Boyan Dumanov
The late antique administrative reform of the Balkan provinces initiated by Diocletian was finalized in the mid-fourth century; the diocese of Thrace was founded as a direct consequence and was part of the prefecture per Orientem. The boundaries of the territory of the diocese were somewhat larger than those of the early imperial province and included areas immediately south of Istros down to the Danube delta, along with parts of the old province of Moesia. On the other hand, the extreme northwest of the Roman province of Thrace, including Serdica and Pautalia, was transferred to the diocese of Dacia. The western border of the Thracian diocese was fixed along the Utus (mod. Vit) River valley, crossed the Haemus (Balkan) Mountains near the headwaters of the Stryama River, and extended down the course of the Topolnitsa River towards the Succi pass. Its exact course between the upper and middle reaches of the Nestus River, where it also functioned as a border with the provinces of Dacia Ripensis and Macedonia Secunda, remains unknown. South, towards the Aegean, the border followed the lower reaches of the Nestus, including the frontier town of Via Egnatia Topeiros (Velkov 1977, 61). Within the diocese, there were six provinces (capitals in parentheses): Europa (Eudoxiopolis); Rhodope (Aenos); Haemimontus (Hadrianopolis); Moesia Inferior (Marcianopolis); Scythia Minor (Tomis); and the homonymous Thrace (Philippopolis). The chronology of the establishment of these administrative units and the boundaries between them is not yet completely secure (Velkov 1977, 62 n. 175).
The diocese of Dacia, which included western and northwestern sections of the earlier Roman province of Thrace, was grouped together with the dioceses of Macedonia and Pannonia in a separate praetorian prefecture of Illyricum (Bury 1923, 134), but its territory was divided and regrouped several times until 395, when it was attached to the Pars Orientalis (although claims on the part of the Western Empire continued until 437) under the name and status of praetorian prefecture of Eastern Illyricum. The northern provinces of Eastern Illyricum were Moesia Prima (capital: Viminacium), Dacia Ripensis (Ratiaria), Dacia Mediterranea (Serdica), Praevalitana (Scodra), Dardania (Scupi), Epirus Nova (Dyrrachium), Macedonia Secunda (Stobi), and, after 437, Pannonia (Sirmium).
Internal division of these dioceses complied with Antoninus Pius’ reform of 152: provinces were subdivided according to city territories, with likely separate administration of farming areas remote from city centers (Gerov 1980, 101). Such a division of the provinces of the two dioceses reflected the desire of imperial officials to create a mosaic of military-free provinces interspersed with contiguous provinces hosting military units, in which the duces held higher authority than civic administrators (Cascio 2007, 180).
A new administrative unit was established in May of 536, the quaestura exercitus, which reassigned the provinces of Moesia Inferior and Scythia Minor from the diocese to the Cycladic Islands, Caria, and Cyprus. The new formation was led by a quaestor exercitus or “prefect of Scythia” based in Odessos. The reform was necessary for both military (Szádeczky-Kardoss 1985, 63; Curta 2002, 11; 2006, 46) and economic reasons (Velkov 1977, 62; Torbatov 1997, 80), with a perhaps decisive role played by the reduced agricultural capacity of the Balkan provinces and the need to import grain from eastern provinces, which emerged during the sixth century as major producers. This union facilitated the administration of grain supply and its transport by sea.
The civic and, to some extent, military administration of the Thracian diocese was delegated to vices agentes praefectorum praetorio or, in this case, vicarius Thraciae, with headquarters in Constantinople. The office experienced several transformations during this period, the most important of which dates to Anastasius’ reign, when the so-called “Long Wall vicarii,” who divided between themselves administrative and military authority, were created. For a brief time, 535–536, the office of vicarius was replaced by that of the spectabilis praetor Iustinianus Thraciae (Danov 1935, 389; Velkov 1977, 64). Judging by the 800 solidae designated as salary for this praetor in the Noveles of Justinian, his office was equal in importance to that of the praetors of Pisidia and Lycaonia, and the comites of Isauria (Ostrogorsky 1932, 302). In contrast with other dioceses, in Thrace the authority of the vicarius was not taken over by the comites provinciarum (Demandt 1998, 217). The diocese of Dacia was governed by a praefectus praetorii Illyrici, with no evidence of dynamic changes in administration of the diocese in Late Antiquity (Velkov 1959, 57 n. 3). The civic government of the provinces was entrusted to a praeses or iudex (Gk. eparchos) and the Thracian and Dacian governors usually held the rank vir perfectissimus, which made them third (or most junior) in rank compared to their colleagues – regents of proconsular provinces (Demandt 1998, 217). Yet, on the other hand, according to epigraphic evidence and information drawn from the Notitia Dignitatum and Hierocles concerning the provinces of Thrace, Europe, and Dacia Ripensis, there were also governors in the fourth century titled consulares and thus given the rank of viri clarissimi (Beshevliev 1952, n. 23; Demandt 1998, 218). Such devaluation of the importance of provincial administrators was universal and their responsibilities were limited to fiscal and administrative duties. In the limes provinces their power was strongly contested by the duces, and their immediate assistants, the cohortales, had primarily military responsibilities (Demandt 1998, 312; Carrié 2007, 280).
