Megan MacKenzie, “Securitization and Desecuritization: Female Soldiers and the Reconstruction of Women in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone,” Security Studies 18(2) (2009): 241–261.
13 Miranda Alison, “Wartime Sexual Violence: Women’s Human Rights and Questions of Masculinity,” Review of International Studies 33(1) (2007): 75–90; Miriam Cooke, “Saving Brown Women,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 28(1) (2002): 468–470; Gayatri Spivak, “Can the Subaltern Speak? Speculations on Widow Sacrifice,” Wedge 7–8 (Winter/Spring 1985): 120–130; Yasmin Jiwani, “Gendering Terror: Representations of the Orientalized Body in Quebec’s Post-September 11 English-Language Press,” Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 13(3) (2003): 265–291.
14 Huston, “Tales of War”; Wibben, Feminist Security Studies; Dana L. Cloud, “‘To Veil the Threat of Terror’: Afghan Women and the <Clash of Civilizations> Imagery of the U. S. War on Terrorism,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90(3) (2004): 285–306. See discussion of the complexities of retaliation in Alexander B. Downes, “Restraint or Propellant? Democracy and Civilian Fatalities in Interstate Wars,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(6) (2007): 872–904.
15 See, e.g., US discourses about the 1991 Gulf War being to protect women (Sjoberg, Gender, Justice, and the Wars in Iraq) compared to the U. S. military’s sexual violence in that war (Madeline Morris, “By Force of Arms: Rape, War, and Military Culture,” Duke Law Journal 45[4] [1996]: 651–782). For a non-conflict-specific discussion, see H. Patricia Hynes, “On the Battlefield of Women’s Bodies; An Overview of the Harm of War to Women,” Women’s Studies International Forum 27(5–6) (2004): 431–445.
16 See, e.g., Enloe, The Curious Feminist.
17 Tickner, Gender in International Relations; Tickner, Gendering World Politics; Young, “Logic of Masculinist Protection.”
18 Hynes, “On the Battlefield of Women’s Bodies”; Cohn, Women and Wars; Lorentzen and Turpin, eds., Women and War Reader, especially Enloe, “All the Men.”
19 Enloe, “All the Men”; Young, “The Logic of Masculinist Protection”; Higate and Hopton, “War, Militarism, and Masculinities”; Peterson, “Gendered Identities, Ideologies, and Practices.”
20 Examples of books about the things women do that differ from the things men do include: Michael A. Genovese and Janie S. Steckenrider, Women as Political Leaders: Studies in Gender and Governing (London: Routledge, 2013); Eileen McDonagh, The Motherless State: Women’s Political Leadership and American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009) (addressing political leadership); Robin Morgan, The Demon Lover: Roots of Terrorism, 2d ed. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010); Luisella de Cataldo Neuburger and Jo Campling, Women and Terrorism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1996) (addressing participation in “terrorism”).
21 Sita Balthazar, “Gender Crimes and the International Criminal Tribunals,” Gonzaga Journal of International Law 10(1) (2006–2007): 43–48, p.46. See also Danna Harman, “A Woman on Trial for Rwanda’s Massacre,” Christian Science Monitor, 7 March 2003, www.csmonitor.com.
22 Balthazar, “Gender Crimes,” p.47.
23 The information quoting Nyiramasuhuko is found in Linda Melvern, Conspiracy to Murder: Planning the Rwandan Genocide (London: Verso, 2004); see also Stephanie K. Wood, “A Woman Scorned for the ‘Least Condemned’ War Crime: Precedent and Problems with Prosecuting Rape as a Serious War Crime in the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,” Columbia Journal of Gender & Law 13(2) (2004): 274–327.
24 Peter Landesman, “A Woman’s Work,” New York Times Magazine, 15 September 2002, www.nytimes.com.
25 “Rwanda: Ex-Women’s Minister Guilty of Genocide, Rape,” BBC News Africa, 24 June 2011, www.bbc.co.uk. A Google search for Nyiramasuhuko finds 317,000 results, more than 50 percent of which are distinct news stories about her crimes, her trial, and her conviction. As cited in this section and throughout this book, a number of legal and social science scholarly articles (to my count, more than three hundred) deal with Nyiramasuhuko with a paragraph or more analysis.
26 See, e.g., Joseph Hazeley, “Profile: Female Rwandan Killer Pauline Nyiramasuhuko,” BBC News Africa, 24 June 2011, www.bbc.com; Sukhdev Chhatbar, “Pauline Nyiramasuhuko: Rwandan Woman and First Ever Convicted of Genocide, Given Life Sentence,” Huffington Post/Associated Press, 24 June 2011, www.huffingtonpost.com.
27 Mark A. Drumbl, “She Makes Me Ashamed to Be a Woman: The Genocide Conviction of Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, 2011,” Michigan Journal of International Law 34(3) (2013): 559–603, pp.562–603.
28 See Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Sjoberg, “Women and the Genocidal Rape of Women.” Drumbl, in “She Makes Me Ashamed,” notes the importance of understanding the different ways that gender essentialisms were used on both “sides” of both the media coverage and the trial, where those with a political interest in Nyiramasuhuko appearing innocent invoked stereotypes of feminine and maternal peacefulness, while those with a political interest in her appearing guilty emphasized the terrors of femininity gone wrong and the horrors of woman-on-woman crime.
29 See, e.g., discussion in Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, “Reduced to Bad Sex: Narratives of Violent Women from the Bible to the War on Terror,” International Relations 22(1) (2008): 5–23, especially as it discusses the apparent flaws in female sexuality that might lead to extreme violence.
30 Alexandra A. Miller, “From the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to the International Criminal Court: Expanding the Definition of Genocide to Include Rape,” Penn State Law Review 108(1) (2003): 349–374, p.350.
31 Drumbl, “She Makes Me Ashamed,” p.563.
32 Carrie Sperling, “Mother of All Atrocities: Pauline Nyiramasuhuko’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide,” Fordham Urban Law Journal 33(2) (2005): 101–127, p.102.
33 Landesman, “A Woman’s Work.”
34 Drumbl, “She Makes Me Ashamed,” p.563.
35 See discussion in ibid., note 234, p.589.
36 See, e.g., discussion in Nicole Hogg, “Women’s Participation in the Rwandan Genocide: Mothers or Monsters,” International Review of the Red Cross 92(877) (2010): 69–102.
37 Ibid. See also Drumbl, “She Makes Me Ashamed”; Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Lisa Sharlach, “Gender and Genocide in Rwanda: Women as Agents and Objects of Genocide,” Journal of Genocide Research 1(3) (1999): 387–399; Georgina Holmes, “The Postcolonial Politics of Militarizing Rwandan Women: An Analysis of the Extremist Magazine Kangura and the Gendering of a Genocidal Nation-State,” Minerva Journal of Women and War 2(2) (2009): 44–63; Reva N. Adler, Cyanne E. Loyle, and Judith Globerman, “A Calamity in the Neighborhood: Women’s Participation in the Rwandan Genocide,” Genocide Studies and Prevention 2(3) (2007): 209–233.
38 Drumbl, “She Makes Me Ashamed,” citing Hogg, “Women’s Participation in the Rwandan Genocide.”
39 Philip Gourevitch, “The Arrest of Madame Agathe,” New Yorker, 2 March 2010, www.newyorker.com; “Rwandan President’s Widow Takes France to European Rights Court,” RFI English, 15 January 2014, www.english.rfi.fr; “France Rejects Rwandan Extradition Request,” Aljazeera English, 28 September 2011, www.aljazeera.com.
40 E.g., “Consolata Mukangango TrialWatch,” TRIAL, www.trial-ch.org; “Rwanda Nuns in Genocide Trial,” BBC News, 17 April 2001, http://news.bbc.co.uk; Leila Fielding, Female Genocidaires during the Rwandan Genocide: When Women Kill (Hamburg: Anchor Academic Press, 2013).
41 Hogg, “Women’s Participation in the Rwandan Genocide,” p.78.
42 See, e.g., discussions in Jennie E. Burnet, “Gender Balance and the Meanings of Women in Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda,” African Affairs 107(428) (2008): 361–386; Laura Sjoberg, “Reconstructing Women in Postconflict Rwanda,” in Robin M. Chandler, Lihua Wang, and Linda K. Fuller, eds., Women, War, and Violence: Personal Perspectives and Global Activism (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010), pp.165–181; Judy El-Bushra, “Feminism, Gender, and Women’s Peace Activism,” Development and Change 38(1) (2007): 131–147.
43 A few important exceptions exist. Dara Kay Cohen (in “Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War,” World Politics 65[3] [2013], pp.383–415) suggests that women’s motivations for wartime sexual violence, much men’s motivations, lie in group pressure (see also Dara Kay Cohen, “Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980–2009),” American Political Science Review 107[3] [2013]: 461–477). Adam Jones (in Gendercide and Genocide and “Gender and Genocide in Rwanda,” Journal of Genocide Research 4[1] [2002]: 65–49) makes the argument that men are targeted sex-specifically, sometimes by women, though I think that his argument is simplistic, and tends to conflate sex and gender.
