PREFACE
1. E. McCann, ‘Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’ August 1969, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/32/2/28.
2. See, for example, Derry Journal, 25 March 1969; Derry Journal, 11 February 1969; Londonderry Sentinel, 22 October 1969; Reality, Anniversary Edition 1968-9, PRONI, D/2560/4/2; Londonderry Sentinel, 12 November 1969.
3. Derry Journal, 11 October 1968; Derry Journal, 5 November 1968; Derry Journal, 19 November 1968.
4. Police Logs, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman Belfast exhibits.
5. This interpretation was pioneered by P. Brass, Theft of an Idol: Text and Context in the Representation of Collective Violence (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1997).
6. D. McKittrick, S. Kelters, B. Feeney, C. Thornton and D. McVea, Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2004 edn.), pp. 28–9.
7. A. Kennedy letter and enclosures, 22 June 1966, PRONI CAB/9B/300/1.
8. The Government of Northern Ireland, Disturbances in Northern Ireland (Cameron Report) (Belfast: HMSO, 1969), p. 27.
9. ‘RIGHTS – In the Mid-Derry and Foyle constituencies, after a short and fatal illness, lust for power, Derry Civil, aged approx 4 months’, Derry Journal, 11 February 1969.
10. Frank Gogarty, ‘The Development of the Civil Rights Movement and its Future Course’, PRONI, D/3253/3/11/5.
11. Derry Journal, 21 February 1969.
12. Cabinet conclusions, 20 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1418; Cabinet conclusions, 21 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1419.
13. Police Logs.
14. Samuel Bradley’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 20 October 1970, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman minutes of evidence, p. 40; B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin: Penguin Ireland, 2009), p. 126.
15. J. Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’: The Authorised Biography of Martin Meehan (Belfast: Rushlight Publications, 2008), p. 39.
16. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 127.
17. No. 55, Scarman Belfast exhibits; Gerald McAuley inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23.
18. Government of Northern Ireland, Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969 (Scarman Report), Volume I (Belfast: HMSO, 1972), p. 225.
19. Irish News, 13 October 1969.
20. 39 Infantry Brigade Log, 5, 7, 10, and 11 October 1969, London, National Archives (NA), WO/305/4192; Report by OC 3 LI of Operations on the Shankill Road, 11–12 October 1969, reproduced in Narrative of the Military Operations in Northern Ireland which Began in August 1969 Volume 1, Freedom of Information Act, DEFE/305; Statement of Head Constable Stewart, 10 December 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23; Belfast Telegraph, 13 October 1969.
21. 39 Infantry Brigade INTSUM, 20 October 1969, NA, WO305/4192.
INTRODUCTION
1. Derry Journal, 6 November 2009.
2. Marshall autopsy report, 15 August 1969, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), BELF/6/1/1/2
3. INTSUM, 24 to 30 June 1970, London, National Archives (NA), WO/305/3355; Derry Journal, 30 June 1970.
4. B. Friel, Freedom of the City (London: Faber and Faber, 1974).
5. P. Mandler, ‘The Problem with Cultural History’, Cultural and Social History, 1, 1 (January 2004), pp. 94–117, pp. 94–5.
6. On the origins of the Troubles, see, for example, H. Patterson, Ireland since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Dublin: Penguin Ireland, 2006); T. Hennessey, Northern Ireland: The Origins of the Troubles (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2005); P. Dixon, Northern Ireland: The Politics of War and Peace (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001); N. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork: Cork University Press, 1997); J. Ruane and J. Todd, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); B. Purdie, Politics in the Streets: The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1990).
7. S. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 17.
8. Ruane and Todd, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland, p. 3.
9. Mandler, ‘The Problem with Cultural History’, p. 116.
10. S. Berger, ‘Comparative History’, in S. Berger, H. Feldner and K. Passmore (eds), Writing History: Theory & Practice (London: Arnold, 2003), pp. 161–79, p. 161.
11. R. Foster, ‘The Story of Ireland’, in R. Foster (ed.), The Irish Story (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 1–22, p. 3. For Foster’s latest thinking on Irish narratives, see R. Foster, Words Alone: Yeats and his Inheritances (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).
12. J. Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. xviii.
13. Variétés, June 1929.
14. P. McLoughlin, John Hume and the Revision of Irish Nationalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), p. 18; K. McEvoy, ‘What Did the Lawyers Do During the “War”? Neutrality, Conflict and the Culture of Quietism’, Modern Law Review, 74, 3 (May 2011), pp. 350–84, p. 357.
15. H. Patterson, ‘The British State and the Rise of the IRA, 1969–71: The View from the Conway Hotel’, Irish Political Studies, 23, 4 (December 2008), pp. 491–511, p. 491.
16. Hennessey, Northern Ireland; T. Hennessey, The Evolution of the Troubles 1970–72 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007).
17. See D. McAdam, S. Tarrow and C. Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
18. This scholarly argument was pioneered in R. Bourke, Peace in Ireland: The War of Ideas (London: Pimlico, 2003).
19. S. Kalyvas, ‘The Ontology of “Political Violence”: Action and Identity in Civil Wars’, Perspective on Politics, 1, 3 (September 2003), pp. 475–94, p. 481.
20. A. Lawrence and E. Chenoweth, ‘Introduction’, in E. Chenoweth and A. Lawrence (eds), Rethinking Violence: States and Non-State Actors in Conflict (Harvard, MA: MIT Press, 2010), pp. 1–19, pp. 8–10.
21. K. Chandra, ‘What Is Ethnic Identity and Does It Matter?’ Annual Review of Political Science, 9 (June 2006), pp. 397–424.
22. P. Brass, ‘Foucault Steals Political Science’, Annual Review of Political Science, 3 (June 2000), pp. 305–30, pp. 325–6.
23. P. Hart, The IRA at War 1916–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 10 and 27.
24. F. Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution trans. E. Forster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 81–9.
25. J. Vernon, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), p. ix.
26. I. Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox: Essays on Tolstoy’s View of History (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1953). Hedgehogs see the world through the lens of one big idea; foxes draw on many little ideas to understand the world.
27. R. Brubaker and D. Laitin, ‘Ethnic and Nationalist Violence’, Annual Review of Sociology, 24 (August 1998), pp. 423–52, p. 426.
28. S. Collini, That’s Offensive! Criticism, Identity, Respect (London: Seagull Books, 2010).
29. Z. Smith, ‘Speaking in Tongues’, New York Review of Books, February 26, 2009.
30. DCDA’s submission to the Scarman tribunal, [summer 1971], London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman submissions.
31. C. Browning, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. xx.
32. R. Evans, ‘Introduction’, Journal of Contemporary History, 39, 2 (April 2004), pp. 163–7.
33. See, for example, T. Shanahan, The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Morality of Terrorism (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009).
34. J. Hume’s evidence to the Scarman tribunal, 14 November 1969, London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman minutes of evidence, pp. 16 and 48.
35. ‘Labour and Civil Rights’, 4 October 1969, Belfast, Linen Hall Library, P1618.
36. D. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York, NY: William Morrow, 1999 edn.), p. 625.
37. Friel, Freedom of the City.
38. The British army intelligence summary records, despite ‘rumours, alarms and excursions’, ‘there was very little trouble’ – and there were no killings. INTSUM, 4 to 10 February 1970, NA, WO/305/3350.
CHAPTER 1
1. J. Steinbeck, ‘I Go Back to Ireland’, in J. Steinbeck, America and Americans, and Selected Non-fiction (London: Penguin, 2003 edn.), pp. 262–9, pp. 262–5.
2. D. McClenaghan, ‘Abandonment, Civil Rights and Socialism’, in P. McClenaghan (ed.), Spirit of ’68: Beyond the Barricades (Derry: Guildhall Press, 2009), pp. 27–46, pp. 27 and 38.
3. Z. Kövecses, Metaphor: A Practical Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. viii.
4. N. McCafferty, Nell (London: Penguin, 2004), p. 13.
5. R. Foster, ‘Selling Irish Childhoods: Frank McCourt and Gerry Adams’, in R. Foster, The Irish Story (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 164–86, pp. 185–6.
6. McCafferty, Nell, pp. 10–71.
7. U. Neisser and L. Libby, ‘Remembering Life Experiences’, in E. Tulving and F. Craik (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 edn.), pp. 315–32, pp. 318–19.
8. Derry Youth and Community Workshop, Springtown Camp (Derry: Derry Youth and Community Workshop, 1980), p. 27.
9. N. McCafferty, Peggy Deery: A Derry Family at War (Dublin: Attic Press, 1988), pp. 9 and 22.
10. James Munce Partnership, Londonderry Area Plan, April 1968, Belfast, McClay Library.
11. B. Harrison, Seeking a Role: The United Kingdom, 1951-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 249–50; A. Finlay, ‘The Cutting Edge: Derry Shirtmakers’, in C. Curtin, P. Jackson and B. O’Connor (eds), Gender in Irish Society (Galway: Galway University Press, 1987), pp. 87–107, p. 87; Londonderry Area Plan.
12. McCafferty, Peggy Deery, p. 9.
13. For a general history of the city, see B. Lacy, Siege City: The Story of Derry and Londonderry (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1990).
14. I. McBride, The Siege of Derry in Ulster Protestant Mythology (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1997), pp. 12–20.
15. R. Lynch, The Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition, 1920–1922 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2006), pp. 21 and 54–8.
16. E. Warnock to T. O’Neill, 13 November 1968, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), CAB/4/1414.
17. Derry Journal, 8 September 1961.
18. Minutes of Executive Committee, 20 June 1958, PRONI, D/1327/6/72, quoted in H. Patterson, ‘In the Land of King Canute: the Influence of Border Unionism on Ulster Unionist Politics, 1945–63’, Contemporary British History, 20, 4 (December 2006), pp. 511–32, p. 528.
19. McCafferty, Nell, p. 33.
20. McCafferty, Peggy Deery, p. 20.
21. Cabinet conclusions, 29 August 1946, PRONI, CAB/4/683.
22. McCafferty, Peggy Deery, p. 21. Between 1951 and 1961, there were high levels of emigration, with the annual rate reaching 1.3 per cent. Londonderry Area Plan.
23. Derry Journal, 6 November 2009.
24. Derry Journal, 31 January 1963.
25. R. Williams, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women’s Struggles against Urban Inequality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 10 and 85.
26. M. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), p. 183.
27. Derry Journal, 27 November 1959.
28. M. Chappell, J. Hutchinson and B. Ward, ‘“Dress Modestly, Neatly … As If You Were Going to Church”: Respectability, Class and Gender in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Early Civil Rights Movement’ in P. Ling and S. Monteith (eds), Gender in the Civil Rights Movement (London: Garland, 1999), pp. 69–100, pp. 72–3 and 88.
29. E. Herdman to W. Douglas, 23 June 1950, PRONI, D/1327/15/14, quoted in Patterson, ‘In the Land of King Canute’, p. 520.
30. J. Tomlinson, Re-inventing the “Moral Economy” in Post-war Britain’, Historical Research (early view, 2010).
31. J. Vernon, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), p. 15.
32. Derry Journal, 14 October 1960.
33. Harrison, Seeking a Role, p. 250.
34. Derry Journal, 14 October 1960; Derry Journal, 31 July 1964; Derry Journal, 3 June 1960; Derry Journal, 3 February 1967; Derry Journal, 31 January 1964; Derry Journal, 23 October 1964; Derry Journal, 24 April 1964; Derry Journal, 2 June 1964; Derry Journal, 14 July 1964; Derry Journal, 9 June 1967.
35. Derry Journal, 24 January 1964; Derry Journal, 25 July 1967; Derry Journal, 6 October 1967.
36. Derry Journal, 15 November 1963.
37. Derry Journal, 30 June 1967; Derry Journal, 8 December 1967; Derry Journal, 10 October 1967; Derry Journal, 21 November 1967.
38. B. Lynn, Holding the Ground: The Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland, 1945–72 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), pp. 26–8, 33, 48, 52 and 61.
39. E. McAteer, Irish Action: New Thoughts on an Old Subject (Belfast: Athol Books, 1979 edn.), pp. 52–3.
40. Derry Journal, 14 February 1961.
41. Derry Journal, 21 October 1966.
42. F. Polletta, ‘Contending Stories: Narrative in Social Movements’, Qualitative Sociology, 21, 4 (December 1998), pp. 419–46, pp. 428–9.
43. Non-violence here is defined as actions that occur outside of normal institutional channels. See K. Schock, ‘Nonviolent Action and its Misconceptions: Insights for Social Scientists’, PS: Political Science and Politics, 36, 4 (October 2003), pp. 705–12.
44. McAteer, Irish Action, pp. 52–3.
45. B. Lynn, ‘Nationalist Politics in Derry 1945-1969’, in G. O’Brien (ed.), Derry and Londonderry – History and society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin: Geography Publications, 1999), pp. 601–24, p. 607.
46. Lynn, Holding the Ground, p. 55.
47. McAteer, Irish Action, p. 53. On what it took to win the great non-violent victory at Birmingham, Alabama, see A. Manis, A Fire You Can’t Put Out: The Civil Rights Life of Birmingham’s Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth (London: The University of Alabama Press, 1999).
48. M. Gandhi, Essential Writings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008 edn.), p. 94.
49. S. Chabot and J. Duyvendak, ‘Globalization and the Transnational Diffusion between Social Movements: Reconceptualizing the Dissemination of the Gandhian Repertoire and the “Coming Out” Routine’, Theory and Society, 31, 6 (December 2002), pp. 697–740, pp. 699, 701, 706 and 727–8.
50. R. Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society: A Study in Ethics and Politics (London: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1932), pp. 241–4 and 252–3.
51. Gandhi, Essential Writings, p. 314.
52. Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society, p. 250. Other intellectuals doubted whether non-violence would be suitable for American conditions. B. Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and US Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 91–2.
53. Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–63 (London: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 87; N. Schlueter, One Dream or Two? Justice in America and the Thought of Martin Luther King Jr. (Oxford: Lexington Books, 2002), p. 126.
54. R. English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA (London: Macmillan, 2003), p. 87; Irish Democrat, April 1965.
55. Derry Journal, 2 June 1964.
56. Ibid.
57. Derry Journal, 26 January 1965.
58. Derry Journal, 29 January 1965.
59. Irish Democrat, February 1966.
60. Derry Journal, 12 March 1965; Derry Journal, 13 April 1965; Derry Journal, 15 February 1966; Derry Journal, 29 March 1966.
61. Derry Journal, 19 January 1965.
62. Derry Journal, 26 January 1968; Derry Journal, 22 November 1960; Derry Journal, 18 January 1963.
63. Derry Journal, 14 February 1961.
64. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968.
65. Derry Journal, 19 May 1964; Derry Journal, 19 August 1966.
66. Derry Journal, 21 October 1966.
67. Derry Journal, 17 February 1967.
68. Memorandum to the Cabinet Submitted by the Minister of Development, 23 April 1970, PRONI, CAB/4/1514; Cabinet conclusions, 4 June 1970, PRONI, CAB/4/1523.
69. Derry Journal, 3 November 1967.
70. E. Daly, Mister, Are you a Priest? (Dublin: Four Courts, 2000), p. 104.
71. Derry Journal, 5 March 1968.
72. Viscount Brookeborough, Diaries, 23 September 1958, quoted in H. Patterson, Ireland since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Dublin: Penguin, 2006), p. 129.
73. Minute prepared for the purpose of some definite ideas and suggestions before the meeting with the prime minister on 13 September 1956, [September 1956], PRONI, PM/5/95/10, quoted in Patterson, ‘In the Land of King Canute’, p. 514.
74. R. Harris, Regional Economic Policy in Northern Ireland, 1945–88 (Aldershot: Avebury, 1991), p. 19; Derry Journal, 1 January 1960; Derry Journal, 18 October 1960; Derry Journal, 22 May 1962; Derry Journal, 24 January 1967.
75. Derry Journal, 29 December 1964.
76. N. ó Dochartaigh, ‘Housing and Conflict: Social Change and Collective Action in Derry in the 1960s’, in G. O’Brien (ed.), Derry and Londonderry – History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin: Geography Publications, 1999), pp. 625–45, pp. 625–7.
77. NIHT, Annual Report of the Northern Ireland Housing Trust (Belfast: NIHT, 1966), pp. 12–13.
78. Derry Journal, 20 September 1966. The official figures were that 1,800 were on the waiting list in 1966. Housing in Londonderry, 9 December 1966, PRONI, CAB/9N/4/20.
79. This paragraph draws upon G. O’Brien, ‘“Our Magee Problem”: Stormont and the Second University’, in O’Brien (ed.), Derry and Londonderry, pp. 647–96, pp. 647–8, 661–8 and 683–5.