Local assemblies (concilium; Gk. koinon) of ex-magistrates, representatives of decuriones, and executive authorities played an important role in provincial administration. Their decisions were observed uncontested by the prefects. According to edicts in the Theodosian Code, these assemblies were held regularly in the territories of the dioceses of Thrace and Dacia at least until the end of the first quarter of the fifth century (Velkov 1977, 71–72; Demandt 1998, 219).
The introduction of Christianity as an official religion of the Roman Empire in 380 led to the demand for clerical administration in Thrace; this process was initially accommodated within the provincial division (Jones 1964, 873–937). An important source is Pseudo-Epiphanius’ list, composed prior to the establishment of the theme organization, according to which the territory of the diocese of Thrace included five metropoleis, with twenty episcopates and fifteen autonomous archepiscopates. The most durable of these clerical units was the Thracian eparchy, coinciding with the territory of the province Thrace, with seat in Philippopolis. After the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the metropolitan bishop of the Thracian diocese was directly invested by the patriarch of Constantinople (Hall 2008, 731). There are some peculiarities, as in the eparchy of Europe, which has two metropolitan seats, one in Heraclea and another in Traianopolis.
The Haemimontus eparchy is even more interesting, with cathedra in Hadrianopolis (five episcopal sees) and a second metropolitan seat in Marcianopolis (also with five episcopal sees). The structure of the eparchy of Haemimontus recalls the administrative situation from the time of Trajan, when the province of Thrace included also the city territories of Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum. Autocephalous archiepiscopates existed in frontier provinces such as Moesia and Scythia, namely in Odessos and Tomis, but also in provinces with established metropoleis. In Europa autocephalous archiepiscopates were located in: Bizye, Arcadiopolis, Eudoxiopolis, Apri, and Drizipara / Druzipara; and, in Rhodope, in Maronea, Maximianopolis, Anchialos, Cypsela, and Aenos. Two autocephalous episcopates were located in Thrace at Beroe and Nicopolis ad Nestum, and in Haemimontus there is an autocephalous archiepiscopate in Mesambria (Snegarov 1956, 651–653; Darrouzès 1981, 204–213). There is no single explanation for this phenomenon. The autocephalous archiepiscopates in the limes provinces were set up due to the special position of the latter, especially following their inclusion into the questura exercitus. In the interior provinces their function was a consequence of dense population, as in the case of Europa, or communication difficulties, as in the heterogeneous landscape of the Rhodope Mountains.
Novella 11 of Justinian was issued in 535, which placed Eastern Illyricum, including both Dacia Mediterranea and Moesia Inferior, under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Iustiniana Prima. The city was an entirely new foundation that honored the nearby birthplace of Justinian, but, more importantly, was meant to decrease the influence of the Archbishop of Thessalonica, who was the papal vicar for Eastern Illyricum. The emperor’s ambition had little impact, however, and ten years later by Novella 131 (III) the Archbishop of Iustiniana Prima received the status of papal vicar and the church administration of the diocese of Dacia (Snively 2005, 216; Bavant and Ivanišević 2006, 69), losing his administrative and ecclesiastical prerogatives over the diocese of Macedonia Secunda.
Edict 28 of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 informs us that, similar to the metropolitans of the provinces of Pontus and Asia, the metropolitan of Thrace also had in his diocese bishops of the “barbarians” who were invested by the archbishop of Constantinople (Mathisen 1997, 669). The extent of the territory in the “barbaricum,” which was entrusted to the Thracian metropolitan, remains unknown. This canon is associated with the edicts of the Council of Constantinople of 381, where it was clearly stated that “barbarian” bishops were not “urban” but “tribal” (Mathisen 1997, 668).
