In January 1865, Francis Preston Blair, a former adviser to Andrew Jackson who served as an unofficial counselor to President Lincoln, traveled to Richmond twice to meet with Jefferson Davis. Blair proposed to Davis that the Union and Confederate armies should jointly expel the French from Mexico as a prelude to national reunion. Neither Davis nor Lincoln believed in Blair’s proposal, but they were both willing to use him as an intermediary. On January 12 Davis asked Blair to tell Lincoln that he was willing to “enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries.” Lincoln responded on January 18 that he would accept an emissary “with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.” Despite Lincoln’s refusal to acknowledge Confederate independence, Davis appointed as commissioners Confederate vice president Alexander H. Stephens, Confederate senator Robert M. T. Hunter, and John A. Campbell, the Confederate assistant secretary of war. The three men met with Lincoln and Secretary of State Seward on February 3 onboard the Union steamboat River Queen at Hampton Roads, Virginia. No notes were taken during the meeting, but the various accounts written afterward by the participants agree that Lincoln insisted on a complete cessation of hostilities and the full restoration of the union while refusing to retreat from his emancipation policies. Robert Garlick Hill Kean, an administrator in the Confederate War Department who worked closely with Campbell, wrote about the Hampton Roads conference in his diary on February 5. The next day Davis attributed the meeting’s failure in a message to the Confederate Congress to northern insistence on “unconditional submission.”
Feb. 5. Last night at about 8 o’clock, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell got back. After they were admitted into Grant’s lines, they were carried down to City Point where they were taken in hand by Major Eckert, the censor of the telegraph, who was the person to have charge of their going forward. Some notes passed on the subject of the character and objects of their mission, and delay was produced by which they were kept at City Point till Thursday morning from Monday night. Judge Campbell thinks this was in order to give time for the announcement of the vote in the Yankee House of Representatives on the emancipation amendment to the Constitution and the action of the Eastern states legislatures on it—all of which Seward, who was all the while at Old Point, was waiting for, and brought out in the conference. Finally on Thursday they were taken down on Grant’s steamboat, getting into the Roads. Lincoln arrived from Washington that evening and sent them word that he was tired with travel, but would see them the next day. So next morning they were taken on board the steamer where Lincoln and Seward were, and had a conference of about three hours, in which a great deal was talked over.
Mr. Stephens reminded Lincoln of their intimacy in the time when they served on the secret committee together, which engineered the election of General Taylor. Lincoln remembered the acquaintance but appeared oblivious of the ‘sleeping together’ after the manner of Botts and Tyler. Mr. Stephens then went into a long discussion of the ‘Monroe Doctrine’ in its relations to this quarrel. After he had proceeded for some time (this cue having been taken from Blair) Lincoln appeared to have become impatient and interrupted with the remark that there was but one ground on which propositions could be made or received, and that was the restoration of the national authority over all places in the states. This diverted the discussion, but Mr. Seward said he desired to hear Mr. Stephens out; his view was one in which he was interested.
Mr. Stephens cited historical instances of nations at war laying aside their quarrel to take up other matters of mutual interest to both. Mr. Lincoln replied that he knew nothing about history, ‘You must talk history to Seward.’ It having become distinctly understood that no terms short of reconstruction were to be considered, Judge Campbell took up the discussion and inquired searchingly into their ideas of the manner of it. It was brought out distinctly that submission was contemplated pure and simple, though they called our envoys to witness that they never used the word ‘submission.’ Their phrase was ‘restoration of the national authority.’ The terms of Lincoln’s message in December last were all they had to offer.
On the subject of their penal legislation, Lincoln said that we must accept all the consequences of the application of the law, that he would be disposed to use liberally the power confided to him for the remission of pains and penalties. In this connection Judge Campbell remarked that he had never regarded his neck as in danger. Lincoln replied that there were a good many oak trees about the place where he lived, the limbs of which afforded many convenient points from which he might have dangled. This was said with temper, and was the only exhibition of it at all. They said there could be no convention on this subject with us either as a national government or as states, as to make such a convention would be a ‘recognition.’ Mr. Hunter replied that this did not follow; there were frequent instances of such conventions, as between Charles I and the parliament. Lincoln answered, ‘And Charles I lost his head; that’s all I know about that; you must talk history to Seward.’ Judge Campbell stated the difference between the law of conquest and a pacification by convention. They left no opening for any convention. Everything was to be settled by the laws of Congress and the decisions of the courts.
The slavery question was mentioned. That, Lincoln said, would be decided by the courts. Some said his proclamations had no effect whatever; others, that they operated only in particular places; others, that they were of general operation. He supposed this would be tested by some one taking a negro, and the question of his freedom being brought before the courts.
(In this connection and in reply to Mr. Hunter’s suggestion as to negro women and children in exposed places, like Eastern Virginia where productive labor had all absconded, Lincoln told his story of the pigs.)
In this connection Seward produced the vote in the House of Representatives on the amendment to the Constitution. He said this country was in a revolutionary condition, and as always was the case, the most extreme party succeeds. He cited Maryland. The first proposition was to get rid of slavery in 50 years. This would have been satisfactory, but a more extreme party arose for emancipation in seven years, then a more violent one for immediate emancipation, and this one succeeded. So in New York, the Tribune which a few years ago was the only abolition political paper supported by the country, was now the most conservative of the Northern press while the Herald leads the abolition party.
The conditions of a truce were also discussed, equally unsatisfactory. The only governments which could be recognized in states where there are two would be the bogus Yankee government. Judge Campbell also asked if Virginia went back whether it would be with her ancient limits. The reply was that it would be a question for the courts. West Virginia would be regarded as a state. The gentlemen prepared their answer to the President this morning, which I presume will be published. This ends this peace fiasco which must satisfy the most sceptical that we have nothing whatever to hope or expect short of the exaction of all the rights of conquest, whether we are overrun by force, or submit.