80. A second university for Northern Ireland, February 1964, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/2.
81. Memorandum by the Minister of Education, 11 December 1964, PRONI, CAB/4/1286.
82. E. Jones to H. Kirk, 2 April 1965, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/2. In May 1969, a different Minister of Education reached the same conclusion: ‘Such reasons as are in favour of its survival are political not educational’. W. Long, Memorandum – Magee University College, 22 May 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1445.
83. Handwritten Note of Discussion between the Prime Minister, Education Minister and Representatives of Londonderry Unionism, 19 February 1965, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/2.
84. Derry Journal, 19 February 1965.
85. E. Jones to C. Bateman, 11 February 1965, PRONI CAB/9D/31/2.
86. Derry Journal, 19 February 1965.
87. Derry Journal, 1 January 1965; Derry Journal, 29 January 1965.
88. Derry Journal, 2 February 1965.
89. Londonderry Sentinel, 17 February 1965.
90. Derry Journal, 16 February 1965.
91. Derry Journal, 19 February 1965.
92. Jones to Bateman, 11 February 1965.
93. Derry Journal, 2 February 1965.
94. Belfast Telegraph, 26 February 1965.
95. Derry Journal, 5 March 1965.
96. Londonderry Sentinel, 12 May 1965.
97. Derry Journal, 11 May 1965.
98. Derry Journal, 7 February 1964.
99. Derry Journal, 18 August 1964; Times, 24 April 1967.
100. Derry Journal, 21 August 1964.
101. Londonderry Sentinel, 31 March 1965.
102. E. Jones to H. Black, 2 April 1965, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/3.
103. Derry Journal, 10 December 1965.
104. Derry Journal, 26 November 1965.
105. Derry Journal, 26 November 1965.
106. Derry Journal, 19 October 1965; Londonderry Sentinel, 27 October 1965.
107. T. Wilson, Economic Development in Northern Ireland (Belfast: HMSO, 1965), p. 135; S. Gunn, ‘The Rise and Fall of British Urban Modernism: Planning Bradford, circa 1945–1970’, Journal of British Studies, 49, 4 (October 2010), pp. 849–69, p. 852; Memorandum from J. Oliver to C. Bateman, 17 February 1965, PRONI, CAB/9D/31/2. As late as August 1965, when the initiative still technically lay with it, the corporation remained opposed to an area plan. K. Bloomfield to F. Evans, 26 August 1965, PRONI, CAB/9B/163/10.
108. Derry Journal, 11 June 1968; T. O’Neill, The Autobiography of Terence O’Neill (London: Hart-Davies, 1972), p. 101; T. O’Neill interview, Yearbook of the Conservative Unionist Association of Queen’s University Belfast 1967–1968, PRONI, D/3297/3.
109. Belfast Telegraph, 10 May 1969.
110. F. Trentmann, ‘Materiality in the Future of History: Things, Practices, and Politics’, Journal of British Studies, 48, 2 (April 2009), pp. 283–307, pp. 293–4.
111. Minute, September 1956, Patterson, ‘In the Land of King Canute’, p. 514.
112. Housing in Londonderry, 9 December 1966.
113. G. McSheffrey, Planning Derry: Planning and Politics in Northern Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), pp. 19–22 and 47–9.
114. Derry Journal, 5 March 1968.
115. J. Gold, The Practice of Modernism: Modern Architects and Urban Transformation, 1954–1972 (London: Routledge, 2007), p. 10.
116. Londonderry Area Plan.
117. Housing in Londonderry, 9 December 1966.
118. Londonderry Area Plan.
119. Derry Journal, 26 March 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 27 March 1968.
120. Derry Journal, 10 October 1967.
121. Derry Journal, 13 October 1967.
122. Londonderry Sentinel, 19 May 1965.
123. Derry Journal, 9 March 1965; Derry Journal, 25 June 1965; Derry Journal, 6 August 1965.
124. Londonderry Sentinel, 1 December 1965.
125. M. King, Letter from Birmingham Jail, http://www.stanford.edu/group/King/frequentdocs/birmingham.pdf (last accessed 15 March 2011).
126. Hume came to understand that the ‘development plan for Derry was wrested from the Government’: Derry Journal, 6 May 1969.
127. McCafferty, Nell, p. 115.
128. Irish Militant, October 1967; M. Backus, ‘“Not Quite Philadelphia, Is It?”: An Interview with Eamonn McCann’, Éire-Ireland, 36, 3&4 (fall/winter 2001), pp. 178–91, p. 185; Transcript of BBC interview with E. McCann, [summer 2008] (personal notes); Derry Journal, 26 March 1968; Derry Journal, 7 May 1968; Derry Journal, 17 May 1968.
129. McCafferty, Nell, pp. 81 and 116–17.
130. Transcript of BBC interview with D. McClenaghan, [summer 2008] (personal notes); Transcript of BBC interview with E. Melaugh, [summer 2008] (personal notes).
131. Derry Journal, 3 October 2008.
132. CIA, ‘Restless Youth’, September 1968, Lyndon B. Johnson Library, Austin, Texas, D/613/68, quoted in M. Klimke, The Other Alliance: Student Protest in West Germany and the United States in the Global Sixties (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), p. 1.
133. P. Gassert and M. Klimke, ‘Introduction’, in P. Gassert and M. Klimke (eds), 1968: Memories and Legacies of a Global Revolt (Washington, DC: German Historical Institute, 2009), pp. 5–24, pp. 6–7.
134. Transcript of McCann interview. The interaction between the global and the local in Northern Ireland during the ‘long ‘68’ is considered at length in S. Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of The Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007). This section will focus on direct action, which is almost entirely overlooked in Northern Ireland’s ’68.
135. T. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York, NY: Random House, 2008), pp. 354–5.
136. P. Joseph, Waiting ‘Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America (New York, NY: Henry Holt, 2006), pp. xvii, 1–8, 139, 142–61 and 193.
137. Special branch report on American political activity in London, 24 November 1967, London, National Archives (NA), HO/325/104.
138. D. Cooper, ‘Beyond Words’, in D. Cooper (ed.), The Dialectics of Liberation (London: Penguin, 1967), pp. 193–202, pp. 201–2.
139. Transcript of McCann interview; B. Dooley, Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland and Black America (London: Pluto Press, 1998), p. 46.
140. S. Carmichael, ‘Black Power’, in D. Cooper (ed.), The Dialectics of Liberation (London: Penguin, 1967), pp. 150–74, p. 168.
141. Irish Militant, September 1967; Irish Militant, October 1967.
142. W. Mausbach, ‘Auschwitz and Vietnam: West Germany’s Protest against America’s War During the 1960s’, in A. Daum, L. Gardner and W. Mausbach (eds), America, the Vietnam War, and the World: Comparative and International Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 279–98, p. 297.
143. J. Varon, Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies (London: University of California Press, 2004), p. 41.
144. Klimke, Other Alliance, pp. 35–8.
145. J. Varon, ‘Refusing to be “Good Germans”: New Left Violence as a Global Phenomenon’, German Historical Institute Bulletin, 43 (fall 2008), pp. 21–43, p. 32.
146. Avant-Garde Jeunesse, Special No. 10–11 (February–March 1968).
147. M. Seidman, The Imaginary Revolution: Parisian Students and Workers in 1968 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2004), pp. 72 and 73.
148. F. Crouzet, ‘A University Besieged: Nanterre, 1967–69’, Political Science Quarterly, 84, 2 (June 1969), pp. 328–50, pp. 342–9; R. Merritt, ‘The Student Protest Movement in West Berlin’, Comparative Politics, 1, 4 (July 1969), pp. 516–33, pp. 526–7.
149. Seidman, Imaginary Revolution, pp. 73 and 75–85.
150. R. Aron, ‘Student Rebellion: Vision of the Future or Echo from the Past?’, Political Science Quarterly, 84, 2 (June 1969), pp. 289–310, p. 292.
151. Guardian, 31 May 2000; T. Ali, Street Fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties (Glasgow: Fontana, 1987), p. 171; Transcript of McCann interview; Backus, ‘“Not Quite Philadelphia, Is It?”’, p. 185.
152. Special branch report on American political activity in London, 24 November 1967.
153. Irish Militant, October 1967.
154. Special branch report on American political activity in London, 24 November 1967.
155. Special branch report on American political activity in London, 26 February 1968, NA, HO/325/104.
156. Guardian, 18 March 1968.
157. N. Thomas, ‘Protests against the Vietnam War in 1960s Britain: The Relationship between Protesters and the Press’, Contemporary British History, 22, 3 (September 2008), pp. 335–54, pp. 341–5.
158. Guardian, 31 May 2000.
159. Copy of report provided to the BBC under the Freedom of Information Act. For further details, see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/7424867.stm (last accessed 19 November 2010).
160. E. McCann, ‘Civil Rights in an International Context’, in P. McClenaghan (ed.), Spirit of ’68: Beyond the Barricades (Derry: Guildhall Press, 2009), pp. 16–26, p. 21; Transcript of McCann interview.
161. See, for instance, Derry Journal, 4 October 2008 and A. Edwards, A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), p. 138.
162. Transcript of McCann interview.
163. Irish Democrat, April 1965.
164. F. Gogarty to George, 18 February 1969, PRONI, D/3253/1.
165. M. Milotte, Communism in Modern Ireland: The Pursuit of the Workers’ Republic since 1916 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1984), pp. 136 and 164; Patterson, Ireland since 1939, pp. 10 and 13.
166. Edwards, History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party, p. 138.
167. Transcript of interview with McClenaghan.
168. Derry Journal, 7 May 1968; Derry Journal, 14 May 1968.
169. Derry Journal, 14 May 1968; Derry Journal, 3 October 2008. On the Dublin Housing Action Committee, which was formed before the DHAC but resorted to direct action after it, see E. Hanna, ‘Dublin’s North Inner City, Preservationism, and Irish Modernity in the 1960s’, Historical Journal, 53, 4 (December 2010), pp. 1015–35, pp. 1030–3.
170. Londonderry Sentinel, 3 April 1968.
171. Derry Journal, 2 April 1968.
172. Derry Journal, 3 May 1968.
173. Derry Journal, 25 June 1968.
174. Derry Journal, 2 July 1968. The family were eventually given a home at 417 Bishop Street. Reality, Anniversary Edition 1968–9, Derry, Derry City Council’s Archives (DCCA), Bridget Bond Civil Rights Collection.
175. Derry Journal, 5 July 1968.
176. E. McCann, War and an Irish Town (London: Pluto, 1993 edn.), p. 91.
177. Peace News, September 1967; Varon, Bringing the War Home, p. 44; D. Triesman, ‘Essex’, New Left Review, July–August 1968.
178. King, Letter from Birmingham Jail.
179. L. Sobel and J. Fickes, Welfare & the Poor (New York, NY: Facts on File, 1977), pp. 28–9. See, also, Bernadette Devlin’s speech at the Sorbonne in the autumn of 1970: ‘the people of Ireland … were born into a system in which there was violence – violence that kills the children of the working class because of the conditions they live in’. Irish Times, 13 November 1970.
180. Derry Journal, 23 July 1968.
181. Derry Journal, 6 September 1968.
182. McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 91.
183. Derry Journal, 23 July 1968.
184. L. Donohue, ‘Regulating Northern Ireland: The Special Powers Acts, 1922–1972’, Historical Journal, 41, 4 (December 1998), pp. 1089–1120, pp. 1119–20.
185. J. Earl, S. Soule and J. McCarthy, ‘Protest under Fire? Explaining the Policing of Protest’, American Sociological Review, 68, 4 (August 2003), pp. 581–606, p. 582.
186. J. Habermas, Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics trans. J. Shapiro (London: Beacon Press; 1971), p. 41.
187. Derry Journal, 19 July 1968.
188. Derry Journal, 23 July 1968; W. Meharg to Ministry of Home Affairs, 24 July 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/28; G. Fitt’s evidence to the Cameron Commission, 25 July 1969, PRONI, GOV/2/1/140. ‘F. Ó Dochartaigh, ‘Derry Salutes Connolly’, DCCA, Bridget Bond Civil Rights Collection.
189. Derry Journal, 23 July 1968.
190. Derry Journal, 29 March 1966; Irish Democrat, February 1968.
191. Dungannon Observer, 3 August 1968.
192. F. Gogarty, ‘The Development of the Civil Rights Movement and its Future Course’, [May 1969], PRONI, D/3253/3.
193. Derry Journal, 16 August 1968.
194. Civil Rights March from Coalisland to Dungannon, 29 August 1968, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7.
195. M. King, ‘Behind the Selma March’, Saturday Review, 3 April 1965.
196. Civil Rights March from Coalisland to Dungannon.
197. Manis, A Fire You Can’t Put Out, p. 368.
198. D. Johnston to J. Hill, 7 July 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/28.
199. Derry Journal, 27 August 1968; A. Currie, All Hell Will Break Loose (Dublin: O’Brien, 2004), p. 106.
200. Civil Rights March from Coalisland to Dungannon.
201. King, ‘Behind the Selma March’.
202. Derry Journal, 27 August 1968; Derry Journal, 10 September 1968; Gogarty to George, 18 February 1969; McCann, War and an Irish Town, p. 94; Transcript of Melaugh interview.
203. See, for example, J. Becker, Hitler’s Children: Story of the Baader-Meinhof Terrorist Gang (Philadelphia, PA: J.B. Lippincott, 1977). The best account of how the global context has been ignored is Varon, ‘Refusing to be “Good Germans”’.
204. McCann, ‘Civil Rights in an International Context’, pp. 16 and 17.
205. Derry Journal, 30 August 1968.
206. Derry Journal, 27 February 1968; Derry Journal, 16 July 1968; Derry Journal, 18 June 1968; Derry Journal, 28 August 1967; Derry Journal, 28 June 1968; Derry Journal, 17 May 1968; Derry Journal, 28 June 1968; Derry Journal, 23 April 1968.
207. Trentmann, ‘Materiality in the Future of History’, p. 305.
CHAPTER 2
1. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 57, 7 October 1964, cols. 2835–86.
2. S. Gribbon, Edwardian Belfast: A Social Profile (Belfast: Appletree Press, 1982), p. 13.
3. See Table 1.1 in A. Hepburn, A Past Apart: Studies in the History of Catholic Belfast 1850–1950 (Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation, 1996), p. 4.
4. In 1813, 1832, 1835, 1841, 1843, 1852, 1857, 1864, 1872, 1880, 1884, 1886, 1898, 1907 and 1909. The list is taken from I. Budge and C. O’Leary, Belfast: Approach to Crisis. A Study of Belfast Politics, 1613–1970 (London: Macmillan, 1973), p. 89. For further details, see A. Boyd, Holy War in Belfast (Belfast: Pretani Press, 1987 edn.); S. Baker, ‘Orange and Green: Belfast 1832–1912’, in H. Dyos and M. Wolff (eds), The Victorian City: Images and Reality (London: Routledge, 1973), pp. 789–814; C. Hirst, Religion, Politics and Violence in 19th Century Belfast: The Pound and Sandy Row (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2002); M. Doyle, Fighting like the Devil for the Sake of God: Protestants, Catholics and the Origins of Violence in Victorian Belfast (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2009).
5. S. Wilkinson, Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 204–35.
6. Manchester Guardian, 22 July 1920.
7. A. Parker, Belfast’s Holy War: The Troubles of the 1920s (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), p. 12.
8. P. Hart, The IRA at War 1916–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005 edn.), p. 251. For further discussion of ‘the pogrom model’, see pp.210–11 below.
9. Hepburn, A Past Apart, p. 183.
10. M. Poole and F. Boal, ‘Religious Residential Segregation in Belfast in mid-1969: a Multi-Level Analysis’, Social Patterns in Cities (London: Institute of Geographers, 1973), p. 13.
11. Ibid., p. 14.
12. F. Boal, ‘Territoriality on the Shankill-Falls Divide’, Irish Geography, 6, 1 (1969), pp. 30–50.
13. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 57, 7 October 1964, col. 2896.
14. For the extent of and the rationale for anti-Catholic discrimination, see J. Whyte, ‘How Much Discrimination Was There under the Unionist Regime, 1921–68?’, in T. Gallagher and J. O’Connell (eds), Contemporary Irish Studies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), pp. 1–35; M. Mulholland, ‘Why Did Unionists Discriminate?’, in S. Wichert (ed.), From the United Irishmen to Twentieth-Century Unionism: A Festschrift for A.T.Q. Stewart (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), pp. 187–206.