44 Nicola Henry, Tony Ward, and Matt Hirshberg, “A Multifactoral Model of Wartime Rape,” Aggression and Violent Behavior 9 (2004): 535–562, pp.536, 543.
45 Ibid., p.547.
46 Ibid., p.555.
47 Lisa S. Price, “Finding the Man in the Soldier-Rapist: Some Reflections on Comprehension and Accountability,” Women’s Studies International Forum 24(2) (2001): 211–227, p.211.
48 Jill Trenholm, Pia Olsson, Martha Blomqvist, and Beth Maina Ahlberg, “Constructing Soldiers from Boys in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo,” Men and Masculinities 16(3) (2013): 203–227, p.208.
49 Ibid., p.205.
50 Pascale R. Bos, “Feminists Interpreting the Politics of Wartime Rape: Berlin, 1945; Yugoslavia, 1992–1993,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 31(4) (2006): 995–1025 (“Why do some men or some armies rape, and not others?”, p.995); Susan Brownmiller, “Making Female Bodies the Battlefield,” in Stiglmayer, Mass Rape, pp.180–182 (“once he is handed a rifle and told to kill, the soldier becomes an adrenaline-rushed young man with permission to kick in the door, to grab, to steal, to give vent to his submerged rage against all women who belong to other men,” p.181); Maria B. Olujic, “Embodiment of Violence: Gendered violence in Peacetime and Wartime in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 12(1) (1998): 31–50 (“control of women by men,” p.34, and “violation of female honor is a weapon used by the men of one ethnic group against those of another,” p.39); Meredeth Turshen, “The Political Economy of Rape: An Analysis of the Systematic Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women during Armed Conflict in Africa,” in Caroline Moser and Fiona Clark, eds., Victims, Perpetrator or Actors: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence (London: Zed Books, 2001), pp.55–68 (“systematic rape and sexual abuse are among the strategies men use to wrest personal assets from women,” p.55); Christoph Schiessl, “An Element of Genocide: Rape, Total War, and International Law in the Twentieth Century,” Journal of Genocide Research 4(2) (2002): 197–210 (“a group power develops that has no comparison in civilian life, enlarging the power of men alone. Soldiers have to prove their newly won superiority to a woman and her male relatives,” p.197); Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic, “War and Violence against Women,” in Jennifer E. Turpin and Lois Ann Lorentzen, eds., The Gendered New World Order: Militarism, Development and the Environment (New York: Routledge, 1996) (characterizing the actors in war rape as the man-rapist, the woman-victim, and the man-war adversary of the rapist); Sara Meger, “Rape of the Congo: Understanding Sexual Violence in the Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28(2) (2010): 119–135 (rape as a tool to “communicate a message between men,” p.121, where “the anxiety experienced by the soldiers when faced with the impossibility of fulfilling their position as ‘men’ is largely what motivates individual soldiers,” p.128); Erin K. Baines, “Body Politics and the Rwandan Crisis,” Third World Quarterly 24(3) (2003): 479–493 (“rape was used to remind Tutsi women of their proper place, in subservience to Hutu men” as well as “belittling of men by men,” p.488); Inger Skjelsbaek, The Political Psychology of War Rape: Studies from Bosnia and Herzegovina (London, Routledge: 2011) (“they were targeted with this particular form of violence by men because they were women,” p.36); Kathryn Farr, “Extreme War Rape in Today’s Civil-War-Torn States: A Contextual and Comparative Analysis,” Gender Issues 26(1) (2009): 1–41 (suggesting that “men have raped women and girls [and less frequently boys and men] in virtually all wars,” p.6, and explaining war rape as a part of a social culture that “promotes aggressive behavior in men, devalues women, degrades ‘the feminine’ in men or nation-states, and views the raping of women as a part of the spoils of war,” p.5).
51 E.g., William F. McKibbin; Todd K. Shackelford, Aaron T. Goetz, and Valerie G. Starratt, “Why Do Men Rape? An Evolutionary Psychology Perspective,” Review of General Psychology 12(1) (2008): 86–97; Cheryl Brown Travis, Evolution, Gender, and Rape (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003); A. Nicholas Groth, Men Who Rape: The Psychology of the Offender (New York: Basic Books, 2001 [1979]); Martin L. Lalumiere, Grant T. Harris, Vernon L. Quinsey, and Marnie E. Rice, The Causes of Rape: Understanding Individual Differences in Male Propensity for Sexual Aggression (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2005).
52 Carter, “Should International Relations Consider Rape a Weapon of War?”
53 Ibid., p.351.
54 Ibid.
55 Ibid., p.356.
56 Ibid., p.359. It is for this reason that Carter argues (following Bulent Diken and Carsten Bagge Laustsen in “Becoming Abject: Rape as a Weapon of War,” Body and Society 11[1] [2005], p.111) that “war rape is perhaps the clearest example of an asymmetric strategy” (p.350). While I don’t disagree with the idea that war rape is an asymmetric strategy, Carter’s lack of gender analysis means that some of the ways that the strategy is asymmetric (e.g., gendered power) and some of the ways that the strategy is symmetric (e.g., its widespread use by many sides in many conflicts) are neglected in the analysis in the article.
57 E.g., R. Charli Carpenter, “Recognizing Gender-Based Violence against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations,” Security Dialogue 37(1) (2006): 83–103.
58 Dubravka Zarkov, “The Body of the Other Man: Sexual Violence and the Construction of Masculinity, Sexuality, and Ethnicity, in Croatian Media,” in Moser and Clark, Victims, Perpetrator or Actors, pp.69–81; Sandesh Sivakumaran, “Male/Male Rape and the ‘Taint’ of Homosexuality,” Human Rights Quarterly 27(4) (2005): 1274–1306; Sandesh Sivakumaran, “Sexual Violence against Men in Armed Conflict,” European Journal of International Law 18(2) (2007): 253–276; Sarah Solangon and Preeti Patel, “Sexual Violence against Men in Countries Affected by Armed Conflict,” Conflict, Security & Development 12(4) (2012): 417–442; Janine Natalya Clark, “A Crime of Identity: Rape and Its Neglected Victims,” Journal of Human Rights 13(2) (2014): 146–169.
59 Ruth Seifert, “War and Rape: Analytical Approaches,” Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, 1992, www.wilpf.int.ch.
60 Ibid.
61 Kirby, “How Is Rape a Weapon of War?,” p.800, citing Zillah Eisenstein, Sexual Decoys: Gender, Race, and War in Imperial Democracy (London: Zed Books, 2007); Elshtain, Women and War; Cynthia Enloe, “Margins, Silences, and Bottom Rungs: How to Overcome the Underestimation of Power in the Study of International Relations,” in Steve Smith, Ken Booth, and Marysia Zalewski, eds., International Theory: Positivism and Beyond (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp.196–202; Carol Harrington, Politicization of Sexual Violence: From Abolitionism to Peacekeeping (London: Ashgate, 2010); Patricia Owens, “Distinctions, Distractions: ‘Public’ and ‘Private’ Force?” International Affairs 84(5) (2008): 977–990.
62 Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape,” p.60.
63 Ibid., p.62.
64 Ibid., p.60.
65 Kirby, “How Is Rape a Weapon of War?,” p.811, citing Dibyesh Anand, “‘Porno-Nationalism’ and the Male Subject,” in Jane L. Parpart and Marysia Zalewski, eds., Rethinking the Man Question: Sex, Gender, and Violence in International Relations (London: Zed Books, 2008), pp.163–180; Megan MacKenzie, “Securitizing Sex? Towards a Theory of the Utility of Wartime Sexual Violence,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 12(2) (2010): 202–221; Dubravka Zarkov, The Body of War; Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break-Up of Yugoslavia (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007).
66 Anna Maedi, “Rape as a Weapon of War in the Eastern DRC?,” Human Rights Quarterly 33(1) (2011): 128–147, p.128.
67 Ibid., p.140.
68 MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide and Women’s Human Rights,” pp.10, 11.
69 Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern, “Why Do Soldiers Rape? Masculinity, Violence, and Sexuality in the Armed Forces in the Congo (DRC),” International Studies Quarterly 53(4) (2009): 495–517.
70 Ibid., p.496.
71 Ibid., p.505.
72 Ibid., pp.495–496, citing MONUC (United Nations Organization Mission in the DRC) data
73 Kirby, “How Is Rape a Weapon of War?,” p.800, citing Donna Pankhurst, “Sexual Violence in War,” in Shepherd, ed., Gender Matters in Global Politics, pp.148–160, 152–156.
74 Skjelsbaek, “Sexual Violence and War.”
75 Ibid., p.807, citing Doris Buss, “Rethinking ‘Rape as a Weapon of War,’” Feminist Legal Studies 17(2) (2009): 145–163.
76 Ibid., p.808, citing Card, “Rape as a Weapon of War.”
77 Ibid., p.809.
78 Ibid., citing Philippe Bourgois, “The Everyday Violence of Gang Rape,” in Nancy Scheper-Huges and Philippe Bourgois, eds., Violence in War and Peace: An Anthology (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), pp.343–347; Goldstein, War and Gender; Matthias Bjornlund, “‘A Fate Worse than Dying’: Sexual Violence During the Armenian Genocide,” in Dagmar Herzog, ed., Brutality and Desire: War and Sexuality in Europe’s Twentieth Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp.16–58.
