METHODOLOGY

Since Invisible Chains is the first comprehensive book on human trafficking in Canada, it is important to briefly describe the research behind it before turning to the list of specific sources. This book is based on an empirical study that aims to support evidence-based law and policy responses to human trafficking in Canada. Research began in September 2007 and was completed in June 2010, focusing on human trafficking cases and responses since the country signed the Palermo Protocol in 2000.

A literature review of published research was conducted, as well as a review of other open source data, including written decisions of courts and tribunals in cases involving the criminal prosecution of alleged human traffickers or proceedings related to victims; reports by international governmental organizations, governments, and NGOs; and media accounts. In addition to recognizing potential cases, issues, and trends, this review identified potential key informants to be interviewed for this study. A “snowballing” technique was also used, wherein interview subjects recommended additional individuals to be approached.

Semi-structured expert interviews were conducted with approximately fifty individuals in governmental, law enforcement, and NGO capacities, as well as other professionals who have been directly involved in cases of human trafficking related to Canada. These interviews were conducted between May 2008 and July 2009, with one additional follow-up interview in March 2010, in accordance with protocols and procedures approved by the University of British Columbia’s Behavioural Research Ethics Board (certificate of approval H08-00332). The interviews were audiotaped and conducted on an attribution basis (i.e., “on the record”) unless otherwise indicated. Initial interviews took between sixty and ninety minutes, with some involving a follow-up. The majority of the interviews were conducted face to face. When this was not possible, telephone interviews were conducted. In one instance, a government department completed written responses to questions. The interview data were then coded, based on key themes that emerged across multiple interviews, in order to facilitate the identification of qualitative findings. Some interview subjects also provided written documentation.

When incidents of suspected human trafficking involving Canada as a source, destination, or transit country were disclosed during interviews, these were recorded in detail. These reported cases were later critically reviewed to determine whether they fit the definition of “trafficking in persons” in the Palermo Protocol. Only cases that met this definition and were found to be credible were included in this study. In many instances, cases were corroborated using court records, records released under the Access to Information Act, other interviews, or public accounts of the case.

An additional rich source of primary data came from over forty Access to Information Act filings with federal government departments and agencies (including the RCMP, Canada Border Services Agency, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Public Safety Canada, Department of Justice, and Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade), and provincial government departments in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec.

For ethical reasons, and because of the perceived difficulty of locating victims often years after their cases were discovered, trafficked persons were not interviewed. However, secondary sources involving victim/survivor accounts, such as victim impact statements in court records and statements in other studies, are cited in this book to ensure that the voices of those exploited were not lost. Throughout this book, pseudonyms are used to conceal the identity of victims and survivors for their privacy and security. Exceptions to this policy are explicitly noted for victims that have commanded widespread public awareness in order to help identify the perpetrators who harmed them (i.e., Fonessa Bruyere, Hilary Wilson, and Cherisse Houle, who are deceased), to help identify their whereabouts (Jessie Edith Louise Foster), or because they are survivors who have high-profile public roles in leading NGOs (Somaly Mam and Timea Nagy). Specific information about survivors has been withheld as has detailed information about the shelters and safe houses that protect them.