15. In the 1961 Census seven out of ten adult males in Belfast were classified as manual workers. See Government of Northern Ireland, Census of Population 1961: Belfast County Borough (Belfast: HMSO, 1963), p. xxxiv.
16. On the NILP, see A. Edwards, A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009).
17. It won 5 per cent of the vote in the general election of 1957 and 3 per cent in that of 1961. C. O’Leary, Irish Elections 1918–1977: Parties, Voters and Proportional Representation (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1979), p. 104.
18. L. Donohue, ‘Regulating Northern Ireland: The Special Powers Acts, 1922–1972’, Historical Journal, 41, 4 (December 1998), pp. 1089–1120.
19. This campaign involved bombings in England as well as actions in Northern Ireland. R. English, Armed Struggle: A History of the IRA (London: Macmillan, 2003), pp. 53–71.
20. S. Cronin, Irish Nationalism: A History of its Roots and Ideology (Dublin: The Academy Press, 1980), p. 171; Belfast Newsletter, 16 March 1957. Cronin was Chief of Staff of the IRA during much of the campaign and was responsible for planning it. Another explanation for the failure to undertake operations in Belfast is that there were suspicions that there was an informer in the ranks of the IRA in the city who might betray them. See B. Anderson, Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2002). p. 137.
21. B. Flynn, Soldiers of Folly: The IRA Border Campaign 1956–1962 (Doughcloyne: Collins Press, 2009), p. 197; B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin, Penguin Ireland, 2009), pp. 7–21; English, Armed Struggle, pp. 72–6; United Irishman, March 1962.
22. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 33. It was as Liam McMillen that he stood in West Belfast.
23. L. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA in the North from 1962 to 1969’, in Liam McMillen: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Respol Pamphlet, No. 21 (Dublin: Sinn Féin, n.d.), pp. 2–3. (This was a lecture which McMillen gave in Dublin in June 1972.) See also Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 35; P. Bishop and E. Mallie, The Provisional IRA (London: Corgi Books, 1988), p. 56; M. McKeown, The Greening of a Nationalist (Dublin: Murlough Press, 1986), pp. 32–3.
24. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 3; Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 57, 7 October 1964, col. 2837.
25. Ibid., col. 2892.
26. Belfast Telegraph, 28 September 1964.
27. Idem. The conventional wisdom is that Paisley threatened that he and his supporters would remove the Tricolour themselves, but neither the press nor the Minister of Home Affairs said this at the time.
28. See Doyle, Fighting like the Devil, p. 292. I am greatly indebted to Dr James Greer of Queen’s University Belfast for allowing me to read his unpublished work on Paisley.
29. E. Moloney, Paisley: From Demagogue to Democrat? (Dublin: Poolbeg Press, 2008), pp. 25–6 and 73–96.
30. Protestant Telegraph, May 1967.
31. Census of Population 1961: Belfast County Borough, Table 18, p. 33.
32. S. Bruce, Conservative Protestant Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 72.
33. J. Hermon, Holding the Line: An Autobiography (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1997), p. 58.
34. Belfast News Letter, 29 September 1964.
35. Belfast Telegraph, 30 September 1964; Irish News, 30 September 1964.
36. Belfast Telegraph, 30 September 1964.
37. Belfast News Letter, 1 October 1964.
38. Irish News, 1 October 1964.
39. Irish News, 2 October 1964.
40. St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon, 2 October 1964.
41. Belfast Telegraph, 1 October 1964.
42. Census of Population 1961: Belfast County Borough, Table 18, p. 33.
43. See Diamond’s speech at Stormont. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 57, 7 October 1964, col. 2839.
44. Belfast Telegraph, 2 October 1964. The St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon of 2 October 1964 gives details of the Bishop’s appeal for calm which was to be read out in all churches.
45. Irish News, 3 October 1964; Belfast News Letter, 3 October 1964.
46. Irish News, 5 October 1964.
47. Special Branch Report, 16 November 1964, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/32/1/1394.
48. Moloney, Paisley, p. 112.
49. Enclosure to Hopkins letter, 18 February 1966, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A.
50. Belfast Telegraph, 3 October 1964.
51. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 57, 7 October 1964, cols. 2838 (Diamond) and 2874 (Fitt).
52. Unsigned minutes of meetings on 2 November 1964, PRONI, CAB/9B/294/1A.
53. Ibid.
54. G. Clarke, Border Crossing: True Stories of the RUC Special Branch, the Garda Special Branch and the IRA Moles (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2009), pp. 56–8.
55. Mark report, 18 August 1969, London, National Archives, CJ/3/71.
56. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 64, 9 June 1966, cols. 163–4.
57. McKeown, Greening of a Nationalist, p. 29.
58. McMillen, ‘Role of the IRA in the North’, pp. 2 and 4–5.
59. Ibid., p. 5.
CHAPTER 3
1. ‘P. Ó Néill’, Freedom Struggle by the Provisional IRA (Dublin: Irish Republican Publicity Bureau, 1973), pp. 18–19.
2. Ibid.
3. R. Sweetman, ‘On Our Knees’: Ireland in 1972 (London: Pan Books, 1972), pp. 141–2.
4. See M. Abrahms, ‘What Terrorists Really Want: Terrorist Motives and Counterterrorism Strategy’, International Security, 32, 4 (spring 2008), pp. 78–105.
5. An Garda Síochána, Review of Unlawful and Allied Organisations: December 1, 1964, to November 21, 1966, Dublin, National Archives of Ireland, 96/6/495. I am greatly indebted to Dr Tom Hennessey of Canterbury Christ Church University for a copy of this document.
6. An Garda Síochána, Review of Unlawful and Allied Organisations’. Billy McMillen confirms the attendance of Belfast IRA members at training camps during this period. See L. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA in the North from 1962 to 1969’, in Liam McMillen: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Respol Pamphlet, No. 21 (Dublin: Sinn Féin, n.d.), p. 7.
7. S. Mac Stíofáin, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (Edinburgh: Gordon Cremonesi, 1975), pp. 92–3; An Garda Síochána, ‘Review of Unlawful and Allied Organisations’. See also R. English, Armed Struggle: A History of the IRA (London: Macmillan, 2003), pp. 84–94.
8. T. O’Neill, The Autobiography of Terence O’Neill (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1972), p. 72.
9. For the opposition which the Lemass visit provoked, see H. Patterson and E. Kaufmann, Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland since 1945: The Decline of the Loyal Family (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), pp. 67–71.
10. IRA Incidents in Northern Ireland from 1st September 1965, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/321/1/1378A.
11. M. Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Unionism in the O’Neill Years 1960–9 (London: Macmillan, 2000), pp. 42–8.
12. St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon, 25 November 1965.
13. Note on the Activities of the IRA and the Consequent Necessity to Guard Northern Ireland Ministers, [n.d.], PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A. There was no direct reference to the IRA in the statement issued by the Northern Irish Government on 10 November 1965.
14. J. Greeves letter, 3 December 1965, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A; IRA incidents in Northern Ireland. The leader of the group was apparently Joseph McCann, an 18-year-old bricklayer, who later became well known as an Official IRA volunteer in Belfast during the early Troubles. He was killed by British troops in the Markets district on 15 April 1972. B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin, Penguin Ireland, 2009), pp. 46 and 178.
15. B. McConnell statement, 7 December 1965, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A.
16. D. Fitzpatrick letter, 4 February 1966, London, National Archives (NA), DEFE/25/301.
17. A. Kennedy, memorandum attached to an unsigned letter of 25 February 1966, [n.d.], PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A.
18. RUC Security Intelligence Review – February 1966, 2 March 1966, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A.
19. G. Baker memorandum, 1 April 1966, NA, DEFE/25/301.
20. G. Baker telegram, 1 April 1966, NA, DEFE/25/301; E. Ashmore minute, 22 April 1966; MI5 report, 20 April 1966, NA, DEFE/25/301.
21. Baker memorandum.
22. MI5 report.
23. RUC Security Intelligence Review – February 1966. The statement denounced claims of impending IRA action as part of ‘a deliberate policy on the part of the Unionist Party designed to create a situation in which the observance of the 1916 Jubilee in the occupied area [Northern Ireland] will become impossible’. It denied all responsibility for ‘any of the recent actions in the Belfast area which would appear to have added substance to the totally unreal stories purveyed by Mr. McConnell…and his accomplices in rumour’.
24. D. Greaves journal, 10 December 1965, cited in R. Johnston, A Century of Endeavour: A Biographical and Autobiographical View of the Twentieth Century in Ireland (Carlow: Tyndall Publications, 2003), p. 191. Johnston retrospectively endorses this statement. The British Government, he points out, had no separate intelligence of its own and had to rely on that provided by the RUC. ‘The motivation of the RUC and the Unionist establishment for promoting this deception was of course to keep in existence the excuse for their repressive regime’.
25. Belfast Telegraph, 7 April 1966.
26. See R. English, Armed Struggle, pp. 81–92; Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution, pp. 50–64.
27. Even granted the influx of visitors from outside, these figures, which amount to more than the total population of Belfast in 1966, are almost certainly exaggerated. The RUC more conservatively estimated that 5,000 ‘Republicans and supporters’ took part in the parade. RUC Security Intelligence Review – April 1966, 5 May 1966, PRONI, HA /32/1/1378A.
28. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 6; O’Neill, Autobiography, p. 79.
29. R. Garland, Gusty Spence (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2001), pp. 48–51. Spence has never disclosed the names of the ‘two people’ who recruited him.
30. Belfast Telegraph, 21 May 1966.
31. RUC Security Intelligence Review – April 1966; List of political incidents attached to A. Kennedy letter, 22 June 1966, PRONI, CAB/9B/300/1; D. Boulton, The UVF 1966–73: An Anatomy of Loyalist Rebellion (Dublin: Torc Books, 1973), pp. 39-40; J. Cusack and H. McDonald, UVF (Dublin, Poolbeg, 1997), pp. 5–6; D. McKittrick, S. Kelters, B. Feeney, C. Thornton and D. McVea, Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2004 edn.), pp. 28–9.
32. McKittrick et al., Lost Lives, pp. 25–6; Boulton, The UVF, pp. 40–1; Garland, Gusty Spence, pp. 56–7.
33. H. McLean’s statement, 27 June 1966, and statement of H. Johnston, 1 July 1966, PRONI, BELF/1/1/2/214/3. For other accounts of this episode see McKittrick et al., Lost Lives, p. 26; Boulton, The UVF, pp. 48–50; Garland, Gusty Spence, pp. 57–8. Two of the other young men were wounded in the attack, but one escaped unhurt.
34. Garland, Gusty Spence, pp. 65–77.
35. Ibid., p. 72; Mc Kittrick et al., Lost Lives, p. 25.
36. Garland, Gusty Spence, p. 78.
37. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 64, 28 June 1966, cols. 777–8; O’Neill, Autobiography, p. 82.
38. A. Kennedy letter and enclosures, 22 June 1966, PRONI CAB/9B/300/1.
39. N. Doherty’s statement, 6 July 1966, PRONI, BELF/1/1/2/214/28.
40. P. Taylor, Loyalists (London, Bloomsbury, 2000 edn.), pp. 35–7.
41. Doherty’s statement; Boulton, The UVF, p. 36.
42. Parliament of Northern Ireland, Report from the Committee of Privileges, 23 June 1966, H.C.1726; Doherty’s statement.
43. Garland, Gusty Spence, p. 62.
44. L. McBrien’s statement, 19 August 1966, PRONI, BELF/1/1/2/214/23; S. Bruce, Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 219–20. The police, it should be noted, did not record interviews at that time.
45. I. Paisley speech, 28 June 1966, PRONI, CAB/9B/300/2.
46. Taylor, Loyalists, p. 39.
47. E. Moloney, Paisley: From Demagogue to Democrat? (Dublin: Poolbeg Press, 2008), pp. 133–4.
48. RUC Security Intelligence Review – June 1966, 7 July 1966, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378A.
49. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 64, 15 June 1966, cols. 360–2.
50. Whether this was true or not, the IRA was responsible for a grenade attack on an RUC Land Rover in the vicinity of Cromac Square on 7 June 1966. See the list of incidents enclosed with A. Kennedy letter, 22 June 1966, PRONI, CAB/9B/300/1, and McMillen, ‘Role of the IRA’, p. 7.
51. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 64, 15 June 1966, cols. 309 and 311.
52. Bruce, Paisley, p. 86.
53. A. Kennedy letter and enclosure, 4 August 1966, PRONI, CAB/9B/300/1
54. Kennedy letter and enclosure, 4 August 1966. In his letter Kennedy wrongly gave the number of those arrested as thirty-seven.
55. For two vivid descriptions of the lumpenproletariat see K. Marx, ‘The Class Struggles in France’ and ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’, in K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works – Volume I (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), pp. 219–20 and 442.
56. K. Bloomfield memorandum, 10 August 1966, PRONI, CAB/9B/300/1.
57. Ibid. For a brief summary of O’Neill’s conversations in London on 8 August 1966, during which he asked to be allowed a brief pause in his attempts to bring about better relations between the two communities in Northern Ireland because of the tense political situation, see G. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O’Neill: the Wilson Government and Northern Ireland 1964–69,’ Irish Studies Review, 13, 1 (February 2005), pp. 13–1, p. 15.
58. Clonard Monastery, Domestic Chronicle, July 1966; St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon, 6 June, 12 and 18 July 1966.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
CHAPTER 4
1. B. Purdie, Politics in the Streets: The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1990), p. 146.
2. J. Drury and S. Reicher, ‘Collective Action and Psychological Change: The Emergence of New Social Identities’, British Journal of Social Psychology, 4, 39 (December 2000), pp. 579–604, p. 582.
3. D. Waddington, K. Jones and C. Critchter, Flashpoints: Studies in Public Disorder (London: Routledge, 1989). For a recent critique, see P. Bagguley and Y. Hussain, Riotous Citizens: Ethnic Conflict in Multicultural Britain (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 29–33. The latest gloss on the model is D. Waddington, ‘Applying the Flashpoints Model of Public Disorder to the 2001 Bradford Riot’, British Journal of Criminology, 50, 2 (March 2010), pp. 342–59.
4. See, for example, Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 143.
5. F. Gogarty to ‘George’, 18 February 1969, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), D/3253/1.
6. T. O’Neill to E. McAteer, 8 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7; E. McCann, War and an Irish Town (London: Pluto, 1993 edn.), p. 94; Transcript of BBC interview with E. Melaugh, [summer 2008] (personal notes); Transcript of BBC interview with F. Ó Dochartaigh, [summer 2008] (personal notes).
7. Derry Journal, 27 September 1968.
8. The Government of Northern Ireland, Disturbances in Northern Ireland (Cameron Report) (Belfast: HMSO, 1969), p. 27.
9. Derry Journal, 27 September 1968; F. Heatley, ‘The Early Marches’, Fortnight, 5 April 1974.
10. The quote is taken from Transcript of BBC interview with E. McCann, [summer 2008] (personal notes). McCann has been making the same point since his 1974 memoir, War and an Irish Town.
11. Derry Journal, 13 December 1968.
12. Cameron Report, p. 25.
13. Derry Journal, 4 October 1968; Derry Journal, 27 September 1968.
14. J. Greeves to I. Woods, [before 5 October 1968], PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7.
15. Ministry of Home Affairs to R. North, 6 September 1968, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7.
16. Derry Journal, 13 December 1968; Greeves to Woods, [before 5 October 1968].
17. J. Hill to H. Black, 20 February 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/8; Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968.
18. Cameron Report, p. 26.
19. Londonderry Sentinel, 23 September 1970; Derry Journal, 4 October 1968.
20. Derry Journal, 13 December 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 11 December 1968.
21. Greeves to Woods, [before 5 October 1968].
22. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
23. Transcript of McCann interview. Melaugh and Ó Dochartaigh also recall feeling elated when they heard about the ban. Transcript of Melaugh interview; Transcript of Ó Dochartaigh interview.
24. B. White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1984), pp. 62–3; F. Curran, Derry: Countdown to Disaster (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1986), pp. 79–80; P. Doherty, Paddy Bogside (Cork: Mercier Press, 2001), p. 53.
25. Derry Journal, 4 October 1968.
26. Purdie, Politics in the Streets, p. 140.
27. Heatley, ‘Early Marches’; C. McCluskey, Up Off Their Knees: A Commentary on the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Conn McCluskey and Associates, 1989), pp. 110–11; McCann, War and an Irish Town, pp. 96–7.
28. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
29. Cameron Report, p. 26.
30. Derry Journal, 13 December 1968.
31. Derry Journal, 1 October 1968.
32. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
33. Cameron Report, p. 27.
34. Belfast Telegraph, 3 October 1968; C. Ryder, Fighting Fitt (Belfast: Brehon Press, 2006), pp. 120–1.
35. Observer, 6 October 1968; Three eyewitnesses report on Londonderry, 8 October 1968, London, National Archives (NA), PREM/13/2841; G. Fitt’s evidence to the Cameron Commission, 25 July 1969, PRONI, GOV/2/1/140.
36. E. McAteer to T. O’Neill, 26 August 1968, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7.
37. Derry Journal, 28 June 1968.
38. Derry Journal, 18 January 1963.
39. Derry Journal, 4 October 1968.
40. Derry Journal, 16 April 1968.
41. Derry Journal, 4 October 1968.
42. Derry Journal, 27 August 1968.
43. N. Jarman and D. Bryan, ‘Green Parades in an Orange State: Nationalist and Republican Commemorations and Demonstration from Partition to the Troubles, 1920–70’, in T. Fraser (ed.), The Irish Parading Tradition: Following the Drum (London: Macmillan, 2000), pp. 95–114, p. 107.
44. L. Mathieu, ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the May 1968 French Demonstrations’, Mobilization, 18, 3 (September 2008), pp. 83–97.
45. F Ó Dochartaigh, Ulster’s White Negroes: From Civil Rights to Insurrection (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1994), p. 49; Transcript of Ó Dochartaigh interview; Transcript of McCann interview.
46. Cameron Report, p. 28.
47. Derry Journal, 16 April 1968.
48. W. Meharg, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Parade and Meeting in Londonderry, on Saturday, 5th October 1968, 7 October 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
49. Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968.
50. Northern Ireland Civil Rights Parade.
51. J. McAnerney to R. McGimpsey, 30 September 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/28; Transcript of Ó Dochartaigh interview; Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
52. Cameron Report, p. 28; Irish Times, 7 October 1968; W. Meharg to J. Hill, 19 December 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/30.
53. Fitt’s evidence.
54. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968; B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin: Penguin Ireland, 2009), p. 104.
55. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 11 December 1968; Transcript of Ó Dochartaigh interview.
56. Transcript of World at One, 17 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7; A. Peacocke to J. Hill, 19 December 1968, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/8.
57. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968.
58. Derry Journal, 1 October 1968; Cameron Report, p. 31; Transcript of Ó Dochartaigh interview.
59. Irish Times, 7 October 1968.
60. Transcript of McCann interview.
61. Northern Ireland Civil Rights Parade.
62. Irish News, 7 October 1968.
63. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
64. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968.
65. D. Greaves, Journals, 19 October 1968, extract from the Century of Endeavour electronic archive (contact R. Johnston at www.rjtechne@iol.ie about access).
66. Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968.
67. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968; Cameron Report, p. 29.
68. Northern Ireland Civil Rights Parade.
69. S. Soule and C. Davenport, ‘Velvet Glove, Iron Fist or Even Hand? Protest Policing in the United States, 1960–1990’, Mobilization 14, 1 (March 2009), pp. 1–22. See also J. Earl and S. Soule, ‘Seeing Blue: A Police-Centered Explanation of Protest Policing’, Mobilization 11, 2 (June 2006), pp. 145–64.
70. F. Soskice, Preparations Being Made to Meet the Threat of IRA Violence, 4 April 1966, NA, PREM/13/980.
71. MI5 Report, 20 April 1966, NA, DEFE/25/301.
72. See M. O’Callaghan, ‘“From Casement Park to Toomebridge” – The Commemoration of the Easter Rising in Northern Ireland’, in M. Daly and M. Callaghan (eds), 1916 in 1966: Commemorating the Easter Rising (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2007), pp. 86–147.
73. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968; Northern Ireland Civil Rights Parade.
74. Irish Times, 7 October 1968.
75. Irish News, 7 October 1968; Derry Journal, 8 October 1968; Peacocke to Hill.
76. Hill to Black.
77. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968.
78. Cameron Report, p. 30.
79. Irish Times, 7 October 1968.
80. See, for example, Irish News, 7 October 1968; Derry Journal, 8 October 1968; Derry Journal, 6 December 1968.
81. Drury and Reicher, ‘Collective Action and Psychological Change’, pp. 594–600.
82. S. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 64–6.
83. Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968; Three eyewitnesses report on Londonderry.
84. T. Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–63 (London: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 763; M. Seidman, The Imaginary Revolution: Parisian Students and Workers in 1968 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2006), pp. 94–5.
85. Transcript of BBC interview with D. McClenaghan, [summer 2008] (personal notes).
86. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 170, 16 October 1968, col. 1022.
87. A. Oberschall, ‘The Los Angeles Riot of August 1965’, Social Problems, 15, 3 (winter 1968) pp. 322–41, p. 324; Seidman, Imaginary Revolution, p. 216.
88. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
89. Ibid.; Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968.
90. S. Kalyvas, ‘The Ontology of “Political Violence”: Action and Identity in Civil Wars’, Perspective on Politics, 1, 3 (September 2003), pp. 475–94, pp. 475–6.
91. Irish Times, 7 October 1968.
92. See the court proceedings reported in Derry Journal, 17 December 1968.
93. Note of telephone message from C. Inspector Meharg, 6 October 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
94. Londonderry Sentinel, 9 October 1968.
95. N. McCafferty, Nell (London: Penguin, 2004), pp. 77–8.
96. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
97. E. McCann, ‘Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’, August 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/28.
98. Derry Journal, 8 October 1968.
99. A. Barnett, ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, New Left Review, May–June 1969.
100. Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 777.
101. D. McWhorter, Carry Me Home: The Climactic Battle of the Civil Rights Revolution (London: Simon & Schuster, 2001), pp. 360–1, p. 368.
102. D. Corbett’s evidence to the Scarman inquiry, 30 September 1969, London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman minutes of evidence, days 9–13.
103. E. Watson to R. McGimpsey, 7 October 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
104. House of Commons Debates, vol. 770, 22 October 1968, cols. 1088–90.
105. Derry Journal, 6 December 1968; W. Meharg to J. Greeves, 17 January 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/8; J. Bardon, Beyond the Studio: A History of BBC Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff press, 2000), p. 29.
106. R. Cathcart, The Most Contrary Region: The BBC in Northern Ireland, 1924–84 (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1984), pp. 207–8.
107. McWhorter, Carry Me Home, pp. 374 and 378.
108. L. Levine, ‘The Folklore of Industrial Society: Popular Culture and Its Audiences’, American Historical Review, 97, 5 (December 1992), pp. 1369–99, p. 1381.
109. Transcript of McCann interview.
CHAPTER 5
1. International Civil & Human Rights Conference, 4–5 October 2008, Derry (personal notes).
2. N. McCafferty, Nell (London: Penguin, 2004), p. 422; the last quote is from one of Martin Luther King’s lieutenants in Time, 3 January 1964.
3. C. Davenport, ‘State Repression and Political Order’, Annual Review of Political Science, 10, 1 (June 2007), pp. 1–23.
4. W. Moore, ‘Repression and Dissent: Substitution, Context and Timing’, American Journal of Political Science, 42, 3 (July 1998), pp. 851–3.
5. On composite actors, see W. Pearlman, ‘A Composite-Actor Approach to Conflict Behavior’, in E. Chenoweth and A. Lawrence (eds), Rethinking Violence: States and Non-State Actors in Conflict (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010), pp. 197–219.
6. K. Gallagher Cunningham and E. Beaulieu, ‘Dissent, Repression and Inconsistency’, in Chenoweth and Lawrence (eds), Rethinking Violence, pp. 173–95.
7. Derry Journal, 11 October 1968.
8. F. Ó Dochartaigh, Ulster’s White Negroes: From Civil Rights to Insurrection (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1994), p. 58.
9. Derry Journal, 11 October 1968.
10. Derry Journal, 16 May 1967.
11. Derry Journal, 15 October 1968.
12. D. McClenaghan, ‘Abandonment, Civil Rights and Socialism’, in P. McClenaghan (ed.), Spirit of ’68: Beyond the Barricades (Derry: Guildhall Press, 2009), pp. 27–46, pp. 39–40; P. Doherty, Paddy Bogside (Cork: Mercier Press, 2001), pp. 60-1; E. McCann, War and an Irish Town (London: Pluto Press, 1993 edn.), pp. 100–1.
13. Derry Journal, 11 October 1968.
14. Londonderry Sentinel, 16 October 1968.
15. Ibid.
16. Derry Journal, 15 October 1968.
17. A. Murdoch, Note for the Record, 14 October 1968, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/32/2/26.
18. Derry Journal, 20 June 2008.
19. D. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York, NY: William Morrow, 1986), pp. 11–82.
20. T. Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954–63 (London: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 201.
21. Report from Leicester of the Prime Minister’s News Conference, PRONI, CAB/9B/205/7.
22. Memorandum by the Prime Minister, 14 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1406.
23. Cabinet conclusions, 8 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1405.
24. Cabinet conclusions, 23 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1409.
25. R. Bourke, ‘Languages of Conflict and the Northern Ireland Troubles’, Journal of Modern History (forthcoming). Post-war politicians in the west generally believed that the ‘polarizations of the last inter-war decade were born directly of economic depression and its social costs’. T. Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 (London: William Heinemann, 2005), p. 72.
26. Cabinet conclusions, 15 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1407.
27. Cabinet conclusions, 23 October 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1409. It was not acceptable to all local opinion. See, for example, Deputation to Stormont, 25 November 1968, Derry, Derry City Council’s Archives (DCCA), Londonderry Rural District Council Minutes, June 1967 to March 1969.
28. Bourke, ‘Languages of Conflict’.
29. See, for example, Londonderry Sentinel, 16 October 1968: ‘The Unionist Party … has not uttered a word’.
30. Belfast Telegraph, 23 October 1968.
31. A. Gailey (ed.), Crying in the Wilderness – Jack Sayers: A Liberal Editor in Ulster, 1939–69 (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1995), pp. 92–3; Belfast Telegraph, 7 October 1968.
32. Belfast Telegraph, 23 October 1968.
33. H. Patterson and E. Kaufman, Unionism and Orangeism in Northern Ireland since 1945: The Decline of the Loyal Family (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), pp. 80–1.
34. Derry Journal, 22 October 1968.
35. McCafferty, Nell, p. 127.
36. Londonderry Sentinel, 23 October 1968.
37. Derry Journal, 22 October 1968.
38. Londonderry Sentinel, 23 October 1968.
39. Derry Journal, 15 October 1968.
40. Derry Journal, 18 October 1968; M. Canavan’s evidence to the Cameron Commission, PRONI, GOV/2/1/186.
41. Derry Journal, 22 October 1968.
42. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 21 October 1968, PRONI, GOV/2/1/186.
43. Canavan’s evidence.
44. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 29 October 1968.
45. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 1 November 1968.
46. W. Hood, Civil rights march and counter demonstrations in Londonderry, [November 1968], PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
47. R. McGimpsey, Parades at Londonderry, [November 1968], PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
48. Hood, Civil rights march.
49. Statement of District Inspector E. Woods, [November 1968], PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
50. Derry Journal, 5 November 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 6 November 1968.
51. W. Harrison, Civil rights march at Londonderry, [November 1968], PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
52. Derry Journal, 8 November 1968.
53. A. Kennedy to B. Craig, 22 November 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
54. Derry Journal, 15 November 1968.
55. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 15 November 1968; Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 13 November 1968.
56. A. Kennedy to P. Kerr, [November 1968], PRONI, HA/32/2/26. See, also, R. McGimpsey to Head Constables, Sergeants, 16 November 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
57. McCafferty, Nell, p. 134.
58. Derry Journal, 19 November 1968.
59. M. King, ‘Behind the Selma March’, Saturday Review, 3 April 1965.
60. Derry Journal, 19 November 1968.
61. Londonderry Sentinel, 20 November 1968.
62. Ó Dochartaigh, Ulster’s White Negroes, pp. 69–70.
63. Derry Journal, 19 November 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 20 November 1968.
64. Derry Journal, 19 November 1968.
65. See S. Wendt, ‘“They Finally Found Out that We Really Are Men”: Violence, Non-Violence and Black Manhood in the Civil Rights Era’, Gender & History, 19, 3 (November 2007), pp. 543–64.
66. Londonderry Sentinel, 20 November 1968; Derry Journal, 22 November 1968; Derry Journal, 19 November 1968.
67. I am greatly indebted to Dr James Greer of Queen’s University Belfast for this information.
68. Londonderry Sentinel, 13 November 1968; Derry Journal, 12 November 1968.
69. Derry Journal, 1 November 1968.
70. Derry Journal, 8 November 1968.
71. Londonderry Sentinel, 6 November 1968.
72. Canavan’s evidence.
73. Public Meeting, Derry Guildhall, 19 November 1968, PRONI, D/2560/4; Derry Journal, 22 November 1968.
74. Derry Journal, 22 November 1968.
75. Londonderry Sentinel, 6 November 1968.
76. Derry Journal, 28 January 1969; Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 27 November 1968.
77. A. Morris, ‘Birmingham Confrontation Reconsidered: An Analysis of the Dynamics and Tactics of Mobilization’, American Sociological Review, 58, 5 (October 1993), pp. 621–36, pp. 631 and 636.
78. Londonderry Sentinel, 20 November 1968.
79. Meeting at 10 Downing Street on 4th November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1413; Extract from a Meeting Held at 10 Downing Street on 4th November 1968, London, National Archives (NA), PREM/13/2841; Meeting on 4th November 1968, NA, CAB/164/334.
80. Cabinet conclusions, 7 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1413.
81. Cabinet conclusions, 14 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1414.
82. Cabinet conclusions, 19 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1417.
83. A. Kennedy to B. Craig, 25 November 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
84. Cabinet conclusions, 20 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1418. At this time, police headquarters was also warning the army that ‘things are now at flashpoint in Londonderry’. I. Harris to V. Fitzgeorge-Balfour, 20 November 1968, NA, DEFE/25/257.
85. Cabinet conclusions, 21 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1419.
86. Ibid.
87. H. Wilson to T. O’Neill, 19 November 1968, NA, PREM/13/2841; Meeting at 10 Downing Street on 4th November 1968.
88. Memorandum by the Home Secretary, [13 December 1968], NA, CJ/3/30. See also B. Cubbon to P. Gregson, 20 December 1968, NA, PREM/13/2841: ‘Excessive pressure from here at the present moment would not, we think, bring about the best results’.
89. H. Wilson to T. O’Neill, 23 December 1968, NA, PREM/13/2841.
90. See, for instance, Military Aid to the Civil Authority in Northern Ireland, 13 December 1968, NA, PREM/13/2841.
91. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 23 November 1968.
92. Derry Journal, 26 November 1968.
93. Cabinet conclusions, 2 December 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1422; Irish News, 2 December 1968. On the People’s Democracy’s planning ahead of the march, see ‘note by Nick’, PRONI, D/3297/7.
94. Belfast Telegraph, 2 December 1968.
95. T. O’Neill, ‘Crossroads’ speech, 9 December 1968, in T. O’Neill, The Autobiography of Terence O’Neill (London: Hart-Davis, 1972), pp. 145–8.
96. Belfast Telegraph, 16 December 1968.
97. Derry Journal, 13 December 1968; Londonderry Sentinel, 24 December 1968.
98. Sunday Times, 15 December 1968.
99. Time, 24 May 1963.
100. Observer, 15 December 1968.
101. McCafferty, Nell, p. 132.
102. Derry Journal, 20 December 1968.
103. Ibid.; P. Kerr, Derry Situation, 4 December 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/26; Derry Journal, 10 December 1968; Reality, January 1969, DCCA, Bridget Bond Civil Rights Collection.
104. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 12 December 1968.
105. Cabinet conclusions, 15 November 1968, PRONI, CAB/4/1415.
106. Derry Journal, 27 December 1968.
107. Derry Journal, 31 December 1968. Compare McCann’s statement here with one of King’s: ‘The goal of the demonstrations in Selma … is to dramatize the existence of injustice’. King, ‘Behind the Selma march’.
108. F. Gogarty, Notes on the PD march, [January 1969], PRONI, D/3253/3/8/1.
109. R. McGimpsey, Incidents at Guildhall Square, 14 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26; A. Kennedy to J. Hill, 22 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/11.
110. C. Bateman, Note of a meeting with Lord Cameron, 20 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/308/1.
111. W. Harrison, Report on events of 4 January 1969, 6 January 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/312/5.