79 Baaz and Stern, “Why Do Soldiers Rape?,” p.498, citing Chris Horwood, The Shame of War: Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in Conflict (Malta: OCHA/IRIN, 2007); George Kassimeris, ed., The Barbarization of Warfare (London: C. Hurst & Co, 2006).
80 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women in International Law,” p.331, citing Theodor Meron, “Shakespeare’s Henry the Fifth and the Law of War,” American Journal of International Law 86(1) (1992): 1–45; Theodor Meron, “Rape as a Crime under International Humanitarian Law,” American Journal of International Law 87(3) (1993): 424–428.
81 Obote-Odora, “Rape and Sexual Violence in International Law,” p.135; Christin B. Coan, “Rethinking the Spoils of War: Prosecuting Rape as a War Crime in the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,” North Carolina Journal of International Law and Comparative Regulation 26(2) (2000–2001): 183–237; Patricia Viseur Sellers and Kaoru Okuizumi, “Intentional Prosecution of Sexual Assaults,” Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems 7(1) (1997): 45–80; Jocelyn Campanaro, “Women, War, and International Law: The Historical Treatment of Gender-Based War Crimes,” Georgetown Law Journal 89(4) (2000–2001): 2557–2592.
82 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.330.
83 Patricia Viseur Sellers, “Sexual Violence and Peremptory Norms: The Legal Value of Rape,” Case Western Reserve Law Review 34(2) (2002): 287–303, discussed in David S. Mitchell, “The Prohibition of Rape in International Humanitarian Law as a Norm of Jus Cogens: Clarifying the Doctrine,” Duke Journal of Comparative and international Law 15(2) (2005): 219–258, p.219.
84 E.g., Kathleen Daly and Brigette Bouhours, “Rape and Attrition in the Legal Process: A Comparative Analysis of Five Countries,” Crime and Justice 39(1) (2010): 565–650.
85 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.335.
86 Ibid.
87 Ibid., citing 28 USC para. 1350; 28 USC para. 1331 (Alien Tort Claims Act), Pub. L. No. 102–256, 106 Stat. 78 (1992) (Torture Victim Protection Act), and Kadic v. Radovan Karadzic, Civil Action No. 43, CN 1163, United States District Court, Southern District of New York; Jane Doe I and Jane Doe II v. Radovan Karadzic, Civil Action No. 93 Civ. 0878 PKL, United States District Court, Southern District of New York. In that case, a default judgment was issued against an absent defendant. A case from Bosnia also went to the International Court of Justice (see discussion in Elizabeth A. Kohn, “Rape as a Weapon of War: Women’s Human Rights during the Dissolution of Yugoslavia,” Golden Gate University Law Review 24[1] [1994]: 199–222).
88 Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (1949), pp.287–288, discussed in Nancy Farwell, “War Rape: New Conceptualizations and Responses,” Affilia 19(4) (2004): 389–403, p.391. Relevant and related sections include Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, 75 UNTS 31; Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea, 75 UNTS 85; Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, 75 UNTS 135; Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 75 UNTS 287, all at Geneva, 12 August 1949. Relevant updates include Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I); Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol 11), Geneva, 8 June 1977, Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, 19 January 1946, amended 26 April1946, TIAS 1589.
89 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” pp.331–332, citing Natalie Kaufman Hevener, “An Analysis of Gender Based Treaty Law: Contemporary Developments in Historical Perspective,” Human Rights Quarterly 8(1) (1986): 70–88. Hevener suggests that this provision is protective, when it should be enumerating rights, and suggests that the error is an active harm to women.
90 Gay McDougall, Contemporary Forms of Slavery: Systematic Rape, Sexual Slavery, and Slavery-Like Practices in Armed Conflict (E/CN.4/Sub.22/1993/13) (Geneva: UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, 1998), pp.4–5.
91 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.334.
92 Ibid., p.331, citing, for example, the Charter Annexed to the Agreement for the Establishment of an International Military Tribunal, 5 UNTS 251, Article 6 included “murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labour . . . of civilian population of or in occupied territory, . . . killing of hostages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity.”
93 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.332.
94 See, e.g., discussion of Nuremburg in Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.334, citing Jeri Laber, “Bosnia: Questions about Rape,” New York Review of Books 40 (25 March 1993); Brownmiller, Against Our Will, pp.43–78.
95 Magdalini Karagiannakis, “Case Analysis: The Definition of Rape and Its Characterization as an Act of Genocide—A Review from the Jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the Former Yugoslavia,” Leiden Journal of International Law 12(2) (1999): 479–490, p.483, citing Prosecutor v. Anto Furundzija, Judgment, Case No. IT-95–17/1-T, T, ch.11, 10 December 1998, paras. 177–178.
96 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.334.
97 UNSC Resolution 808 and 827 set up ICTY and UNSC Resolution 955 set up ICTR.
98 J. R. McHenry III, “The Prosecution of Rape under International Law: Justice That Is Long Overdue,” Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 35(4) (2002): 1249–1312.
99 Jennifer L. Green, “Uncovering Collective Rape: A Comparative Study of Political Sexual Violence,” International Journal of Sociology 34(1) (2004): 97–116, p.100.
100 Prosecutor v. Akayesu, Case No. ICTR 96 4 T (1998).
101 Akayesu, ICTR 96 4 T, 694.
102 Kadic v. Karadzic, 70 F.3d 232 (2d Cir. 1995).
103 Catharine A. MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide and Women’s Human Rights,” in Stiglmayer, Mass Rape, p. 190; discussed in Robin May Schott, “War Rape, Natality, and Genocide,” Journal of Genocide Research 13(1–2) (2011): 5–21, p.8.
104 Akayesu, ICTR 96 4 T, 694, p.731.
105 Daniel Franklin, “Failed Rape Prosecutions at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda,” Georgetown Journal of Gender and the Law 9(1) (2008): 181–214, p.182.
106 Ibid., citing Prosecutor v. Semanza, Case No. ICTR-97–20-T, Judgment and Sentence (May 15, 2003). See also Kirsten Campbell, “Rape as a Crime against Humanity: Trauma and Justice in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia,” Journal of Human Rights 2(4) (2003): 507–515; Debra Bergoffen, “Toward a Politics of the Vulnerable Body,” Hypatia 18(1) (2003): 116–134; Katie C. Richey, “Several Steps Sideways: International Legal Developments Concerning War Rape and the Human Rights of Women,” Texas Journal of Women and the Law 17(1) (2007): 109–129, p.113; Obote-Odora, “Rape and Sexual Violence in International Law,” p.152.
107 Ibid., p.188; Chiseche Salome Mibenge, Sex and International Tribunals: The Erasure of Gender from the War Narrative (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013).
108 See Franklin, “Failed Rape Prosecutions,” for discussions of narrowed definitions of rape (p.194), burden of proof issues (p.192), issues with overgeneral allegations (pp.196, 207), issues with evidence of agency (p.196), discomfort with evidence of leadership (p.198), lack of eyewitnesses (p.199), witnesses that weren’t credible (p.199), and pleas of guilt to other charges (p.207).
109 Richey, “Several Steps Sideways,” p.117.
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
113 Doris E. Buss, “The Curious Visibility of Wartime Rape: Gender and Ethnicity in International Criminal Law,” Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 25(1) (2007): 3–22, p.4, citing Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin, The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Analysis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2000); Jutta Joachim, “Shaping the Human Rights Agenda: The Case of Violence Against Women,” in Mary K. Meyer and Elisabeth Prugl, eds., Gender Politics in Global Governance (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999).
114 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.337.
115 Ibid.
116 Ibid.
117 Ibid., p.326.
118 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, U. N. Doc A/CONF/183.9, 17 July 1998.
119 For a chronological list of state parties, see www.icc-cpi.int/en_menus/asp/states%20parties/Pages/states%20parties%20_%20chronological%20list.aspx.
120 Preliminary investigations were opened, but concluded without full investigation, into situations outside of Africa.
121 Kimberly E. Carson, “Reconsidering the Theoretical Accuracy and Prosecutorial Effectiveness of International Tribunals’ Ad Hoc Approaches to Conceptualizing Crimes of Sexual Violence as War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity, and Acts of Genocide,” Fordham Urban Law Journal 39(4) (2011–2012): 1249–1300, p.1274. See, for a slightly more optimistic perspective, Rana Lehr–Lehnardt, “One Small Step for Women: Female-Friendly Provisions of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,” Brigham Young University Journal of Public Law 16(2) (2002): 317–354.
122 Article 8(2)(b)(xxii) of Elements of Crimes. Here, the context of the existence of armed conflict and the perpetrator’s awareness together constitute the ICC’s subject-matter jurisdiction for sexual violence in war and conflict. See discussion in Coan, “Rethinking the Spoils of War,” p.204.
123 Carson, “Reconsidering the Theoretical Accuracy,” p.1276, citing the Women’s Initiative for Gender Justice ICC Gender Report Card 2011, www.iccwomen.org.