The onset of missionary activity in Thrace is traditionally associated with the apostle Paul, who “spread the Holy Books from Jerusalem to Illyria” (Schaff and McGiffert 1890, 176; Tsukhlev 1910, 11; Snegarov 1944, 371). Eusebius of Caesarea also notes that the apostle Andrew preached in the north of the west Pontic region (Schaff and McGiffert 1890, 175). Writings of the Church Fathers suggest that there were Early Christian communities in Philippopolis, Augusta Traiana, and Odessos (Tsukhlev 1910, 10; Snegarov 1944, 361–362, 609). During the second century episcopal centers were set up in Deultum and Anchialos, the bishops of which wrestled with the Montanists (Euseb., Hist. Eccl. 5.19.3; Schaff and McGiffert 1890, 368; Tabbernee 2007, 22–33). According to a fragment of Tertullian’s Adversus Judaeos, at the beginning of the third century, Christianity had spread among the Dacians, Getae, Sarmatians, and Scythians (Adv. Jud. 7.4; cf. Col. 3:11); thus, it is possible to imagine strong Christian communities at this time in cities like Оdessos and Tomis (Minchev 1986, 31–42). The relatively wide distribution of Christianity in the Thracian and Dacian towns is attested also in the rich martyrology of Menologium Basilii II, Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, and Chronicon Paschale, among others, which detail the deeds of the saints chiefly from the time of the first Tetrarchy until the middle of the fourth century, including the 12 martyrs of Durostorum and the 38 martyrs of Philippopolis (Delehaye 1902; 1912; Tsukhlev 1910, 13–15; Snegarov 1944, 363; Musurillo 1972, 272–279; Pillinger 1988; for the prominent martyria of Naissus, see Zeiller 1918, 122).
Martyrological texts indicate the urban roots of Christianity in Thrace and Dacia and the prominence of the martyr cult in the cities (Iliev 2007, 35). In rural and isolated areas, however, the process was considerably slower. Paulinus of Nola and Jerome describe eloquently the conversion of the Bessi and the translation of the Bible into the Bessian language by Nicetas, Bishop of Remesiana (Tsukhlev 1910, 47, 48–49, 130; for the latest on Remesiana, see Jovanović 2013). This event, which marks an important step towards the conversion of mountainous regions, was still mentioned in late sixth-century sources (Lozovan and Haddad 1968, 237). On the other hand, Nicetas’ role in the spread of Christianity should not be overstated, as it is quite likely that Paulinus’ mention of “righteous men, seeking shelter in the caves” in fact referred to the growing popularity of hermits and monks in the second half of the fourth and early fifth centuries. Quite often the Bessi are mentioned precisely in relation to monasticism in the Holy Lands or Constantinople (Dimitrov 2013, 152–154).
Martyr cult was critical to the spread of early Christianity in its urban context. It is commonly accepted that martyria were created primarily in extramural or extraurban areas, which were the usual sites of martyrdom according to the Acts of the Martyrs. After the Synod of Carthage in 419, the gradual transfer of relics into intramural buildings began (Enchev 2006, 43, 45). The identification of sacred structures as martyria, however, is extremely unreliable, especially since many of those complexes have been destroyed. One of the earliest securely identified memorial structures is beneath the St. Sophia basilica in Serdica, within the boundaries of the city’s eastern necropolis. The building that emerges here initially was a chapel or a martyrium, which later was enlarged to a single-nave cemetery basilica, decorated with floor mosaics (Shalganov 2002, 581–592; Boyadzhiev 2002, 164–166); the place soon attracted a concentration of Christian tombs (depositio ad sanctos). Similar structures and situations are attested elsewhere in Serdica (Stancheva 1964, 161–162; Boyadzhiev 2002, 162–163). An octagonal martyrium and another with six conchae are found as extramural complexes at Philippopolis, the latter associated with the martyrdom of the 38 Christians (Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, 255). Additional extramural martyria are known from: Augusta Traiana (Nikolov and Kalchev 1992, 29–44); Perushtitsa (the so-called “Red Church”: Boyadzhiev 1998, 32–34); Voden, Yambol district; Markeli, near the town of Karnobat (Iliev 2007, 41–42, figs. 6–7); and Yagodin Mala near Naissus (Orshić-Slavetić 1933, 304, fig. 5; Milošević 2004, 124–128, figs. 3–4).
Intramural martyria are much less common. Such are found at Novae, within the earlier episcopal complex (Biernacki 2006, 62–64, fig. 4), and north of the episcopal complex in Zikideva, the stronghold on the Tsarevets hill in Veliko Tarnovo (Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, 200–201, fig. 27). Larger buildings, with more monumental architecture and presumably related to martyr cult, are the church near Shkorpilovtsi, Varna district, and basilica no. 4 near Diocletianopolis, among others (Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, 180–182, 271–272, 300–301, 302–303, figs. 8, 78, 97, 99). Martyria architecture synthesizes eastern and western traditions, with a preponderance of Syrian elements (Doncheva 2006, 153–158). An impressive number of reliquaries, some with preserved relics, have been found in the territory of the dioceses of Thrace and Dacia (Buschhausen 1971; Bakalova 2000; Minchev 2003). The most remarkable is the find from the Djanavar-tepe church with monastery in Varna (Odessos), which includes three reliquaries, one in gold, another silver, and the third in marble, nested into one another. The gold reliquary is decorated with precious stones and probably contains a fragment of the Holy Cross (Buschhausen 1971, 264, C1, pl. 2, 3; Minchev 2003, 15–18, cat. nos. 1–3).