112. See, for instance, F. Gogarty to M. Farrell, 6 January 1969, PRONI, D/3253/3.
113. Ramparts, vol. 1, no. 2, PRONI, D/2464.
114. Derry Journal, 7 January 1969.
115. Observer, 5 January 1969.
116. Londonderry Sentinel, 8 January 1969.
117. Kennedy to Kerr, [November 1968].
118. Derry Journal, 7 January 1969.
119. Ibid.
120. G. Fitt’s evidence to the Cameron Commission, 25 July 1969, PRONI, GOV/2/1/140.
121. Derry Journal, 7 January 1969.
122. L. Hill, The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).
123. Londonderry Sentinel, 8 January 1969.
124. Wendt, ‘“They Finally Found Out”’, p. 548.
125. Transcripts of ‘Radio Free Derry’, 10 and 11 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
126. Derry Journal, 7 January 1969.
127. S. Lynd, ‘The New Left’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 382, 1 (March 1969), pp. 64–72, p. 72; U. Meinhof, Everybody Talks About the Weather … We Don’t: The Writings of Ulrike Meinhof trans. K. Bauer (New York, NY: Seven Stories Press, 2008), p. 42.
128. Transcripts of ‘Radio Free Derry’, 10 and 11 January 1969.
129. E. McCann, ‘Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’ August 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/28.
130. E. Burke, The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, Volume 7 (London: F. and C. Rivington, 1803), p. 85.
131. Cabinet conclusions, 10 January 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1426.
132. Derry Journal, 7 January 1969.
133. Strike call, 8 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
134. Statement regarding proposed strike, 8 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26; P. Kerr to J. Hill, 10 January 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
135. Transcript of ‘Radio Free Derry’, 11 January 1969; G. Fine, ‘Rumor, Trust and Civil Society: Collective Memory and Cultures of Judgment’, Diogenes, 54, 1 (February 2007), pp. 5–18.
136. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 10 January 1969; Derry Journal, 14 January 1969.
137. Derry Journal, 14 January 1969. Hume by this time had met with foreign pacifists such as Bob Overy. B. Overy to K. Boyle, 16 January 1969, PRONI, D/3297/7.
138. Londonderry Sentinel, 4 December 1968.
139. Memorandum by the Prime Minister, 14 January 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1427.
140. Presidential news conference, 17 July 1963, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Ready-Reference/Press-Conferences/News-Conference-58.aspx (last accessed 14 February 2011).
141. B. Meharg to J. Greeves, 27 January 1969, 28 January 1969, 31 January 1969 and 3 February 1969, PRONI.
CHAPTER 6
1. RUC Security Intelligence Review, 14 July 1967, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/32/1/1378B; RUC Security Intelligence Appreciation, 3 January 1968, PRONI, HA/32/1/1378B.
2. B. Hanley, The IRA: A Documentary History 1916–2005 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2010), p. 150; B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin, Penguin Ireland, 2009), p. 622.
3. S. Mac Stíofáin, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (Edinburgh: Gordon Cremonesi, 1975), p. 96; R. Johnston, A Century of Endeavour: A Biographical and Autobiographical View of the Twentieth Century in Ireland (Carlow: Tyndall Publications, 2003), p. 196.
4. L. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA in the North from 1962 to 1969’, in Liam McMillen: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Respol Pamphlet, No. 21 (Dublin: Sinn Féin, n.d.), pp. 7–8.
5. Mac Stíofáin, Memoirs, p. 101.
6. S. Bruce, Paisley: Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 89; Belfast Telegraph, 3 May 1967; Belfast Telegraph, 16 May 1967; Belfast Telegraph, 18 May 1967; Belfast Telegraph, 12 December 1967; Belfast Telegraph, 15 December 1967.
7. Irish Democrat, March 1967.
8. I. Budge and C. O’Leary, Belfast: Approach to Crisis: A Study of Belfast Politics, 1613–1970 (London: Macmillan, 1973), p. 178.
9. P. Taylor, Loyalists (London, Bloomsbury, 2000 edn.), p. 52.
10. Tuairisc, August 1966; Irish Democrat, January 1967; Johnston, Century of Endeavour, pp. 197–201 and 231; C. McCluskey, Up Off Their Knees: A Commentary on the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Conn McCluskey and Associates, 1989), p. 104; McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 8.
11. There was even a Unionist for a while, but he did not last long. McCluskey, Up Off Their Knees, p. 106.
12. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 8.
13. NICRA, We Shall Overcome … The History of the Struggle for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland, 1968-78 (Belfast: NICRA, 1978), p. 11; E. Stewart, ‘What Is NICRA?’, Belfast, Linen Hall Library, NICRA Archive Box 2.
14. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, pp. 9–10.
15. Northern Ireland: Note by Officials, October 1968, London, National Archives (NA), PREM/13/2847.
16. The Listener, 24 October 1968.
17. Belfast Telegraph, 9 October 1968.
18. List of principal meetings and other events connected with the Paisleyite movement during the month of October 1968, 2 December 1968, PRONI, CAB/9/B/300/3.
19. Ibid.
20. P. Arthur, The People’s Democracy 1968-73 (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1974), pp. 30–1.
21. Gown, 22 October 1968.
22. Arthur, People’s Democracy, pp. 30–1.
23. W. Van Voris, Violence in Ulster: An Oral Documentary (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1975), p. 74; Untitled draft speech to swing People’s Democracy behind contesting the February 1969 Stormont elections, [n.d.], PRONI, D/3297/1.
24. Irish Militant, October 1967; Black dwarf, 27 January 1969.
25. Security Service memorandum, 18 February 1969, NA, PREM 13/2842; A. Barnett, ‘Discussion on the Strategy of People’s Democracy’, New Left Review, May–June 1969.
26. Speeches made at meeting of People’s Democracy at Belfast City Hall, 16 October 1968, PRONI, HA/32/2/28; Gown, 22 October 1968.
27. Gown – March Supplement, 5 November 1968.
28. Belfast Telegraph, 25 October 1968.
29. ‘A former supporter of PD’ to K. Boyle, 10 December 1968, PRONI, D/3297/1; QUBIST, 12 December 1968, PRONI, D/3297/3; Arthur, People’s Democracy, pp. 36–9.
30. K. Boyle to J. Heaney, [n.d.], PRONI, D/3297/1.
31. Egan and McCormack, Burntollet, pp. 26–7 and 41–4; Lord Stonham minute, 5 January 1969, NA, CJ/3/74.
32. Government of Northern Ireland, Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission Appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland (Cameron Report) (Belfast, HMSO, 1969), p. 47.
33. Van Voris, Violence in Ulster, p. 85.
34. Belfast Telegraph, 14 January 1969. Kevin Boyle was warned by a friend that for ‘the average liberal Prod’ ‘PD is exclusively QUB, is mainly Catholic [and] republican’. J. Teasey to K. Boyle, [January 1969], PRONI, D/3297/7.
35. S. Swann, Official Irish Republicanism 1962 to 1972 (Raleigh, NC: Lulu, 2007), pp. 269 and 271.
36. Cabinet conclusions, 15 January 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1427.
37. Belfast Telegraph, 27 January 1969; Belfast Telegraph, 29 January 1969.
38. Belfast Telegraph, 4 February 1969.
39. Ibid.
40. Detailed election results for the Belfast area can be found in S. Elliott, Northern Ireland Parliamentary Election Results 1921–1972 (Chichester: Political Reference Publications, 1973), pp. 36–50. See also F. W. Boal and R. H. Buchanan, ‘The 1969 Northern Ireland election’, Irish Geography, 6, 1, 1969, pp. 78–84.
41. Belfast Newsletter, 20 February 1969.
42. J. Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’: The Authorised Biography of Martin Meehan (Belfast: Rushlight Publications, 2008), pp. 32–3; Irish News, 21 February 1969; Irish News, 22 February 1969.
43. Irish News, 26 January 1969; Irish News, 30 January 1969; Irish News, 31 January 1969; E. Moloney, Paisley: From Demagogue to Democrat? (Dublin: Poolbeg Press, 2008), pp. 163 and 169.
44. Belfast Newsletter, 31 March 1969.
45. D. Boulton, The UVF 1966–73: An Anatomy of Loyalist Rebellion (Dublin: Torc Books, 1973), p. 92.
46. Belfast Newsletter, 1 April 1969; Cabinet conclusions, 20 April 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1435; Cabinet conclusions, 24 April 1969, NA, CAB/128/44.
47. Belfast Newsletter, 1 April 1969; Belfast No. 24 B, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman Belfast exhibits, Schedule 1 (Belfast B). ‘Belfast B’ refers to one of the six police districts (A–F) into which Belfast was divided at this time.
48. R. Garland, Gusty Spence (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2001), p. 108; J. Cusack and H. McDonald, UVF (Dublin, Poolbeg, 1997), p. 21. McClelland is not even mentioned in other histories of the UVF or loyalist paramilitarism in general, such as Boulton, The UVF, and Taylor, Loyalists.
49. Taylor, Loyalists, p. 61; Cusack and McDonald, UVF, pp. 28–30; http://www.bebo.com/Profile.jsp?MemberID=7657546648&ShowSims=Y (last accessed 23 March 2011); Statement of S. Stevenson, 1 November 1969, PRONI, BELF/1/1/2/230/2, Statement of S. Stevenson, [n.d.], PRONI, BELF/1//1/2/229/21; Statement of R. Murdock, 6 July 1966, PRONI, BELF/1/1/2/214/28.
50. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 10; Irish News, 22 April 1969.
51. Belfast Telegraph, 22 April 1969; Irish News, 22 April 1969.
52. Both Gerry Adams and Joe Graham name Republicans involved in the BHAC: G. Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London: Heinemann, 1996), p. 83; J. Graham, ‘Show Me The Man’, p. 16. A. Doran’s letter in the Irish News, 18 April 1969.
53. Graham, ‘Show Me The Man’, p. 28.
54. JIC(A)(69)(UWG), 20 May 1969, NA, PREM/13/2843; RUC report, 27 May 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/7.
55. Belfast Telegraph, 23 May 1969.
56. RUC report, 27 May 1969; Sunday News, 25 May 1969; Irish News, 28 May 1969.
57. Irish News, 30 May 1969; M. Gillespie’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 27 April 1970, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman minutes of evidence, pp. 33–5; M. Gillespie’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 28 April 1970, p. 23; Graham, ‘Show Me The Man’, pp. 35–6.
58. Irish News, 26 May 1969; Irish News, 29 May 1969; Irish News, 1 June 1969. Slogans threatening RUC informers had already appeared on Ardoyne walls and gables along with exhortations to join the IRA. Belfast Telegraph, 24 May 1969.
59. Belfast No. 24 B, Scarman Belfast exhibits, Schedule 1 (Belfast B).
60. Belfast Telegraph, 1 May 1969.
61. Belfast News Letter, 29 March 1969; Belfast Telegraph, 13 February 1969; J, McKeague’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 18 May 1971, p. 37; J. McKeague’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 21 May 1971, pp. 5–6 and 11–12.
62. Irish News, 29 April 1969.
63. B. Anderson, Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2002), p. 166.
64. Cabinet conclusions, 5 May 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1440.
65. Belfast Telegraph, 7 May 1969.
66. NICRA Ultimatum to Stormont, [June 1969], PRONI, D/3297/4.
67. RUC report, 7 July 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/28.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
70. Belfast Telegraph, 14 July 1969; T. Gracey’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 2 March 1970, pp. 1–2; J. Murray’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 4 March 1970, pp. 31–3. The IRA was behind this episode, although, as I have been confidentially told by someone who was involved, the original intention had been to display the Tricolour from a private dwelling further up the Crumlin Road. The man charged with the task became fed up with waiting and wandered down to the Edenderry Inn for a drink, taking the Tricolour with him.
71. S. Montgomery’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 May 1970, p. 3; Gillespie’s evidence, 27 April 1970, p. 38.
72. Government of Northern Ireland, Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969 (Scarman Report) (Belfast: HMSO, 1972), pp. 48–9.
73. Scarman Report; pp. 52–4; D. McKittrick, S. Kelters, B. Feeney, C. Thornton and D. McVea, Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2004 edn.), p. 45.
74. Scarman Report, pp. 55–6; Irish Times, 5 August 1969.
75. Irish Times, 4 August 1969.
76. Scarman Report, pp. 59–60.
77. Irish Times, 4 August 1969; McKeague’s evidence, 18 May 1971, pp. 43–4.
78. Irish Times, 4 August 1969.
79. S. Cusack’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 13 May 1970, p. 11; R. Catterton’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 15 May 1970, p. 30; J. Gilchrist’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 27 May 1970, pp. 61–2; Scarman Report, p. 61.
80. Catterton’s evidence, pp. 15 and 25; Gillespie’s evidence, 17 April 1970, p. 48; J. Graham, ‘Show me the Man’, p. 41.
81. Belfast Telegraph, 4 August 1969; Belfast Telegraph, 5 August 1969; C. Entwistle’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 27 February 1970, p. 5; McKeague’s evidence, 18 May 1971, p. 56. Both the evidence to the Scarman Tribunal and the contemporary press reports contain poignant accounts of these enforced migrations.
82. Irish News, 4 August 1969.
83. Belfast Telegraph, 4 August 1969; Irish News, 5 August 1969. Paisley later claimed that his presence in the Shankill Road had been requested by the RUC’s Belfast Commissioner. I. Paisley’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 17 June 1971, p. 15.
84. McKeague’s evidence, 18 May 1971, pp. 45 and 48.
85. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 124.
86. Scarman Report, p. 48; G. Bradley with B. Feeney, Insider: Gerry Bradley’s Life in The IRA (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2009), p. 31.
87. Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’, pp. 39–41; Adams, Before the Dawn, pp. 94–5.
88. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA’, p. 11.
89. P. Bishop and E. Mallie, The Provisional IRA (London: Corgi Books, 1988), p. 93. See also R. White, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006), pp. 143–4.
90. In 2001, another member of the IRA’s Army Council, Mick Ryan, told Roy Johnston of a meeting in July 1969 at which which Ó Brádaigh asked Goulding whether he had ‘a plan to defend the people [of Belfast] in the event of a pogrom, of which he had picked up early warning signals’. Goulding replied in the affirmative, ‘but not very convincingly’. Johnston, Century of Endeavour, p. 262.
CHAPTER 7
1. A. Mulvey’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 25 September 1969, London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman minutes of evidence, pp. 56–7; E. McCann’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 30 October 1969, p. 42.
2. E. McCann, ‘Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’, August 1969, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), HA/32/2/28.
3. P. Tarleton’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 24 November 1969, p. 5; INTSUM, 26 September to 3 October 1969, London, National Archives (NA), WO/305/3361.
4. Londonderry Sentinel, 20 August 1969.
5. P. Farrell to B. Faulkner, 25 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/312/1.
6. On competitive violence, see A. Lawrence, ‘Triggering Nationalist Violence Competition and Conflict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule’, International Security, 35, 2 (fall 2010), pp. 88–122.
7. Irish Press, 14 August 1969.
8. B. Meharg to J. Greeves, 27 March 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
9. Derry Journal, 18 March 1969.
10. Derry Journal, 25 March 1969.
11. Meharg to Greeves, 27 March 1969.
12. Londonderry Sentinel, 26 March 1969.
13. S. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 57.
14. Photocopy of DCAC minutes, 15 March 1969, PRONI, GOV/2/1/186.
15. B. Meharg to J. Greeves, 8 April 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
16. Londonderry Sentinel, 1 April 1969.
17. Derry Journal, 1 April 1969.
18. Belfast Telegraph, 22 April 1969.
19. J. Greeves, March by the Civil Rights Association from Burntollet to Altnagelvin, 21 April 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
20. J. Greeves, Note for the Record, 21 April 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/26.
21. Derry Journal, 22 April 1969; Londonderry Sentinel, 23 April 1969.
22. Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, Findings on Devenny Investigation, 4 October 2001.
23. Derry Journal, 22 April 1969; Londonderry Sentinel, 23 April 1969; J. Hume’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 14 November 1969, p. 26.
24. Derry Journal, 28 March 1969; Derry Journal, 22 April 1969.
25. F. Gogarty, ‘The Development of the Civil Rights Movement and its Future Course’, [May 1969], PRONI, D/3253/3/11/5.
26. Cabinet conclusions, 15 May 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1443.
27. Londonderry Sentinel, 23 April 1969. Around this time, ministers began to worry about ‘massive resistance’, a direct reference to the opposition to civil rights in the United States. Cabinet conclusions, 22 April 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1437.