124 Aditi Gorur, “Justice for Victims of Sexual Violence at the ICC?,” Stimson Center Spotlight, 5 March 2014, www.stimson.org; Kelly Dawn Askin, “Katanga Judgment Underlines Need for Stronger ICC Focus on Sexual Violence,” Open Society Justice Initiative, 11 March 2014, www.opensocietyfoundations.org.
125 Askin, “Katanga Judgment Underlines Need.”
126 Ibid., p.1277, citing Susana SaCouto and Katherine Cleary, “The Importance of Effective Investigation of Sexual Violence and Gender-Based Crimes at the International Criminal Court,” American University Journal of Gender and Social Policy 17 (2009): 339–359.
127 Patricia Viseur Sellers, “Gender Strategy Is Not Luxury for International Courts,” American University Journal of Gender, Social Policy, and the Law 17(2) (2009): 301–326.
128 Buss, “Curious Visibility of Wartime Rape,” p.12.
129 Ibid.
130 Ibid.
131 Ibid., p.4.
132 Ibid., p.10. For extended discussion of legal strategies, see Kelly Dawn Askin, “Prosecuting Wartime Rape and Other Gender-Related Crimes under International Law: Extraordinary Advances, Enduring Obstacles,” Berkeley Journal International Law 21(2) (2003): 288–349; Askin, “Gender Crimes Jurisprudence.”
133 Buss, “Curious Visibility of Wartime Rape,” p.10.
134 Ibid., p.22.
135 Ibid., citing Cynthia Enloe, Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), p.109.
136 See discussion in Sherrie Russell-Brown, “Rape as an Act of Genocide,” Berkeley Journal of International Law 21(2) (2003): 350–374, p.363.
137 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.338. She continues: “Suzanne Gibson discusses the examples of how rape of women in France during World War One became ‘transformed into a representation of France as an innocent female nation assaulted by a barbaric and brutishly male Germany’ and British military conscriptors used the image of ‘the Hun’ violating their sisters” (citing Gibson, “The Discourse of Sex/War: Thoughts on Catharine MacKinnon’s 1993 Oxford Amnesty Lecture,” Feminist Legal Studies 1[2] [1993]: 170–188).
138 Janet Halley, “Rape in Berlin: Reconsidering the Criminalisation of Rape in the International Law of Armed Conflict,” Melbourne Journal of International Law 9(1) (2008): 78–124, p.118.
139 Julie Mertus, “Shouting from the Bottom of the Well: The Impact of International Trials for Wartime Rape on Women’s Agency,” International Feminist Journal of Politics 6(1) (2004): 110–128, p.111.
140 Chinkin, “Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women,” p.328.
141 Butler, Frames of War.
142 “Rwanda: Ex-Women’s Minister Guilty.”
143 Prosecutor v. Nyiramasuhuko et al. decision, ICTR Case No. ICTR-98–42-T, decided 24 June 2011.
144 Ibid.
145 See discussion, e.g., in MacKenzie, “Securitization and Desecuritization,” as well as Lauren Vogel, Louise Porter, and Mark Kebbell, “The Roles of Women in Contemporary Political and Revolutionary Conflict: A Thematic Model,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 37(1) (2014): 91–114; Linda Ahall, “The Writing of Heroines: Motherhood and Female Agency in Political Violence,” Security Dialogue 43(4) (2012): 287–303.
146 Louise du Toit, “Sex Specificity, Rape Law Reform, and the Feminist Quest for Justice,” South African Journal of Philosophy 31(3) (2012): 465–483, p.465.
147 Mitchell, “The Prohibition of Rape,” p.219.
148 Jean Seaton, “New ‘Ethnic’ Wars and the Media,” in Tim Allen and Jean Seaton, eds., The Media of Conflict: War Reporting and Representations of Ethnic Violence (London: Zed Books, 1999), citing Times, 18 August 1994.
149 E.g., Janie Leatherman, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict (London: Polity, 2011).
150 E.g. Augusta C. Del Zotto, “Weeping Women, Wringing Hands: How the Mainstream Media Stereotyped Women’s Experiences in Kosovo,” Journal of Gender Studies 11(2) (2002): 141–150.
151 Zarkov, Body of War, p.3.
152 Ibid.
153 Ibid., p.102.
154 Ibid. Wendy Bracewell (in “Rape in Kosovo: Masculinity and Serbian Nationalism,” Nations and Nationalism 6[4] [2000]: 563–590) goes further to suggest that the Serbian media was a part of a political effort to use sexual violence to inspire Serbian nationalism when it was latent.
155 Zarkov, Body of War, p.3.
156 Ibid., p.125.
157 Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape,” p.65, citing Beverly Allen, Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp.29–40; Pettman, Worlding Women.
158 Ibid., p.56, citing Allen, Rape Warfare; Mirjana Morokvasic, “The Logics of Exclusion: Nationalism, Sexism, and the Yugoslav War,” in Nickie Charles and Helen Hintjens, eds., Gender, Ethnicity, and Political Ideologies (London: Routledge, 1998), pp.65–90; Penny Stanley, “Reporting of Mass Rape in the Balkans: Plus Ca Change, Plus C’est Meme Chose? From Bosnia to Kosovo,” Civil Wars 2(2) (1999): 74–110.
159 Zarkov, Body of War, p.156.
160 Hansen, “Gender, Nation, Rape,” p.65, citing Stanley, “Reporting of Mass Rape.”
161 Ibid.
162 Zarkov, Body of War, p.156.
163 Ibid.
164 See, e.g., Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage, 1997).
165 Mibenge, Sex and International Tribunals.
166 The Hausa name for the Congregation of the People of Tradition for Proselytism and Jihad (Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad), an organization established to end Westernization with the establishment of a pure Islamic state, classified by anyone who lists terrorist organizations as a terrorist organization, in Nigeria, Niger, and Cameroon.
167 Aminu Abubakar, “As Many as 200 Girls Abducted by Boko Haram, Nigerian Officials Say,” CNN News, 16 April 2014, www.cnn.com.
168 Ibid.
169 Erin Conway-Smith, “Will Nigeria’s Girls Be Recovered before They Have Been Hopelessly Brainwashed?,” Global Post, 30 May 2014, www.dailynews.com.
170 Andy Kopsa, “We All Are the Kidnapped Nigerian Girls,” Ms., 1 May 2014, http://msmagazine.com.
171 Ibid.
172 See, e.g., coverage of the 2014 Isla Vista killings, or the shootings in Newtown, Connecticut. I realize I am using two American cases, where there would be less political complication in naming the victims—where in Nigeria, there are fears of reprisal from naming. Still, sex-neutral terms are available for (at least intermittent) use, and not used.
173 “Nigeria: Boko Haram Abducts Women, Recruits Children.” Human Rights Watch, 29 November 2013, www.hrw.org. Human Rights Watch details that Boko Haram engages in “the killing and mutilation of ordinary Nigerians, the abduction and rape of women and girls, and the use of children for fighting” regularly.
174 Laura Sjoberg, “Whose Girls?,” RelationsInternational, 13 May 2014, http://relationsinternational.com, citing Cynthia Enloe, “WomenandChildren: Making Feminist Sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis,” Village Voice, 25 September 1990.
175 “Boko Haram Kidnaps More Girls in Nigeria,” Reuters/Australian News Network, 7 May 2014, www.abc.net.au.
176 Ibid.
177 Nicholas Kristof, “‘Bring Back Our Girls,’” New York Times, 3 May 2014, www.nytimes.com. Several other news articles mentioned the low price of the sale as an element of dehumanization. In reading those analyses, I wondered if it is considered more humane to sell someone into slavery for a significant sum?
178 E.g., Aminu Abubakar and Josh Levs, “‘I Will Sell Them,’ Boko Haram Leader Says of Kidnapped Nigerian Girls,” CNN World, 6 May 2014, www.cnn.com.
179 Perry Chiaramonte, “Girls Held by Boko Haram Face Auction, Life as Sex Slaves If Rescue Fails,” Fox News.com, 8 May 2014, www.foxnews.com.
180 Kopsa, “We All Are the Kidnapped Nigerian Girls.”
181 Holly Yan and Vladimir Duthiers, “In Nigeria, the Mass Abduction of Schoolgirls Isn’t Shocking,” CNN World, 2 May 2014, www.cnn.com.
182 Chiaramonte, “Girls Held by Boko Haram.”
183 Jina Moore, “Nigeria Prepares to Treat Rape, Sexual Trauma of Kidnapped School Girls,” Buzzfeed World, 29 May 2014, www.buzzfeed.com.
184 Ibid.
185 Temitope Adefarakan, “To Bring Back Kidnapped Girls, Nigeria Should Negotiate with book Haram,” Toronto Star, 27 May 2014, www.thestar.com.
186 Conway-Smith, “Will Nigeria’s Girls Be Recovered?,” quoting Shehu Sani, described as “a rights activist who in 2011 and 2012 served as a mediator in talks between Boko Haram and the Nigerian government.”
187 E.g., “Nigeria Kidnapped Girls ‘Shown in Boko Haram Video,” BBC News Africa, 12 May 2014, www.bbc.com.
188 Felicity Morse, “The Bring Back Our Girls Campaign Is Working: Boko Haram Should Be Scared of a Hastag,” Independent, 26 June 2014, www.independent.co.uk.
189 Ibid. See also Alyssa Litoff, “‘Bring Back Our Girls’ Becomes Rallying Cry for Kidnapped Nigerian Schoolgirls,” ABCNews.com, 6 May 2014, http://abcnews.go.com.
190 Morse, “Campaign Is Working.” The campaign originated on twitter, but moved to the web (bringbackourgirls.us), Facebook (facebook.com/bringbackourgirls), a Twitter account (twitter.com/rescueourgirls) and Instagram (instagram.com/bringbackourgirls).
191 Ibid.
192 Bringbackourgirls.us, which may or may not be representative, has this text on its “About Us” page: “This website, our Facebook and Twitter pages are operated by a team of volunteers that started in California, but is now worldwide. We are students, mothers, and activists who are dedicated to the immediate rescue of the 230+ schoolgirls from Nigeria. We are here to share credible and vetted news stories, give people actions they can take and help the community around the world connect for rallies. We are a small part of the social awareness campaign on behalf of the girls. We are not an organization. We are individuals. This website and our facebook page was founded by Ramaa Mosley.”
193 Morse, “The Bring Back Our Girls Campaign is Working”; Sam Jones and Emma Howard, “#BringBackOurGirls Focuses World’s Eyes on Nigeria’s Mass Kidnappings,” Guardian, 7 May 2014, www.theguardian.com.
194 Megan MacKenzie, “Doing Nothing as Activism,” Duck of Minerva, 12 May 2014, www.whiteoliphaunt.com. Others have called this sort of activism “slacktivism” (see, e.g., Laura Seay, “Does Slactivism Work?,” Monkey Cage/Washington Post, 12 March 2014, www.washingtonpost.com).
195 Dan Hodges, “Boko Haram Didn’t #bringbackourgirls. So What Are We Going to Do Now?,” Telegraph, 26 June 2014, http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk.
196 Ibid.
197 Anne Look, “Both Sides Say ‘Don’t Play Politics’ with Nigerian Girls,” Voice of America, 20 May 2014, www.voanews.com.
198 Suman Varadani, “Nigeria’s President Goodluck Jonathan Vows ‘Total War’ against Boko Haram on Democracy Day,” International Business Times, 29 May 2014, www.ibtimes.com.
199 Samantha Nutt, “Nigeria’s Conflict Won’t Be Solved with Armed Intervention and Slogans,” Globe and Mail, 28 May 2014, www.theglobeandmail.com. See also Mark Berman, “Here’s What You Need to Know about the Kidnapped Nigerian Girls, Boko Haram, and How the U.S. Is Getting Involved,” Washington Post, 13 May 2014, www.washingtonpost.com. In fact, a number of members of the US military have expressed concern about being asked to intervene in Nigeria. The concern, discussed in several news stories in the United States, is, “‘We’re being tweeted into combat,’ an anonymous military official told NBC News. Senior Operations commanders for the Navy SEALs, Delta Force, and Rangers Regiment have warned their men that ‘the hashtag will bring (them) out’ to Northeast Nigeria to rescue the girls” (Richard Engel, “Nigeria Captives Could Get U. S. Troops ‘Tweeted into Combat,’” NBC News, 27 May 2014, www.nbcnews.com).
200 Nutt, “Nigeria’s Conflict Won’t Be Solved.”
201 See “Nigeria to Free Boko Haram Members,” Al Jazeera, 21 May 2013, www.aljazeera.com; “Breaking: 486 Boko Haram Members, Including 8 Women, Arrested in Abia,” Gistmania: Nigerian Entertainment and Celebrity News, 16 June 2014, www.gistmania.com; DPA, “Nigerian Army Arrested 486 Alleged Boko Haram Members,” Haaretz, 17 June 2014, www.haaretz.com.
202 Mitchell, “The Prohibition of Rape,” p.219.
203 Green, “Uncovering Collective Rape,” p.108.
204 Ibid., p.107, citing Jennifer Early, Andrew Martin, John D. McCarthy, and Sara A. Soule, “The Use of Newspaper Data in the Study of Collective Action,” Annual Review of Sociology 30 (2004): 65–80.
205 Robert M. Hayden, “Rape and Rape Avoidance in Ethno-National Conflicts: Sexual Violence in Liminalized States,” American Anthropologist 102(1) (2000): 27–41, p.29.
206 del Zotto, “Weeping Women,” p.141.
207 Yaschica Williams and Janine Bower, “Media Images of Wartime Sexual Violence,” in Dew Humphries, ed., Women, Violence, and the Media: Readings in Feminist Criminology (Boston: University Press of New England, 2009), pp.156–174, p.156.
208 Patricia A. Weitsman, “The Discourse of Rape in Wartime: Sexual Violence, War Babies, and Identity,” paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, Portland, OR, 26 February–1 March 2003.
209 Gregory S. Gordon, “‘A War of Media, Words, Newspapers, and Radio Stations’: The ICTR Media Trial Verdict and a New Chapter in the International Law of Hate Speech,” Virginia Journal of International Law 45(1) (2004–2005): 139–197, citing Prosecutor v. Nahimana, Barayagwiza, & Ngeze, Judgment and Sentence, ICTR Case No.99–52-T (3 December, 2003).
210 Tamara L. Tompkins, “Prosecuting Rape as a War Crime: Speaking the Unspeakable,” Notre Dame Law Review 70(4) (1995): 845–890, p.847.
211 See, e.g., Cohen, Green, and Wood, “Wartime Sexual Violence: Misconceptions, Implications, and Ways Forward”; Cohen, “Explaining Rape During Civil War”; Cohen and Nordas, “Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict.”
1 Patricia Pearson, When She Was Bad: How and Why Women Get Away with Murder (New York: Penguin Books, 1997), p.243.
2 Amnesty International, Sudan: Darfur: Rape as a Weapon of War: Sexual Violence and Its Consequences, 19 July 2004, www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR54/076/2004; see discussion in, for example, “Janjaweed Women Complicit in Genocide, Says Amnesty Report,” Sudanwatch.org, 10 January 2006, www.sudanwatch.blogspot.com; Jeevan Vasagar and Ewen MacAskill, “Arab Women Singers Complicit in Rape,” Guardian, 19 July 2004, www.theguardian.com. Information about the racialized sexual violence committed in Darfur can be found in Hale, “Rape as a Marker”; John Hagan, Wenona Rymond-Richmond, and Alberto Palloni, “Racial Targeting of Sexual Violence in Darfur,” American Journal of Public Health 99(8) (2009): 1386–1392; Megan Bastick, Karin Grimm, and Rahel Kunz, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict: Global Overview and Implications for the Security Sector (Geneva: Center for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, 2007); Kelly Dawn Askin, “Prosecuting Gender Crimes Committed in Darfur: Holding Leaders Accountable for Sexual Violence,” in Samuel Totten and Eric Markusen, eds., Genocide in Darfur: Investigating the Atrocities in Sudan (London: Routledge, 2006), pp.141–162.
3 Amnesty International, Sudan: Darfur.
4 Elsewhere, this is spelled hakama, Hakama, or hakima. It is spelled Hakima here not out of any certainty of correctness, but for internal consistency.
5 Isam Mohamed Ibrahim, “The Traditional Mechanisms of Conflict Resolution and Peace Building in Darfur: From an Anthropological Perspective,” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 4(9) (2013): 132–140, p.139; for other discussions of the role of Hakima traditional singers, see Jeffrey Kaplan, “Terrorism’s Fifth Wave: A Theory, a Conundrum, and a Dilemma,” Perspectives on Terrorism 2(2) (2008), www.terrorismanalysts.com; Sondra Hale, “Memory Work as Resistance: Eritrean and Sudanese Women in Conflict Zones,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle Eat 32(2) (2012): 429–436.
6 Phyllis Chesler, “Feminism’s Deafening Silence,” Frontpagemagazine.com, 28 July 2004, http://archive.frontpagemag.com.
7 Ibid.
8 This should not be read as a claim to objective or unbiased knowledge or reporting of sexual violence in war and conflict—as such a thing does not exist. Instead, it is a suggestion that it is important to desconstruct and demystify some of the prevailing misconceptions and sensationalizations.
9 Bastick, Grimm, and Kunz, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict.
10 Vahakn N. Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucuses (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003); Taner Akçam, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility (London: Macmillan, 2006); Richard G. Hovannisian, ed., Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 1998); Richard G. Hovannisian, ed., The Armenian Genocide in Perspective (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction Publishers, 2009).
11 The list of countries formally recognizing that what happened to the Armenians in 1915–1916 constituted genocide can be found at www.armenian-genocide.org/recognition_countries.html, with references to specific laws and resolutions. There has been significant discussion of the Turkish refusal to acknowledge it as genocide, including but not limited to Vahakn N. Dadrian, “The Historical and Legal Interconnections between the Armenian Genocide and the Jewish Holocaust: From Impunity to Retributive Justice,” Yale Journal of International Law 23(2) (1998): 503–560; Akçam, A Shameful Act; Guenter Lewy, The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2005).