28. Derry Journal, 15 July 1969.
29. E. McCann, untitled pamphlet, 19 July 1969, PRONI, HA/32/2/28.
30. Cabinet Security Committee Minutes, 15 July 1969, PRONI, HA/32/3/1.
31. Ramparts, 1, 4 [late July 1969] Belfast, Linen Hall library.
32. S. Kalyvas, ‘The Ontology of “Political Violence”: Action and Identity in Civil Wars’, Perspectives on Politics, 1, 3 (September 2003), pp 475–494, p. 475. Kalyvas’s argument is prefigured, albeit in a limited way, in N. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005 edn.), pp. 213–14.
33. C. Carson (ed.), The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. (London: Abbacus, 2000 edn.), pp. 213–16.
34. R. Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and the Black Working Class (New York, NY: Free Press, 1994), pp. 9 and 88–90.
35. Derry Journal, 25 April 1969.
36. Cabinet Security Committee Minutes, 14 and 31 July 1969.
37. Memorandum by the Secretary State for the Home Department, 28 July 1969, NA, CAB/129/144.
38. Warning, 17 July 1969, NA, DEFE/25/302.
39. INTSUM, 27 January to 3 February 1970, NA, WO/305/3350.
40. INTSUM, 5 to 16 August 1970, NA, WO/305/3356.
41. Derry Journal, 7 April 1970; INTSUM, 1 to 7 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3355.
42. INTSUM, 14 to 20 October 1970, NA, WO/305/3358; Derry Journal, 16 October 1970.
43. Cabinet Security Committee Minutes, 7 May 1969.
44. Derry Journal, 13 May 1969.
45. Derry Journal, 25 April 1969.
46. Northern Ireland: Political Summaries, 25 June to 2 July 1969, 3 to 9 July 1969 and 15 to 22 July 1969, NA, CJ/3/5.
47. See, for instance, Derry Journal, 13 May 1969; Londonderry Sentinel, 14 May 1969; Minutes of fifteenth and seventeenth meeting of the Londonderry Development Commission, 3 June and 17 June 1969, PRONI, DC/3/1/1A/1.
48. Derry Journal, 13 May 1969; Summary of Events, 18 May 1969, NA, DEFE/25/302.
49. Derry Journal, 15 April 1969
50. Derry Journal, 8 April 1969.
51. Derry Journal, 11 April 1969; Derry Journal, 25 April 1969.
52. Derry Journal, 11 April 1969; Derry Journal, 24 June 1969; Derry Journal, 29 July 1969.
53. Londonderry Sentinel, 14 May 1969; Minutes of sixteenth meeting of the Londonderry Development Commission, 10 June 1969; Londonderry Sentinel, 23 July 1969.
54. INTSUM, 2 to 9 November 1969, NA, WO/305/3362.
55. N. McCafferty, Nell (London: Penguin, 2004), pp. 137–8.
56. INTSUM, 8 to 14 December 1969, NA, WO/305/3363.
57. INTSUM, 27 January to 3 February 1970, NA, WO/305/3350.
58. Derry Journal, 1 April 1969; A. McCabe’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 6 October 1969, p. 42.
59. Derry Journal, 13 June 1969. People living on Bridge Street mounted a similar protest a few weeks later. Derry Journal, 8 July 1969.
60. Minute by CH, 24 July 1969, Dublin, National Archives of Ireland (NAI), DFA/305/14/386.
61. Memorandum by the Secretary State for the Home Department, 28 July 1969; Northern Ireland: Political Summary, 15–22 July 1969.
62. Note of discussion at the Foreign Office at 12 noon on Friday, 1 August 1969, NAI, DT/2000/6/657; Minutes of discussion at the Foreign Office, 1 August 1969, NAI, DFA/2000/5/38.
63. Memorandum by the Secretary State for the Home Department, 28 July 1969.
64. B. Cubbon, Northern Ireland, 6 August 1969, NA, FCO/33/765.
65. B. Cubbon to P. Gregson, 8 August 1969, NA, FCO/33/765.
66. Cabinet conclusions, 11 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1458.
67. See, for instance, J. Callaghan, Northern Ireland: General Appreciation on Intervention, 1 May 1969, NA, CAB/130/416: ‘our best tactics are to continue to encourage Northern Ireland to sort out their own troubles themselves’.
68. Belfast Telegraph, 8 August 1969.
69. Cabinet conclusions, 4 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1456; Cabinet Security Committee Minutes, 31 July 1969.
70. Cubbon, Northern Ireland, 6 August 1969.
71. G. Mahon’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 1 October 1969, pp. 22–5; Cabinet conclusions, 11 August 1969.
72. Cubbon to Gregson, 8 August 1969.
73. T. Robinson’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 November 1969, p. 1.
74. D. McDermott’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 11 November 1969, pp. 72–3; P. Grace’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 12 November 1969, pp. 77–8.
75. Derry Journal, 29 July 1969.
76. P. Doherty’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 28 November 1969, pp. 23–4.
77. J. Doherty’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 September 1969, pp. 69–70. Doherty was using notes taken at the meeting.
78. F. O’Doherty’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 11 November 1969, pp. 4–8.
79. P. Doherty’s evidence to Scarman, pp. 85–6; Derry Journal, 22 July 1969; L. Green’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 12 November 1969, pp. 26 and 49.
80. McDermott’s evidence, p. 48.
81. J. Doherty’s evidence, p. 70.
82. Hume’s evidence, p. 4; McDermott’s evidence, p. 36.
83. See G. Fine, ‘Rumor, Trust and Civil Society: Collective Memory and Cultures of Judgment’, Diogenes, 54, 1 (February 2007), pp. 5–18.
84. A. Bartie, ‘Moral Panics and Glasgow Gangs: Exploring “the New Wave of Glasgow Hooliganism”, 1965–1970’, Contemporary British History, 24, 3 (July 2010), pp. 385–408, p. 390; J. Scott to P. Gregson, 31 August 1970, NA, PREM/15/474.
85. P. Donovan, ‘How Idle is Idle Talk? One Hundred Years of Rumor Research’, Diogenes, 54, 1 (February 2007), pp. 59–82, pp. 69–70; INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3355 (an ‘assessment … of the disorders in August ’69’).
86. Derry Journal, 8 August 1969.
87. Derry Journal, 12 August 1969.
88. Ibid.
89. The Observer, 17 August 1969; P. Doherty’s evidence, pp. 25 and 100; P. Doherty, Paddy Bogside (Cork: Mercier Press, 2001), pp. 119–26.
90. McCann, ‘Who’s Wrecking Civil Rights?’
91. McCafferty, Nell, p. 162.
92. W. Hood’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 6 October 1969, p. 19; Londonderry Sentinel, 13 August 1969.
93. Green’s evidence, pp. 26–32.
94. INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970.
95. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
96. M. Selvin’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 3 October 1969, pp. 54–7.
97. Mahon’s evidence, 1 October 1969, pp. 37–8.
98. Note of Meeting with Mr Justice Scarman, 28 September 1969, NA, CJ/3/57.
99. F. Fleming’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 6 October 1969, pp. 61–4; INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970.
100. Londonderry Sentinel, 13 August 1969.
101. Mulvey’s evidence, p. 61.
102. Mahon’s evidence, 1 October 1969, p. 39.
103. Transcript of W. Golden’s tape, London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman Londonderry exhibits; M. Canavan’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 27 October 1969, pp. 14–15. Mulvey later went to Victoria barracks, received assurances from the police and conveyed these to the people in Rossville Street – but ‘any hope of moderation’ had been ‘brushed aside’. Mulvey’s evidence, p. 67.
104. Tarleton’s evidence, p. 13.
105. Mulvey’s evidence, pp. 62 and 67; INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970, reasons that this was ‘probably not exaggerated’.
106. RUC’s submission to the Scarman Tribunal, [summer 1971], London, Institute of Advanced Legal Study, Scarman submissions, p. 36. A police spokesman at the time told journalists that ‘This was not a spontaneous thing’ (Irish Times, 13 August 1969) and British intelligence focused on the role played by Republicans and leftists (JIC(A)(69)(UWG), 18 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/2844).
107. G. Mahon’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 2 October 1969, p. 12.
108. Figures taken from G. Mahon to A. Peacocke, 2 August 1969, Scarman Londonderry Exhibits.
109. Mahon’s evidence, 1 October 1969, pp. 39–44; Police Log – Incidents in Londonderry City, 12–16 August 1969, Scarman Londonderry Exhibits.
110. SITREP, 13 August 1969 (5:30 am), Scarman Londonderry Exhibits.
111. F. Armstrong’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 3 October 1969, p. 16; Record of a Meeting, 8 August, NA, DEFE/25/302.
112. Notes on a telephone conversation with the Home Secretary, 6 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/4/1458; Cubbon to Gregson, 8 August 1969.
113. T. Hood’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 15 October 1969, p. 12; I. Freeland to G. Baker, 15 July 1969, NA, DEFE/25/302; I. Freeland, Notes for Memoirs, London, Imperial War Museum, Freeland Papers, Box 79/34/4.
114. G. Shillington’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 2 October 1969, pp. 33–8; Police Log; Expenditure of Cartridges and Grenades, Scarman Londonderry Exhibits.
115. Injuries treated at first aid posts, Scarman Londonderry Exhibits.
116. McCann’s evidence, pp. 50–3; Irish Times, 5 September 1969.
117. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
118. R. McClean’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 8 December 1969, pp. 1–12.
119. This is a slight adaptation of the concept developed in Kalyvas, Logic of Violence in Civil War, pp. 381–6.
120. INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970.
121. T. Jones’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 25 September 1969, pp. 21–5; B. Devlin’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 29 October 1969, pp. 6 and 24; S. Armstrong, Interview with Bernadette Devlin, 28 August 1969, PRONI, D/3253/4/10/3; K. Speed to T. Heath, 24 August 1969, PRONI, CAB/9B/312/1.
122. Hume’s evidence, p. 10; Police Log; Mahon’s evidence, 1 October 1969, p. 54; Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
123. R. Carwell’s evidence to Scarman, 6 October 1969, pp. 25–9; McCabe’s evidence, pp. 46–7; Hume’s evidence, pp. 11 and 55–9.
124. Hume’s evidence, p. 56.
125. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969. Hume spoke to Lord Stonham on the telephone. Record of Conversation between Lord Chalfont and Patrick Hillery, 15 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/244.
126. Shillington’s evidence, pp. 40–2.
127. Note for the Record, 13 August 1969, NAI, DFA/2000/5/42.
128. The archival record is not particularly helpful; the account offered here draws heavily upon the reconstruction of the meeting in D. Keogh, Jack Lynch: A Biography (Dublin: Gill & MacMillan, 2008), pp. 168–70. The British ambassador reported that ‘Several Irishmen … have mentioned to me … that to ensure proper ventilation of the Irish problem at the United Nations it might be desirable to create an international threat to peace by seizing some small town’. A. Gilchrist to Foreign and Commonwealth Office (telegram 175), 14 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/2844.
129. K. Boland, The Rise and Decline of Fianna Fáil (Dublin: Mercier Press, 1982), p. 67.
130. H. McCann to N. Nolan, 13 August 1969, NAI, DT/2000/6/657.
131. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
132. A. Gilchrist to Foreign and Commonwealth Office (telegram 174), 14 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/2844.
133. Irish Times, 14 August 1969.
134. P. Doherty’s evidence, p. 32.
135. E. Gallagher to S. Ronan, 25 September 1969, NAI, DT/2000/6/659. At lunchtime on 13 August 1969, Shillington and the city commandant decided not to put the B-Specials anywhere near the Bogside. Shillington’s evidence, p. 41.
136. Police Log; Derry Journal, 15 August 1969; O’Doherty’s evidence to Scarman, p. 85.
137. N. McAtanney’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 8 December 1969, pp. 51–3 and 78.
138. B. Hatfield’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 November 1969, pp. 20–1.
139. Police Log.
140. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
141. W. Hood’s evidence, p. 24.
142. INTSUM, 15 to 21 July 1970; F. Gogarty, Statement, 2 March 1970, PRONI, D/3253/3/22/1.
143. Mahon’s evidence, 1 October 1969, p. 65.
144. E. O’Neill’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 16 October 1969, pp. 41–2.
145. D. Black’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 16 October 1969, p. 76–7.
146. Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
147. Note for the Record, 14 August, NA, PREM/13/2844.
148. N. Cairncross, Note for the Record, 14 August 1969, NA, CJ/3/11; Note of a meeting held at RAF St Magwan, 14 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/2844; J. Callaghan, A House Divided: The Dilemma of Northern Ireland (London: Collins, 1973), pp. 41–2.
149. R. Hattersley to J. Callaghan, 14 August 1969, NA, CJ/3/11.
150. Barricade Bulletin, 14 August 1969.
151. D. Hanson’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 25 September 1969, pp. 45–7; E. McAteer’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 September 1969, pp. 22–3; Derry Journal, 15 August 1969.
152. Police Log.
153. P. Doherty’s evidence, pp. 68–70; Tarleton’s evidence, pp. 14–15; Devlin’s evidence, pp. 44–5; Londonderry Sentinel, 20 August 1969.
154. Derry Young Socialists, ‘the struggle continues …’, [late August 1969], Derry, Derry City Council’s Archives, Bridget Bond Civil Rights Collection. See also M. Farrell, Motion at People’s Democracy conference, 12 October, PRONI, D/3297/4.
155. ‘David from Roger’, 15 August 1969, NA, PREM/13/2844.
156. S. Brady, An eye-witness report from Derry, 19 August 1969, NAI, DT/2000/6/658.
157. Derry Journal, 12 September 1969.
158. Canavan’s evidence, pp. 80–4; Derry Journal, 19 August 1969.
159. Derry Journal, 14 October 1969; SITREP, 12 October 1969, NA, WO/305/3361.
160. Communique issued following the Home Secretary’s discussions with the Northern Ireland government on 9–10 October, 10 October 1969, NA, CJ/4/5.
161. ‘Home Secretary’ [R. North], Northern Ireland: A Political Appraisal, 2 December 1969, NA, CJ/3/9.
162. P. Leng to D. Toler, 2 October 1969, NA, WO/305/3361; P. Leng to O. Wright, 25 September 1969, NA, CJ/5/2.
163. Londonderry Visit, 4 September 1969, NA, CJ/5/2.
164. Doherty, Paddy Bogside, pp. 187–91; E. McCann, War and an Irish Town (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974 edn.), pp. 72–3.
165. McCafferty, Nell, p. 180.
166. Meeting with DCDA, 19 September 1969, NA, CJ/5/2; INTSUM, 26 September to 3 October 1969.
167. O. Wright, Londonderry, 25 September 1969, NA, CJ/5/2; E. Gallagher to Holmes, 10 September 1969, NAI, DT/2000/6/660. What Gallagher heard in Derry shaped his next policy paper. E. Gallagher, Policy as a means to an end…,10 September 1969, NAI, DFA/2000/5/12.
168. E. Gallagher to Holmes, [25 October 1969], NAI, DT/2000/6/661.
169. O. Wright, Record of Conversation with Commander Anderson, 26 September 1969, NA, CJ/5/2.
170. O. Wright to J. Callaghan, 19 October 1969, NA, FCO/33/769. Around this time, Ken Whitaker, Governor of the General Central Bank of Ireland and a key adviser to Lynch, was proposing that the Taoiseach use ‘words like’ ‘deep and legitimate desire for a united Ireland’ rather than ‘our claim to unity’. Keogh, Jack Lynch, p. 209.
171. Londonderry Sentinel, 20 August 1969. See also the interviews Proinsias Mac Aonghusa conducted with residents of the Fountain. Press cuttings, Imperial War Museum, Freeland Papers, Box 79/34/4.
CHAPTER 8
1. Independent, 19 September 1994.
2. The text of Chichester-Clark’s statement may be found in Government of Northern Ireland, Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969 (Scarman Report), Volume II (Belfast: HMSO, 1972), pp. 37–8.
3. B. Castle, The Castle Diaries 1954–1970 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1984), p. 640. The remark was made at a Cabinet meeting on 24 April 1969.
4. L. McMillen, ‘The Role of the IRA in the North from 1962 to 1969’, in Liam McMillen: Separatist, Socialist, Republican, Respol Pamphlet, No. 21 (Dublin: Sinn Féin, n.d.), p. 10; R. Quinn, A Rebel Voice: A History of Belfast Republicanism 1925–1972 (Belfast: Belfast Cultural and Local History Group, 1999), pp. 141–2.
5. Hunt Committee meetings with Commissioner Wolseley, District Inspector Millar and Inspector-General Peacocke, 12, 15 September 1969, London, National Archives (NA), CJ/3/57.