12 Helen Fein, “Genocide and Gender: The Uses of Women and Group Destiny,” Journal of Genocide Research 1(1) (1999): 43–63, p.50. See also Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of Ottoman Armenians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons, and Israel W. Charny, eds., Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts (New York: Routledge, 2004), especially Rouben Paul Adalian’s chapter on the Armenian genocide (ch.2, pp.53–92).
13 See, e.g., Yair Auron, The Banality of Indifference: Zionism and the Armenian Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction, 2000), p.44; Richard G. Hovannisian, “The Historical Dimensions of the Armenian Question, 1878–1923,” and Robert Melson, “Provocation or Nationalism?,” in Frank Robert Chalk, ed., The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), pp.249–289.
14 Katharine Derderian, “Common Fate, Different Experience: Gender-Specific Aspects of the Armenian Genocide, 1915–1917,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 19(1) (2005): 1–25, p.1.
15 See, e.g., Peter Balakian, The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America’s Response (New York: HarperCollins, 2003); Donald Earl Miller and Lorna Touryan Miller, Survivors: An Oral History of the Armenian Genocide (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Tessa Hoffman, “German Eyewitness Reports of the Genocide of the Armenians, 1915–1916,” in Permanent People’s Tribunal, A Crime of Silence: The Armenian Genocide (London: Zed Books, 1985), pp. 61–92; Jay Winter, ed. America and the Armenian Genocide of 1915 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Raymond Kévorkian, The Armenian Genocide: A Complete History (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011).
16 Hoffman, “German Eyewitness Reports”; Vahakn N. Dadrian, “Documentation of the Armenian Genocide in German and Austrian Sources,” in Israel W. Charney, ed., The Widening Circle of Genocide (London: Transaction, 1994), pp.77–126; Fein, “Genocide and Gender.”
17 E.g., Raphael Lemkin, “Genocide as a Crime under International Law,” American Journal of International Law 41(1) (1947): 145–151; Chalk, The History and Sociology of Genocide; Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur (Melbourne: Melbourne University Publishing, 2008). See also the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Holocaust Encyclopedia, which provides an accessible account of the origin of the word “genocide” (www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007043).
18 E.g., Totten, Parsons, and Charny, Century of Genocide; Charny, Widening Circle of Genocide; Chalk, History and Sociology of Genocide; Samantha Power, “A Problem from Hell”; Benjamin A. Valentino, Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the 20th Century (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013); Eric D. Waltz, A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009).
19 Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Resolution, “Commemoration of the Armenian Genocide of 1915,” Written Declaration No.275, 24 April 1998, www.armenian-genocide.org.
20 “Federal Senate of Brazil Recognizes Armenian Genocide,” Armenian Weekly, 3 June 2015, http://armenianweekly.com.
21 Jake Tapper, “For the 7th Year in a Row, Obama Breaks Promise to Acknowledge Armenian Genocide,” CNN, 24 April 2015, www.cnn.com.
22 Derderian, “Common Fate, Different Experience,” p.3. For discussions of the relationship between gender ideologies and genocide in other conflicts, see, e.g., Janet Jacobs, Memorializing the Holocaust: Gender, Genocide, and Collective Memory (London: I. B. Tauris, 2010); Andrea Smith, Conquest: Sexual Violence and the American Indian Genocide (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2005); Ronit Lentin, “The Rape of the Nation: Women Narrativising Genocide,” Sociological Research Online 4(2) (1999), http://socresonline.org.uk; Copelon, “Surfacing Gender.”
23 S. D. Stein, “The Armenian and Roma Genocides,” “Remember”—The Armenian Genocide, 19 November 2001, www.wbarrow.co.uk/rememberarmenia.
24 See, e.g., Miller and Miller, Survivors; Vahe Tachjian, “Gender, Nationalism, and Exclusion: The Reintegration Process of Female Survivors of the Armenian Genocide,” Nations and Nationalism 15(1) (2009): 60–80; Fein, “Genocide and Gender”; Rubina Peroomian, “Women and the Armenian Genocide: The Victim, the Living Martyr,” in Samuel Totten, ed., The Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction, 2011), pp.7–24; Uğur Ümit Üngŏr, “Orphans, Converts, and Prostitutes: Social Consequences of War and Persecution in the Ottoman Empire: 1914–1923,” War in History 19(2) (2012): 173–192. See also media and popular accounts, like Lyz Anzia, “100 Years Later Armenian Women Continue to be Haunted by Genocide,” Women’s News Network, 19 October 2012, http://womennewsnetwork.net; Müjan Halis, “Armenian Genocide and Women’s Double Pain,” Demokrat Haber, 19 March 2014, www.tert.am.
25 Derderian, “Common Fate, Different Experience.”
26 Ibid., p.3. See also Ayse Gul Altinay, “Gendered Silences, Gendered Memories,” L’Homme 2 (2013): 1–15.
27 See, e.g., Robert Melson, Revolution and Genocide: On the Origins of the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide; Vahakn N. Dadrian, “The Secret Young-Turk Ittihadist Conference and the Decision for the World War I Genocide of the Armenians,” Holocaust Genocide Studies 7(2) (1993): 173–201; Taner Akcam, The Young Turks’ Crimes Against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Cleansing the Ottoman Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).
28 Stein, “The Armenian and Roma Genocides,” p.4.
29 Ibid.
30 Eliz Sanasarian, “Gender Distinction in the Genocidal Process: A Preliminary Study of the Armenian Case,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 4(4) (1989): 449–461.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid., p.453.
33 Ibid., p.454.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid., p.456.
36 Ibid., p.459. While she expected to find women less likely to be perpetrators and more likely to be peacemakers, Sanasarian did not, and suggested that the Armenian genocide evidence seems “to corroborate Israel W. Charny’s thesis that ‘all “normal” people are capable of being genociders, accomplices, or bystanders’” (quoting Israel W. Charny, How Can We Commit the Unthinkable? Genocide: The Human Cancer [Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982], p.10).
37 For histories of the Nazi genocide, see, e.g., Henry Friedländer, The Origins of Nazi Genocide (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997); Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust: History, Theory, Trauma (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996); Doris L. Bergen, War and Genocide: A Concise History of the Holocaust, 2d ed. (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009); Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003 [1961]); Michael Berenbaum, The World Must Know: The History of the Holocaust as Told in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005); Yehuda Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
38 For discussion of Jewish victims specifically, see, e.g, Saul Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews (New York: HarperCollins, 2009); of Roma, see, e.g., Donald Kenrick, In the Shadow of the Swastika: The Gypsies during the Second World War (Hertfordshire: University of Hertfordshire Press, 1999), part of a three-volume series on theories that have led to persecution of Roma; of Slavs, see, e.g., John Connelly, “Nazis and Slavs: From Racial Theory to Racist Practice,” Central European History 32(1) (1999): 1–33); of communists, see, e.g., Friedländer, Origins of Nazi Genocide; of homosexuals, see, e.g., Frank Rector, The Nazi Extermination of Homosexuals (New York: Stein and Day, 1981); Pierre Seel, I, Pierre Seel, Deported Homosexual: A Memoir of Nazi Terror (New York: Basic Books, 2011); of Jehovah’s Witnesses, see, e.g., Detlef Garbe, Between Resistance and Martyrdom: Jehovah’s Witnesses in the Third Reich, trans. Dagman C. Grimm (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008).
39 See discussion in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Holocaust Encyclopedia, www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10005687, for calculation of the death toll. For discussion of the Nazi camp sysem, see Konnilyn G. Feig, Hitler’s Death Camps: The Sanity of Madness (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1981); Nikolaus Wachsmann and Jane Caplan, Concentration Camps in Nazi Germany: The New Histories (New York: Routledge, 2009).
40 See, e.g., discussions in Christopher R. Browning, Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners.
41 See, e.g., discussions in Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, “The Uniqueness of the Holocaust,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 25(1) (1996): 65–83; Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck, The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).
42 See, e.g., Lemkin, “Genocide as a Crime”; William Schabas, Genocide in International Law: The Crime of Crimes (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Lori Lyman Bruun, “Beyond the 1948 Genocide Convention—Emerging Principles of Genocide in Customary International Law,” Maryland Journal of International Law and Trace 17(1) (1993): 193–226; Steven R. Ratner, Jason S. Abrams, and James L. Bischoff, Accountability for Human Rights Atrocities in International Law: Beyond the Nuremburg Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
43 On sexual violence, see, e.g., MacKinnon, “Rape, Genocide, and Women’s Human Rights”; on enslavement, see, e.g., William L. Sauders, Jr., and Yuri G. Mantilla, “Human Dignity Denied: Slavery, Genocide, and Crimes against Humanity in Sudan,” Catholic University Law Review 51(3) (2002): 715–739; on forced impregnation, see, e.g., Siobhan K. Fisher, “Occupation of the Womb: Forced Impregnation as Genocide,” Duke Law Journal 46(1) (1996): 91–133; on forced migration, see, e.g., Kathleen Sara Galbraith, “Moving People: Forced Migration and International Law,” Georgetown Immigration Law Journal 13(4) (1999): 597–616.
44 For example, Rhonda Copelon explains that “the maintenance of concentration camp brothels for the rape of Jewish and Aryan women as well as rape in the course of conquest did not figure in the proceedings against high-level Nazis in the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg” but that its failure to be addressed does not mean that it did not happen (“Surfacing Gender,” pp.243–244). There is an evolving literature in the discipline of history about Wehrmacht sex crimes jurisprudence that discusses the ways in which different sex crimes were treated differently by different courts (e.g., David Raub Snyder, Sex Crimes under the Wehrmacht [Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007]).
45 This is even though Elisa von Joeden-Forgey (in “Gender and the Future of Genocide Studies and Prevention,” Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal 7[1] [2014]: 89–107, p.104) suggests that “the study of women perpetrators is most developed for the Holocaust,” citing Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987); Roger Smith, “Women and Genocide: Notes on an Unwritten History,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 8(3) (1994): 215–334; Christina Herkommer, “Women under National Socialism: Women’s Scope for Action and the Issue of Gender,” in Olaf Jensen and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann, eds., Ordinary People as Mass Murderers, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp.99–119; Irmtaud Heike, “Female Concentration Camp Guards as Perpetrators: Three Case Studies,” in Jensen and Szejnmann, Ordinary People, pp.120–144; Wendy Adele-Marie Sarti, Women and Nazis: Perpetrators of Genocide and Other Crimes During Hitler’s Regime, 1933–1945 (Palo Alto, CA: Academica, 2010).
46 See, e.g., Alexandra Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image,” p.396; Egon W. Fleck and Edward A. Tenenbaum. “Buchenwald: ein vorläufiger Bericht vom 24.4.1945,” in Lutz Niethammer, ed., Der gesäuberte Antifaschismus. Die SED und die roten Kapos von Buchenwald (Berlin: Akademic Verlag, 1994), pp.180–198; Smith, Die Hexe von Buchenwald.
47 See, e.g., Sarti, Women and Nazis; Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland.
48 See discussions in Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland; Sjoberg and Gentry, Mothers, Monsters, Whores; Gentry and Sjoberg, Beyond Mothers, Monsters, Whores.
49 Discussions of men’s perpetration of sexual violence include Copelon, “Surfacing Gender”; Jacobs, Memorializing the Holocaust; Carol Harrington, Politicization of Sexual Violence: From Abolitionism to Peacekeeping (London: Ashgate, 2010), p.79; Jessica R. Anderson Hughes, Forced Prostitution: The Competing and Contested Uses of the Concentration Camp Brothel (dissertation at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey—New Brunswick, 2011), http://gradworks.umi.com/34/74/3474863.html; discussions of women’s perpetration of other sorts of crimes can be seen in, e.g., the sources cited in notes 46 and 47, above.
50 See, e.g., Daniel Patrick Brown, The Camp Women: The Female Auxiliaries Who Assisted the SS in Running the Nazi Concentration Camp System (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Military History, 2002), p.25; Jack G. Morrison, Ravensbruck: Everyday Life in a Women’s Concentration Camp: 1939–1945 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), p.16; Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners; Dalia Ofer and Lenore J. Weitzman, Women in the Holocaust (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998); Carol Rittner and John K. Roth, Different Voices: Women and the Holocaust (New York: Paragon House, 1993); Charlotte Delbo, Auschwitz and After, trans. Rosette C. Lamont (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995); Wendy Lower, Hitler’s Furies: German Women in the Nazi Killing Fields (New York: Houghton Miffin Harcourt, 2013); Bronwyn Rebekah McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany: Moral Choice in History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Victor W. Sidel, “The Social Responsibilities of Health Professionals: Lessons from their Role in Nazi Germany,” Journal of the American Medical Association 276(20) (1996): 1679–1681; Paul Weindling, Health, Race, and German Politics Between National Unification and Nazism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
51 See, e.g., discussion in Lower, Hitler’s Furies.
52 Everette Lemons, The Third Reich: A Revolution of Ideological Inhumanity, Volume I: The Power of Perception (Raleigh, NC: Lulu.com, 2005).
53 Brown, The Camp Women.
54 See, e.g., discussions in Wolfgang Weyers, The Abuse of Man: An Illustrated History of Dubious Medical Experimentation (New York: Ardor Scribendi, 2007); Horst Freyhofer, The Nuremberg Medical Trial: The Holocaust and the Origin of the Nuremberg Medical Code (New York: Peter Lang, 2004); M. H. Armstrong Davison, “Medical War Crimes,” British Medical Journal 1(5079) (10 May 1958): 1121; Vivien Spitz, Doctors from Hell: The Horrific Account of Nazi Experiments on Humans (Boulder, CO: Sentient Publications, 2005); George J. Annas and Michael A. Grodin, The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Morrison, Ravensbruck; Francis R. Nicosia and Jonathan Huener, eds., Medicine and Medical Ethics in Nazi Germany, Origins, Practices, and Legacies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2002); Alexander Mikaberidze, Atrocities, Massacres, and War Crimes: An Encyclopedia, 2 vols. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013), pp.501–502.
55 Lemons, The Third Reich; Michael H. Kater, Doctors Under Hitler (Raleigh: University of North Carolina Press Books, 1990), p.110; Eric W. Hickey, Serial Murderers and Their Victims, 5th ed. (New York: Wadsworth/CENGAGE, 2010), p.253.
56 Przyrembel, “Transfixed by an Image”; Sarti, Women and Nazis; Andrea S. Dauber, “Not All Nazis are Men: Women’s Underestimated Potential for Violence in German Neo-Nazism. Continuation of the Past or Novel Phenomenon?” in Marcia Texler Segal and Vasikikie Demos, eds. Gendered Perspectives on Conflict and Violence: Part B (Advances in Gender Research, Volume 18) (Bradford, UK: Emerald Publishing Group Limited, 2014), pp.171–194; Felicia Morris, “Beautiful Monsters,” Legacy 11(1) (2012): 59–70; Margaret-Anne Hutton, Testimony from the Nazi Camps: French Women’s Voices (New York: Routledge, 2005); Lord Russell of Liverpool, The Scourge of the Swastika (London: Cassell, 1954); Sarah Helm, A Life in Secrets: Vera Atkins and the Missing Agents of WWII (New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2008).
57 Alix Christie, “Guarding the Truth,” Washington Post, 26 February 2006, p.W08.
58 Brown, The Camp Women.
59 Christie, “Guarding the Truth.”
60 Sarti, Women and Nazis, pp.60–61.
61 James Waller, Becoming Evil: How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing, 2d ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p.267.
62 E.g., discussions of Dorothea Binz and Ilse Koch’s relationships with male guards in Sjoberg, “Women and the Genocidal Rape of Women.”
63 Waller, Becoming Evil, p.266; McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany. For discussions of the Nazi forced sterilization programs, see George Annas, Edward Utley, and Michael Grodin, Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Patricia Heberer, “Targeting the ‘Unfit’ and Radical Public Health Strategies in Nazi Germany,” in Donna F. Ryan and John S. Schuchman, eds., Deaf People in Hitler’s Europe (Washington, DC: Galludet University Press, 2002), pp.49–73; Naomi Baumslag, Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2005).
64 See, e.g., Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2000); Karl A Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz: Nazi Policy toward German Jews, 1933–1939 (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1970); Gotz Aly, Peter Chroust, and Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994).
65 Gisela Bock, “Racism and Sexism in Nazi Germany: Motherhood, Compulsory Sterilization, and the State,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 8(3) (1983): 400–421; Kate Lacey, “Driving the Message Home: Nazi Propaganda in the Private Sphere,” in Lynn Abrams and Elizabeth Harvey, eds., Gender Relations and German History: Power, Agency, and Experience from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), pp.180–211; Herbert F. Ziegler, “Fight against the Empty Cradle: Nazi Pronatal Policies and the SS-Fuhrerkorps,” Historical Social Research 38 (April 1996): 25–40.
66 Herberer, “Targeting the ‘Unfit’”; Baumslag, Murderous Medicine; Elizabeth D. Heineman, “Sexuality and Nazism: The Doubly Unspeakable?,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11(1–2) (2002): 22–66.
67 Fisher, “Occupation of the Womb”; Skjelsbaek, “Sexual Violence and War”; Kristen Boon, “Rape and Forced Pregnancy under the ICC Statute: Human Dignity, Autonomy, and Consent,” Columbia Human Rights Law Review 32(2) (2000): 625–676; Lisa Sharlach, “Rape as Genocide: Bangladesh, the Former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda,” New Political Science 22(1) (2000): 89–102; R. Charli Carpenter, “Forced Maternity, Children’s Rights, and the Genocide Convention: A Theoretical Analysis,” Journal of Genocide Research 2(2) (2000): 213–244.