6. Unsigned letter, 18 August 1969, Scarman Report, Volume II, p. 53.
7. Irish Times, 13 August 1969.
8. G. Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London: Heinemann, 1996), pp. 100–1; B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin: Penguin Ireland, 2009), p. 126; Police Logs, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman Belfast exhibits.
9. Police Logs; Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 126.
10. Police Logs; S. Bradley’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 20 October 1970, Belfast, McClay Library, Scarman minutes of evidence, p. 40; Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 126.
11. Police Logs; J. Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’: The Authorised Biography of Martin Meehan (Belfast: Rushlight Publications, 2008), p. 39.
12. S. Montgomery’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 26 May 1970, p. 17; M. Gillespie’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 27 April 1970, pp. 48–9.
13. Belfast Police Logs.
14. Lynch’s speech is reproduced in Scarman Report, Volume II, pp. 43–4.
15. Andersontown News, 14 August 2009.
16. Y[ehuda] S[lutsky], ‘Pogroms’, in Encyclopaedia Judaica, Volume 13 (Jerusalem: Keter Publishing, 1972), pp. 694–701.
17. Protestants occupied 16.5 per cent of the domestic properties damaged or destroyed, while Catholics occupied 83.5 per cent. In the case of commercial properties, most of the damage – with the important exception of licensed premises – was suffered by non-Catholics. Scarman Report, pp. 243–5.
18. Ibid., pp. 141–2; Belfast Telegraph, 26 November 1969.
19. Scarman report, p. 242.
20. ‘G.B. Kenna’ (J. Hassan), Facts and Figures: The Belfast Pogroms 1920–1922 (Dublin: O’Connell Publishing Company, 1922).
21. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 127; Adams, Before the Dawn, pp. 103–5. The reference to ‘running away’ refers to the slogan ‘IRA= I Ran Away’, which allegedly appeared on walls in Catholic areas of Belfast following the events of August 1969, but of which no contemporary record survives.
22. The Pound Loney was a Catholic district to the south of Divis Street. St Peter’s was the Catholic cathedral.
23. Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 144.
24. Scarman Report, pp. 156–7; Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’, p. 42; P. Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin (London: Bloomsbury, 1997), p. 53; P. Bishop and E. Mallie, The Provisional IRA (London: Corgi Books, 1988), p. 112; E. Moloney, Voices from the Grave: Two Men’s War in Ireland (London: Faber, 2010), pp. 47–8. I myself have heard different names mentioned in connection with this episode.
25. Clonard Monastic Chronicle, 14 and 15 August 1969.
26. Ibid., 15 August 1969.
27. Ibid.
28. Belfast No. 55, Scarman Belfast Exhibits.
29. Tírghrá: Ireland’s Patriot Dead (Dublin: no publisher given, 2002), p. 1; Press autopsy report, 16 August 1969, Belfast, BELF/6/1/1/23, PRONI. It emerges from the inquest report that the Clonard chronicler was wrong in claiming that McCauley had been shot in the back.
30. Belfast No. 14, Scarman Belfast Exhibits. It should be noted that the injured fireman was not rioting, but rather was on duty when his car was fire-bombed by a rioter.
31. Belfast No. 55.
32. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 128; Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 147; Bishop and Mallie, Provisional IRA, pp. 116–17.
33. J. McKeague’s evidence to Scarman Tribunal, 18 May 1971, pp. 58 and 60–3; J. McKeague’s evidence to Scarman Tribunal, 7 June 1971, p. 87.
34. McKeague’s evidence, 18 May 1971, p. 62.
35. Scarman Report, pp. 139–40.
36. The B-Specials were nevertheless mobilized on 14 August.
37. I. Paisley’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 17 June 1971, pp. 11–15; Scarman Report, p. 152.
38. S. Bruce, The Red Hand: Protestant Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 38.
39. Northern Ireland House of Commons Debates, vol. 73, 14 August 1969, col. 2307.
40. Scarman Report, p. 172.
41. Schedule of Discharge of Firearms by Royal Ulster Constabulary in Belfast during the months of July and August 1969, Scarman Belfast Exhibits; Marshall autopsy report, 15 August 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/2.
42. Scarman Report, pp. 167–9; Marshall autopsy report; J. McCabe and F. Murney’s depositions, 26 November 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23.
43. M. McLarnon and S. Montgomery’s depositions, 27 November 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23; Price ballistics report, 15 January 1970, Scarman Belfast Exhibits.
44. Press autopsy report; L. Morris, A. McAfee and W. Rutherford’s depositions, 27 November 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23; Scarman Report, pp. 187–8.
45. Belfast No. 55; Belfast No. 35, Scarman Belfast Exhibits; Scarman Report, p. 215. More than twenty Catholics were wounded by gunfire during the period in question, but those injured by weapons not used by the police (e.g. shotguns or .22 rifles) have been excluded.
46. Gillespie’s evidence, pp. 54–5; Belfast No. 55; Scarman Report, pp. 213.
47. Press autopsy report; Witness A and Witness B’s depositions, 19 November 1969, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23.
48. Scarman Report, pp. 213–21.
49. Belfast Nos 20 and 24A, Scarman Belfast Exhibits.
50. Belfast No. 4, Scarman Belfast Exhibits.
51. L. Kelly, ‘“One Remarkable Fact”: Why Most of Belfast Remained at Peace’, History Ireland, July/August 2009, pp. 40–2; L. Kelly, ‘Belfast, August 1969: The Limited and Localised Pattern(s) of Violence’, in W. Sheehan and M. Cronin (eds), Riotous Assemblies: Rebels, Riots and Revolts in Ireland (Cork: Mercier Press, 2011), pp. 228–41.
52. Remarks by the Defence Secretary, Denis Healey, and the Home Secretary, James Callaghan, as cited by Tony Benn in his diary record of the Cabinet meeting of 19 August 1969. T. Benn, Office without Power: Diaries 1968–72 (London: Hutchinson, 1988), p. 198.
53. Cabinet conclusions, 19 August 1969, Confidential Annex, NA, CAB/128/46; Castle, Castle Diaries, pp. 700–1; R. Crossman, The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister, Volume III: Secretary of State for Social Services, 1968–1970 (London: Hamish Hamilton and Jonathan Cape, 1977), pp. 621–3; Benn, Office without Power, pp. 196–9.
54. Castle, Castle Diaries, p. 700.
55. I. Freeland, ‘I[nternal] S[ecurity] Op[eration]s Northern Ireland’, Chapter 3, paras 7, 11–12, London, Imperial War Museum, Freeland Papers, Box 79/34/3. See also undated Ballenden report on the Shankill Road Operations 11/12 October 1969, attached to Freeland letter, 18 October 1969, Imperial War Museum, Freeland Papers, Box 79/34/3.
56. Irish News, 13 October 1969.
57. Government of Northern Ireland, Report of the Advisory Committee on Police in Northern Ireland (Hunt Report), (Belfast: HMSO, 1969).
58. ‘Talk at CGS’s Conference’, attached to Freeland letter, 18 October 1969, Imperial War Museum, Freeland Papers, Box 79/34/3.
59. A. Hockaday to E. Wright, 25 June 1970, NA, HO/325/132.
60. E. Wright to R. Mark, 10 August 1970, NA, HO/325/132.
61. The Internal Security Tactical Doctrine Working Party – Terms of Reference, 21 July 1970, NA, HO/325/132.
62. Irish News, 22 October 1969; Irish News, 25 October 1969.
63. Irish Press, 18 November 1969.
64. Irish Times, 22 November 1969.
65. INTSUM, 1 January 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
66. Brigadier Hudson’s evidence to the Scarman Tribunal, 30 March 1971, pp. 25 and 76.
67. A former member of the UVF, who joined the organization in 1970, emphasized to me how ‘elitist’ it was in the early days, only recruiting after a lengthy selection process. In this respect, he suggested, it differed from the Ulster Defence Association which placed more weight upon numbers.
68. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 113.
69. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, p. 135; Hunt Committee meetings.
70. Adams, Before the Dawn, pp. 121–2.
71. Bishop and Mallie, Provisional IRA, p. 125.
72. B. Anderson, Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2002), p. 180; Taylor, Provos, p. 61; Bishop and Mallie, Provisional IRA, p. 125.
73. Anderson, Joe Cahill, pp. 180–1.
74. Mac Stíofaín, Memoirs, pp. 133–43; Bishop and Mallie, Provisional IRA, pp. 135–7; R. White, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006), pp. 154–8. News of the split appeared in the Sunday Press, 28 December 1969.
75. Anderson, Joe Cahill, pp. 188–9.
76. Hanley and Millar, Lost Revolution, pp. 141–51. The machinations of Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney lie outside the scope of this book.
77. P. Beresford, ‘The Official IRA and Republican Clubs in Northern Ireland 1968–1974 and their Relations with other Political and Paramilitary Groups’, PhD thesis, University of Exeter, September 1979, pp. 263–6; Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’, pp. 43–5; Taylor, Provos, pp. 62–3; Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 129. The RUC Special Branch estimated that in April 1970 the Official IRA had 28 members in Belfast and the Provisionals 312. INTSUM, 30 April 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
78. Clonard Chronicle, 10 October 1969.
79. Northern Ireland Threat Assessment for Period 1 January 1970 to 30 June 1970, NA, DEFE/13/765.
80. K. Bean and M. Hayes (eds), Republican Voices (Monaghan: Seesyu Press, 2001), p. 50.
81. M. O’Doherty, The Trouble with Guns: Republican Strategy and the Provisional IRA (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1998), pp. 64–5.
82. G. Adams, The Politics of Irish Freedom (Dingle: Brandon, 1986), p. 54; Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 134.
83. It had been used against loyalists in September and October 1969.
84. INTSUM, 2 April 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
85. INTSUM, 9 April 1970, NA, WO/305/3783. RUC Duty Officer’s Report ending 9.00 am, 3 April 1970; Annex A to Director of Operations Brief 020800A to 030800 April 1970, PRONI, CAB/9B/317/7.
86. HONIP (70), No. 15, 10 April 1970, NA, CJ/4/269. HONIPs were weekly summaries of developments in Northern Ireland prepared for Cabinet members and other interested parties by the Home Office.
87. R. Burroughs memorandum, 3 April 1970, NA, CJ/3/18.
88. Herbert telegram, 7 April 1970, NA, PREM/13/3386. The term ‘Brady group’ was customarily used in British Army documents at this time to refer to the Provisional IRA, even though Ruairí Ó Brádaigh was not its Chief of Staff, but only a member of the Army Council. (He was, however, the Chairman of Provisional Sinn Féin.) The Official IRA was usually referred to as the ‘Goulding group’.
89. E. Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA (London: Allen Lane, 2002), p. 88.
CHAPTER 9
1. Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster (London: André Deutsch, 1972), p. 213; L Baston, Reggie: The Life of Reginald Maudling (Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 2004), pp. 364–5; E. Heath, The Course of My Life: My Autobiography (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1998), p. 436; Minutes of Ministerial Committee on Northern Ireland, 13 July 1970, London, National Archives (NA), CAB/124/3011.
2. Unsigned note of meeting at Home Office, 15 June 1970, NA, DEFE/13/731.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. House of Commons Debates, vol. 803, 3 July 1970, cols 220–21.
6. Minutes of Ministerial Meeting on Northern Ireland, 22 June 1970, NA, CAB/164/877.
7. 45 Commando Royal Marines News Letter, January 1968–December 1970, pp. 13–14, NA, ADM/301/26. See also Belfast Telegraph, 27 June 1970 and Irish Times, 27 June 1970.
8. S. Mac Stíofáin, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (Edinburgh: Gordon Cremonesi, 1975), p. 152.
9. INTSUM, 2 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
10. Wilson statement, Reid Inquest, Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), BELF/6/1/1/24.
11. HQ Northern Ireland, Duty Officer’s Log, 27 June 1970, NA, WO/305/3771; INTSUM, 2 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
12. S. Winchester, In Holy Terror (London: Faber, 1974), pp. 56–8. He also mentions the shooting, but does not indicate who was responsible.
13. E. Reid’s statement, Reid Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24. See also A. Reid’s statement, Reid Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
14. Constable Wilson, who saw him fall, did not say that he was. Wilson’s statement, Reid Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
15. M. Oliver’s statement and M. Beattie’s statement, Reid Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
16. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 27 June 1970, NA, WO/305/4237.
17. W. Carlisle’s statement, Loughins Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23. Another witness, George Mawhinney, said that Loughins was on the Protestant side of the Crumlin Road, which seems more likely. G. Mawhinney’s statement, Loughins Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23.
18. C. Hamilton’s statement, D. Elliott’s statement J. Wood’s statement, Marshall autopsy report, Gould Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23; N. Hamilton’s statement, Marshall autopsy report, Kincaid Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/23.
19. Belfast Telegraph, 29 June 1970.
20. HQ Northern Ireland Log, 27 June 1970, NA, WO/305/3771.
21. 45 Commando Newsletter, p, 15.
22. J. Graham, ‘Show Me the Man’: The Authorised Biography of Martin Meehan (Belfast: Rushlight Publications, 2008), p. 47.
23. 45 Commando Newsletter, p. 27.
24. Ibid., p. 15.
25. R. Quinn, A Rebel Voice: A History of Belfast Republicanism 1925–72 (Belfast: Belfast Cultural and Local History Group, 1999), p. 161.
26. Hammond’s statement, McIlhone Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1.24; Moore’s statement, McIlhone Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1.24; Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett – The Untold Story (Belfast: East Belfast Historical and Cultural Society, 2003 edn.), p. 18.
27. Anon., The Battle of St. Matthew’s, 27th–28th June 1970 (Belfast: n.p., [1971]), Chapter 7, pp. 2–3. The author appears to have been someone on or close to the local defence committee.
28. St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon, 28 June 1970; P. McAtamney’s statement, E. Heaney’s statement and J. Allison’s statement, McIlhone Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
29. Anon., Battle of St Matthew’s, Chapter 7, p. 3.
30. 39th Brigade Log, 27 June 1970.
31. Anon., Battle of St. Matthew’s, Chapter 7, p. 4.
32. Hammond’s statement.
33. Ibid.; Moore’s statement. Hammond’s timing is a little different from Moore’s, but not significantly so.
34. Hammond stated that the man fired five shots from a .45 revolver.
35. Hammond’s statement; Moore’s statement; Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett, p. 15; 39th Brigade Log, 27 June 1970. Mrs Campbell states in Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett that she was shot at 10 pm, but this appears to be a false memory on her part.
36. R. Quinn, The Rising of the Phoenix: The Creation of the Provisional I.R.A.; The Historic Battle of St. Matthew’s; The Falls Road Curfew (Belfast: Bryson Publications, 2007 edn.), p. 66.
37. Quinn Rebel Voice, pp. 161–2. The M1’s magazine contained either 15 or 30 rounds.
38. Moore’s statement; HQ Northern Ireland Log, 28 June 1970, NA, WO/305/3771. The 39th Brigade log adds at 12:31 am that the RUC was pinned down in Pitt Street by heavy fire from both the Chapel grounds and the Hayes Potato Factory at the bottom of Austin Street. 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
39. Moore’s statement.
40. Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett, pp. 23–4.
41. Algie’s statement, Farr’s statement, Guiller’s statement and Wilson’s statement, McCurrie Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24. See also the interview with McCurrie’s widow on the Murder in Ballymacarrett DVD. In this she confirms that the route followed by the five men was the one her husband normally took when returning home from the Buffs Club.
42. 39th Brigade Log.
43. Blackmore’s statement, McCurrie Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
44. Grier’s statement, McCurrie Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24. Quinn’s battalion staff informant told him that, apart from the weapons introduced by McKee, the Provisionals in the Short Strand had access to the following weapons in their own arms dumps: 2 M1 carbines, 2 Stens, 2 Winchesters (rifles), 2 Thompson sub-machine guns, ‘some Lee Enfields [rifles]’ and ‘several handguns [pistols and revolvers]’. Anon., Battle of St Matthew’s, p. 68.
45. A letter sent by the head of the Historical Enquiries team to McCurrie’s widow in 2010 stated that ‘there is no intelligence or evidence to show that James [McCurrie] had ever been involved in any illegal activity, or had association with any paramilitary organisation’. Belfast Telegraph, 23 June 2010.
46. HQ Northern Ireland Log, 28 June 1970, NA, WO/305/3771.
47. Quinn, A Rebel Voice, p. 163; Anon., Battle of St. Matthew’s, Chapter 7, p. 5. Kennedy’s presence at Mountpottinger RUC station is confirmed in the 39th Brigade Log at 1:50 am, where he is recorded as promising to ‘try to calm things down’ and requesting the ‘retention of [a] military presence in [the] Roman Catholic end of the Newtownards Road’. 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
48. 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
49. Quinn, Rising of the Phoenix, p. 67.
50. Belfast Telegraph, 29 June 1970.
51. Ibid.
52. Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 162; St Matthew’s Parish Chronicon, 28 June 1970; Moore statement’s and Allison’s statement, McIlhone Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24; 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
53. Dougherty’s statement, Matthews’s statement, Rutherford’s statement, Carson autopsy report, Neill Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24.
54. Quinn, Rebel Voice, pp. 163–4. See also P. Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin (London: Bloomsbury, 1997), pp. 76–7.
55. Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 164; Heaney’s statement; Allison’s statement; Carson autopsy report; McAllister’s statement and Mellotte’s statement, McIlhone Inquest, PRONI, BELF/6/1/1/24. I have found no evidence to support Quinn’s claim that loyalists tried to obstruct the ambulance taking McIlhone and McKee to the hospital, although there is an entry in one of the army logs, timed 2:20 am, which stated that the RUC were holding an ambulance at Mountpottinger.
56. ‘P. Ó Néill’, Freedom Struggle by the Provisional IRA (Dublin: Irish Republican Publicity Bureau, 1973), p. 25; Irish News, 8 September 1973.
57. Hammond’s statement; Sunday Times, 24 May 2009.
58. Belfast Graves, pp. 68–9; Andersonstown News, 21 January 2010.
59. The situation was further complicated by the suggestion that the man who killed McIlhone was Denis Donaldson, an IRA volunteer whom the RUC subsequently ‘turned’ into becoming a key informer. McKee denied that Donaldson was involved and, on this point, there is no good reason to disbelieve him. Sunday Times, 24 May 2009; Andersonstown News, 21 January 2010.
60. HQ Northern Ireland Log, 28 June 1970; 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
61. Quinn, Rising of the Phoenix, p. 68.
62. HQ Northern Ireland Log, 28 June 1970.
63. P. Taylor, Loyalists (London: Bloomsbury, 1999), pp. 79–80. For his earlier account, see Taylor, Provos, pp. 75–7.
64. Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett, p. 14.
65. [R. Quinn], Lagan Enclave: A History of Conflict in the Short Strand 1886–-1997 (Belfast: Ballymacarrett Research Group, 1997), p. 58. This explanation was not included in Quinn’s subsequent publications.
66. Anon., Battle of St. Matthew’s, Chapter 7, p. 4.
67. Taylor, Provos, p. 76. The army put the figure even higher at 1,150. 39th Brigade Log, 28 June 1970.
68. Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 66.
69. INTSUM, 2 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3783. Burroughs had already informed Whitehall that ‘if the Protestants were the main aggressors [in August 1969], on this occasion there is convincing evidence that the Catholic side was initially to blame …’ Both sides had used guns, ‘but the first shots were fired from the Catholic side’. R. Burroughs telegram, 29 June 1970, NA, FCO/33/1076.
70. Anon., Battle of St. Matthew’s, Chapter 7, pp. 5–6.
71. Quinn, Rebel Voice, p. 165. In Rising of the Phoenix (p. 63), Quinn admits that there were two Officials from the Falls in the Short Strand on the night of 27/28 June 1970. He says nothing about local Officials.
72. INTSUM, 30 April 1970, and INTSUM, 7 May 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
73. A. Lawrence, ‘Triggering Nationalist Violence Competition and Conflict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule’, International Security, 35, 2 (Fall 2010), pp. 88–122.
74. B. Hanley and S. Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party (Dublin: Penguin Ireland, 2009), p. 156.
75. Unsigned minute of conversation, 9 July 1970, NA, CJ/4/21.
76. Unsigned minute of conversation, 9 July 1970, NA, CJ/4/21 (this is a separate document from the one cited in the previous note).
77. Hopkins minute, 3 July 1970, NA, CJ/4/21.
78. Unsigned memorandum, [n.d.], NA, CJ/4/27; Irish Times, 30 June 1970. According to the memorandum, there were 500 Catholics at Harland and Wolff out of a total workforce of 10,500.
79. Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett, pp. 19 and 25; Quinn, Rising of the Phoenix, pp. 70–1.
80. Anon., Murder in Ballymacarrett, p. 25.
81. The History of the Red Hand Commando’, www.freewebs.com/red-hand/history.htm (last accessed 1 March 2008).
CHAPTER 10
1. For a recent example see the article by Connla Young in the Irish News, 6 July 2016.
2. Sean Óg Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order: The Story of the Belfast ‘Curfew’ 3–5 July 1970 (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1970). The British Army believed that the principal author of the booklet was in fact Michael Dolley, a history lecturer at Queen’s University, Belfast. See HQ Northern Ireland INTSUM, 24 September 1970, para. 14, London, National Archives (NA), WO/305/3783. Using the Irish form of his name, Michéal Ó Daithlaioch, Dolley certainly wrote the Foreword to the booklet.
3. Colm Campbell and lta Connolly, ‘A Model for the “War against Terrorism”? Military intervention in Northern Ireland and the 1970 Falls Curfew’, Journal of Law and Society, 30, 3, (2003), pp. 341–75.
4. The Story of the Falls Road Curfew (Dublin: Workers’ Party of Ireland, 2010). I am particularly indebted to the then head of the Workers’ Party’s Research Department for sending me the pamphlet and for providing me with further information via email.
5. Andrew Walsh, From Hope to Hatred: Voices of the the Falls Curfew (Stroud: The History Press, 2013).
6. It is based upon my article, ‘The Falls Road curfew revisited’, which appeared in Irish Studies Review, 14, 3, (2006), pp. 325–42, but makes use of important additional archival material, notably the inquest proceedings on those killed and the papers of Lieutenant-General Sir Ian Freeland.
7. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 3 July 1970, NA, WO/305/4238.
8. Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order, p. 10; HQ Northern Ireland Press Release, 17 September 1970, NA, FCO/33/1077.
9. Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order, p. 10.
10. The chair of the committee, Jim Sullivan, was a member of the Official IRA.
11. HQ Northern Ireland, Duty Officer’s Log, 3 July 1970, NA, WO 305/3772; Narrative of the Military Operations in Northern Ireland which began in 1969, Volume I, Section IV, p. 23.
12. The Sunday Times ‘Insight Team’, Ulster (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), pp. 213–14. According to an email of 26 July 2010 from the Research Department of the Workers’ Party to the author, ‘[t]he reason for the phone call seems to have been a combination of her not supporting his [i.e. her husband’s] politics and rows over the presence of the weapons …’
13. NISEC SITREP from 030800A-040800A JUL 70, NA, DEFE/25/273.
14. Narrative of the Military Operations in Northern Ireland, Section IV, p. 23.
15. Lieutenant-General Sir Ian Freeland and Brigadier Peter Hudson respectively.
16. Narrative of the Military Operations in Northern Ireland, Section IV, p. 23.
17. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 3 July 1970, NA, WO/305/4348, Simon Winchester, In Holy Terror: Reporting the Ulster Troubles, (London: Leo Cooper, 1972), pp. 71–2. The Army history refers to an earlier episode in which Brigadier Hudson had experienced a hair-raising episode when his helicopter had to make a forced landing after it was struck by what the pilot believed to be a bullet, but which seems to have been one of the Official IRA’s ‘improvised rockets’. See Narrative of Military Operations, p. 23; Story of the Falls Road Curfew, p. 20.
18. Entry timed at 22.00, 3 July 1970, HQ Northern Ireland, Duty Officer’s Log, NA, WO/305/3772.
19. Colm Campbell and lta Connolly, ‘A model for the “War against Terrorism”? Military intervention in Northern Ireland and the 1970 Falls Curfew’, Journal of Law and Society, 30, 3, (2003), especially Campbell and Connolly, ‘A model for the “War against Terrorism”?’ pp. 352–4; Undated ‘Comments by Lieutenant-General Sir Ian Freeland on the Galley Proofs of a Penguin Book entitled “Ulster” by The Sunday Times Insight Team’, p. 2, Folder ‘Sunday Times Press and Articles’, Imperial War Museum, Freeland MSS, Box 79/34/4.
20. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 4 July 1970, NA, WO/309/4238.
21. Annex B, HQ Northern Ireland INTSUM, 16 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3783.
22. Entry timed at 12.10 HQ Northern Ireland, Duty Officer’s Log, 4 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3772.
23. Home Office Northern Ireland Political Summary (HONIP), 10 July 1970, para. 3, NA, CJ/4/269.
24. ‘Belfast’s Falls Curfew victims’ families demand new inquest’, Irish News, 6 July 2016. This is the same article referred to in footnote 1 above.
25. When consulted in the Public Records Office of Northern Ireland, these records were filed under the classification BELF/6/1/1/24. Most of the names of Army witnesses are concealed – e.g. ‘Trooper A’, Lieutenant B’ – while those of civilian witnesses are given, as indeed they were in the press at the time. However, in the interest of all-round fairness, the author does not cite the names of civilian witnesses either. Some statements were from witnesses who were not called to attend the actual inquest hearings, but were still cited if considered important.
26. This was confirmed by the testimony of the Major.
27. See Annex A of the report on the rioting in the Shankill Road on the night of 11/12 October 1969, where the author, Lt. Col. Ballenden, states that the first of the lessons learned was that ‘[t]here is a requirement for a weapon whose lethality falls between CS and rifle fire’ and General Freeland’s observation in a draft of a talk to the Chief of Staff’s conference in which he says ‘the S[elf] l[oading] R[ifle] is too powerful and is capable of killing several persons with one bullet and even penetrating walls.’ Both documents are attached to a ‘Private and Confidential’ letter, dated 18 October 1969 from Freeland to the Army Chief of Staff in London, General Sir Geoffrey Baker, in Freeland MSS, Box 79/34/3, Folder: ‘Letters to and from the C.G.S.’. See also the proceedings of the first Study Day of the Army in Northern Ireland, 5 December 1969 in Freeland MSS, Box 79/34/3, Folder: Northern Ireland 1969–71.
28. This was the testimony of the ambulance driver.
29. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 5 July 1970, NA, WO/309/4238.
30. Meeting of the Northern Ireland Joint Security Committee, 2 July 1970, NA, DEFE/13/730. This committee had been set up after British troops had become involved in the rioting in the province in August 1969. Composed of both Northern Ireland and British Government representatives, it superseded the Northern Ireland government’s own Security Committee.
31. The reference is to the disturbances outside the United States Embassy in Grosvenor Square, London, on 17 March 1968, when a crowd was protesting against the Vietnam war.
32. Minutes of the Northern Ireland Joint Security Committee, 4 July 1970, NA, DEFE/13/730.
33. Undated draft reply to Fitt’s letter of complaint to the UK’s Home Secretary, Reginald Maudling, NA, DEFE/24/980. Fitt’s letter, dated 7 July 1970, is in the same file.
34. See, for example, Sunday Times ‘Insight Team’, Ulster, p. 220; Winchester, In Holy Terror, p. 74.
35. Operation Banner is the official term for the whole of the British military presence in Northern Ireland during the Troubles.
36. See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y1Ge9ZAX0tk (accessed 26 October 2016). The Fianna is the Irish Republican youth movement and a Slua the equivalent of a scout troop.
37. Entries timed at 09.58 and 11.08, HQ Northern Ireland, Duty Officer’s Log, 5 July 1970, NA, WO/309/4238.
38. Entries timed at 17.06, 17.07, 17.10 and 19.08, ibid.
39. Thus, in the article by Connla Young, cited at the beginning of this chapter, the author writes that the curfew ‘was eventually broken when women and children from Andersonstown marched on the area with groceries and other supplies.’ It wasn’t.
40. Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (Dublin: Brandon, 1996), p. 141; Brendon Anderson, Joe Cahill: A Life in the IRA (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2003), pp. 205–6; Story of the Falls Curfew, p. 28.
41. Nicky Curtis, Faith and Duty: the True Story of a Soldier’s War in Northern Ireland (London: Andre Deutsch, 2001), p. 35. Curtis was awarded the Military Medal during the course of his service.
42. ‘Internal Security Ops I Northern Ireland, 1 June–1 October 1970: Brief No. 3. Searches for Arms; Freeland MSS, ‘Falls Road Statements’ sub-folder; Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order, pp. 25, 34.
43. Undated Press Release, NA, FCO/33/1077. There is also a copy in the Freeland MSS in a sub-folder entitled ‘Falls Road Statements’.
44. Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order, p. 37; Story of the Falls Curfew, p. 23. In fact, the most severe criticism of the British Army’s conduct regarding property in the Workers’ Party pamphlet is reserved for the trashing of the Official IRA’s headquarters and other Republican premises.
45. See the statement in Irish News, 9 July 1970.
46. Ó Fearghail, Law(?) and Order, pp. 28–30, 32–3 and 34.
47. Peck dispatch, 30 June 1970, NA, FCO/33/1209.
48. Peck minute, 6 July 1970, ibid. The author of this minute was not John Peck, the British ambassador in Dublin, but Sir Edward Peck, a senior official in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The parades referred to commemorated the ‘Glorious Revoultion’ of 1688 and the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, which marked the victory of the forces of William of Orange (Protestant) over those of James II (Catholic). The parades were normally held on 12 July, but since the the twelfth was a Sunday in 1970, they were postponed until the 13th.
49. The full texts of Hillery’s press conference and Panorama interview may be found in the National Archives of Ireland, Reference Code 2001/6/516, on the CAIN website. See http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/nai/1970/naiTSCH-2001-6-5161970-07-06b.pdf (accessed 30 October 2016).
50. Evans telegram No. 205, 6 July 1970, NA, FCO/33/1209.
51. House of Commons Debates, 7 July 1970, 803, Col. 494.
52. Peck telegram, No. 211, 7 July 1970, NA, FCO/33/1209.
53. Lewis Baston, Reggie (Stroud: The History Press, 2004), p. 366.
54. Sunday Times ‘Insight Team’, Ulster, p. 215 (emphasis in original).
55. Minutes of the JSC meetings can be found in NA, DEFE/13/730. The record of Lord Balniel’s meeting with Freeland is in Henn minute, 6 July 1970, NA, DEFE/13/731. Freeland’s preoccupation with the Protestant marches can be found in Internal Security Instructions Nos 5/70 and 6/70 in Annex C to the Commander’s Diary, 23 and 30 June 1970, NA, WO/305/3778.
56. See chapter 9.
57. Patrick Bishop and Eamonn Mallie, The Provisional IRA (London: Corgi Books, 1988), p. 158.
58. Irish Times, 7 July 1970.
59. 39th Brigade, Duty Officer’s Log, 3 July 1970, NA, WO/309/4238.
60. Hugh Jordan, Milestones in Murder: Defining Moments in Ulster’s Terror War (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2002), p. 95. It is not beyond the realms of possibility that a member of the RUC’s Special Branch was present when McMillen made these remarks and noted them down.
61. United Irishman, August 1970, pp. 1, 4.
62. Information on the Andersonstown bank explosion can be found in entries timed 03.50 and 03.56 in the Duty Officer’s Log of HQ Northern Ireland, 4 July 1970, NA, WO/305/3772. Two soldiers were wounded in the subsequent ambush.
63. This Week, 7 August 1970, p. 34.
64. The reference is to the events of the previous weekend. See Chapter 9.
65. Seán MacStiofáin, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (London: Gordon and Cremonesi), p. 157.
66. Adams, Before the Dawn, p. 142.
67. Anderson, Joe Cahill, p. 206.
68. Michael Dewar, The British Army in Northern Ireland (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1985), p. 37.
69. HQ Northern Ireland, INTSUM, 30 April 1970, Annex D, NA, WO/305/3783.
70. Burroughs telegram, 7 July 1970, NA, FCO/33/1076, HONIP, 7 August 1970, para. 8, NA, CJ/4/269, James Grant, One Hundred Years with the Clonard Redemptorists (Blackrock: Columba Press, 2003), p. 209.
71. ‘IS Ops N Ireland’, para. 66, Freeland MSS, Box 79/34/3.
72. Raymond J. Quinn, A Rebel Voice (Belfast: Belfast Cultural and Local History Group, 1998), p. 171.
ENDINGS
1. P. Maume, ‘Irish Political History: Guidelines and Reflections’, in M. McAuliffe, K. O’Donnell and L. Lane (eds), Palgrave Advances in Irish History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 1–48, p. 2.
2. I. McBride, Eighteenth-Century Ireland (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2009), p. 20.
3. S. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 17.
4. P. Mandler, ‘The Problem with Cultural History’, Cultural and Social History, 1, 1 (January 2004), pp. 94–117, p. 116.
5. New York Times, 23 December 2007.