68 See, e.g., Lifton, The Nazi Doctors; Friedländer, Origins of Nazi Genocide; Michael Burleigh, “Racism as Social Policy: The Nazi ‘Euthanasia’ Programme, 1939–1945,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 14(4) (1991): 453–473; Roger W. Smith, “Genocide and the Politics of Rape: Historical and Psychological Perspectives,” in Joyce Apsel and Ernesto Verdeja, eds., Genocide Matters: Ongoing Issues and Emerging Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2013), pp.82–105; Patricia Weitsman, “Children Born of War and the Politics of Identity,” in R. Charli Carpenter, ed. Born of War: Protecting Children of Sexual Violence Survivors in Conflict Zones (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2007), pp.110–127.
69 See, e.g., discussion in Snyder, Sex Crimes under the Wehrmacht, about Nazi soldiers being punished for raping women classified as genetically undesirable.
70 I was able to find no such accounts in an extensive review of primary and secondary sources. While that doesn’t mean it never happened, it suggests that it was rare, quiet, or both.
71 On beating women’s breasts, see, e.g., Hutton, Testimony from the Nazi Camps; Donald McKale, Nazis after Hitler: How the Perpetrators of the Holocaust Cheated Justice and Truth (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2012), p.43; Alana Fangrad, Wartime Rape and Sexual Violence: An Examination of the Perpetrators, Motivations, and Functions of Sexual Violence against Jewish Women during the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2013), p.57, Sarti, Women and Nazis, p.119; on medical experimentation on pregnant women, see, e.g., discussion in Sonja Maria Hedgepeth and Rochelle G. Saidel, Sexual Violence Against Jewish Women during the Holocaust (Hanover: University Press of New England, 2010); on sterilization, see sources cited in note 66, above.
72 McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany; Susan Benedict and Jochen Kuhla, “Nurses’ Participation in the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany,” Western Journal of Nursing Research 21(2) (1999): 246–263.
73 Ibid., p.147; Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.25; Joachim-Ernst Meyer, “The Fate of the Mentally Ill in Germany during the Third Reich,” Psychological Medicine 18(3) (1988): 575–581; Michael Dudley and Fran Gale, “Psychiatrists as a Moral Community? Psychiatry under the Nazis and its Contemporary Relevance,” Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 36(4) (2002): 585–594; Benedict and Kuhla, “Nurses’ Participation.”
74 McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, p.147.
75 Ibid.
76 Ibid., p.148; Hans Hoffmann, “Die Sterilisierung (Unfrucbarmachung) Minderwertiger aus eugenischen Günden,” Geisteskrankenpfledge 37 (October 1933): 148.
77 McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, p.148.
78 Ibid., pp.148–149.
79 Ibid., pp.149–150, citing Hoffman, “Die Sterilisierung,” pp.150–151; R. Herrmann, “Geisteskrankenpfleger und Erbkunde,” Geisteskrankenpfledge 38 (February 1934): 22.
80 McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, p.150.
81 Ibid., p.151.
82 Ibid., p.133, citing Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: “Euthanasia” in Germany, c.1900–1945 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p.61; Gisele Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus: Studién zué Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986), pp.252, 262; Hans Ludwig Siemen, Menschen blieben auf der Strecke . . . : Psychiatrie zwischen Reform und Nationalsozialismus (Gütersloh: Van Hoddis, 1987), p.143.
83 Benedict and Kuhla, “Nurses’ Participation”; McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany.
84 See discussion in McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, pp.133–135, 147–151.
85 See discussion in Lower, Hitler’s Furies; see also Thomas Foth, Jochen Kuhla, and Susan Benedict, “Nursing during National Socialism,” in Susan Benedict and Linda Shields, eds., Nurses and Midwives in Nazi Germany: The “Euthanasia Programs” (New York: Routledge, 2014), pp.27–47.
86 Benedict and Kuhla, “Nurses’ Participation”; Susan Benedict, Arthur Caplan, Traute Lafrenz Page, “Duty and ‘Euthanasia’: The Nurses of Meseritz-Obrawalde,” Nursing Ethics 14(6) (2007): 781–794.
87 See, e.g., Maria Berghs, Bernadette Dierckx de Casterié, and Chris Gastmans, “Practices of Responsibility and Nurses during the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany: A Discussion Paper,” International Journal of Nursing Studies 44(5) (2007): 845–854.
88 Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); James Watson, “The Connection between American Eugenics and Nazi Germany,” interview at the DNA Learning Center, www.dnalc.org.
89 New accounts that have gotten some attention include Lower’s Hitler’s Furies and related publications (e.g., Tony Rennell, “The Nazi Women Who Were Every Bit as Evil as the Men,” MailOnline, 25 September 2013, www.dailymail.co.uk; Jacob Sugarman, “In Nazi Germany, Women Were Killers Too,” Salon.com, 27 October 2013, www.salon.com).
90 For discussions of the history of the conflict, see, e.g., Carole Rogel, The Breakup of Yugoslavia and Its Aftermath (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2004); Sonia Lucarelli, Europe and the Breakup of Yugoslavia: A Political Failure in Search of a Scholarly Explanation (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2000); Sabrina P. Ramet, Thinking about Yugoslavia: Scholarly Debates about the Yugoslav Breakup and the Wars in Bosnia and Kosovo (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War (New York: Penguin Books, 1996).
91 The discussion of the historical composition of Yugoslavia in John R. Lampe’s Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press) is an accessible one for those not well-versed in the conflict. See also Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, and Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), which focuses on the World War I era, for the development of the underlying tensions between the component republics; Viktor Meier, Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise (New York: Routledge, 2014), which focuses on the post-Tito era to understand the pressures on Yugoslav unification; Duško Sekulić, Garth Massey, and Randy Hodson, “Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia,” American Sociological Review 59(1) (1994): 83–97, which focuses on the perception that the Yugoslav republics never developed a common identity; Josef Joffe, “The New Europe: Yesterday’s Ghosts,” Foreign Affairs 72(1) (1992/1993): 29–43, which focuses on the interaction of Cold War history and Yugoslav history.
92 For discussion of the influence of Tito’s presidency-for-life on the structure of Yugoslavia and Yugoslav foreign policy, see, e.g., Aleksa Djilas, “The Academic West and the Balkan Test,” Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans Online 9(3) (2007): 323–332; Susan L. Woodward, “Violence-Prone Area or International Transition? Adding the Role of Outsiders in Balkan Violence,” in Veena Das, ed., Violence and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), pp.19–45.
93 For the question of the role of the death of Tito in the conflict, see Meier, Yugoslavia; Tone Bringa, “The Peaceful Death of Tito and the Violent End of Yugoslavia,” in John Borneman, ed., Death of the Father: An Anthropology of the End of Political Authority (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004), pp.148–200; Richard West, Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, 3d ed. (New York: Faber & Faber, 2012); Steven L. Burg, “Elite Conflict in post-Tito Yugoslavia,” Soviet Studies 38(2) (1986): 170–193.
94 See, e.g., discussions in Louis Sell, Slobodan Milošević and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002); Lenard J. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom: The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milošević (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2002), especially part I, which discusses the rise of Milošević and the relevance of Kosovo; Nebojsa Vladisavjević, Serbia’s Antibureaucratic Revolution: Milošević, the Fall of Communism, and Nationalist Mobilization (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Takis S. Pappas, “Shared Culture, Individual Strategy, and Collective Action: Explaining Slobodan Milošević’s Charismatic Rise to Power,” Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 5(2) (2005): 191–211; Philip Auerswald and David Auerswald, eds., The Kosovo Conflict: A Diplomatic History through Documents (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2000); V. P. Gagnon, Jr., “Yugoslavia: Prospects for Stability,” Foreign Affairs 70(3) (1991): 17–35.
95 See, e.g., the discussion in Bogdan Denis Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Vladislavjević, Serbia’s Antibureaucratic Revolution; Gale Stokes, The Walls Came Tumbling Down: The Collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), particularly ch.7, “The Devil’s Finger: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia,” pp.218–252.
96 For a timeline, see https://history.state.gov/milestones/1989-1992/breakup-yugoslavia, which chronicles the Croatian and Slovenian declarations of independence on June 25, 1991, the Bosnian declaration in May 1992, and the Macedonian declaration in the fall of 1991.
97 See, e.g., discussion of Serbs in Bosnia by Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention (London: M. E. Sharpe, 1999). Ethnic minorities across the former Yugoslav republics were featured prominently in the political claims of the new states against each other during the breakup and ensuing conflict.
98 Lucarelli, Europe and the Breakup of Yugoslavia; Richard Ullman, ed., The World and Yugoslavia’s Wars (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996); Cushman and Meštrović, This Time We Knew; James Gow, The Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
99 Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia; for a detailed analysis of Serbian motivations, see Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000); Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2010); Bette Denich, “Dismembering Yugoslavia: Nationalist Ideologies and the Symbolic Revival of Genocide,” American Ethnologist 21(2) (1994): 367–390.
100 Roland Rich, “Recognition of States: The Collapse of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union,” European Journal of International Law 4(1) (1993): 36–65.
101 For detail, see Burg and Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina. A question of the degree to which ethnicity was actually a motivation for some of the leaders has become a controversy in the scholarly literature, e.g., V. P. Gagnon, The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006). Several discourse analysts have engaged the conflict in Bosnia, including Hansen, Security as Practice.