Church construction in the dioceses of Thrace and Dacia exhibits tendencies shared by all Balkan provinces, with attested regional and chronological specificities. Three-aisled basilicas with a single (often with pastophoria) or complex altar are common, as is the single-nave church, particularly in extraurban areas. Local types, developed in Late Antiquity, include cross-shaped churches, the tetraconch layout, and the rotunda. Vaulted and domed basilicas clustered in the provinces of Dacia Mediterranea and Thracia, while the rare, shortened-dome basilica is associated with the Balkan Mountain foothill areas of Moesia Inferior (Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, passim; Ćurčić 2010, passim).
The advance of church architecture in the eastern Balkan provinces is better traced in terms of chronology. The fourth-century churches, primarily single-nave ones, demonstrate direct continuity with the Roman public basilica. Among Christian basilicas, an elongated layout is predominant, which, towards the end of the century, was supplemented with extra rooms necessary for the increasingly complex liturgy; such architectural developments led in turn to the formation of Christian cult complexes.
The basilicas of the first half of the fifth century have shortened proportions and a wider middle aisle. The narthex receives lateral rooms, one of which functions as a diaconicon. Churches with a transept appear for the first time during this period, as do churches with cross-shaped plan and dome above the central space. The earliest monuments of this latter type are the churches near: Botevo, Vidin district (Dacia Ripensis); Ivanyane, Sofia district (Dacia Mediterranea); and Tsarkvishte, Zlatitsa municipality (on the Dacia Mediterranea/Thracia frontier) (Stanchev 1959, 70–75; Ivanova 1934, 224–299; Mutafchiev 1915b, 85–111). During the second third of the sixth century, a cross-in-square church was built in Iustiniana Prima (Bavant and Ivanišević 2006, 38 n. 20) and, over the course of the century, cross-in-square churches appear in the provinces of Dardania and Macedonia Secunda (Snively 2005, 222).
In the late fifth and early sixth century, ecclesiastical architecture responded to transformations in liturgy, which led to the formation of the complex, tripartite altar, often diverse in layout and form. There was a propensity for centrality and larger-domed structures, which accommodated new liturgical and aesthetic requirements, as well as technical innovations and topographic conditions. A remarkable monument is the domed basilica of St. Sofia in Serdica (Filov 1913; the domed basilica near Rakitovo, Velingrad municipality, is similar: Changova and Shopova 1969, 181–212). This vaulted basilica with transept has a blind, drum-less dome and two four-story towers attached to the narthex. The space in front of the apse is extended and the altar is undifferentiated, which features have parallels in Asia Minor and Syria (Boyadzhiev 1967, 54; Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, 292), while the extended proportions of the church are reminiscent of older, Hellenistic traditions. Several earlier construction phases have been distinguished: the first is dated to the first half of the fourth century, while suggested dates of the final phase range from the fifth or sixth century (Filov 1913; Boyadzhiev 1967) to the eighth (Fingarova 2011).
Another direction in the evolution of the domed basilica is illustrated by the so-called Elenska basilica near Pirdop (at the Dacia Mediterranea / Thracia frontier) (Mutafchiev 1915а, 20–84). During its first construction phase, dated to the first half of the fifth century, it had the form of a Hellenistic basilica with a wooden roof and a simple altar. The second construction phase, with brickwork, transformed the church into a vaulted building. During the second third of the sixth century, the church acquired a domed baptistery and the altar was made tripartite. The second peculiar attribute of the Pirdop church is the presence of a defensive structure, an enclosure wall, which links it to traditions from Syria and Asia Minor.
During the sixth century, domed and vaulted basilicas do not become the dominant type in Thrace and Dacia. The principal church buildings continue to be single-aisle structures and three-aisle basilicas, either restored in the late fifth or sixth century or newly erected. These buildings preserve their wooden roof while implementing some architectural trends characteristic of the period, such as: arcades, which replace colonnades; trihedral or polygonal apses; and complex tripartite altars. Basilica A of the episcopal complex at Iustiniana Prima, dated to the second third of the sixth century, belongs to this tradition (Duval 1984, 407–409, fig. 3). By contrast, church types are more homogeneous during the sixth century in the diocese of Macedonia, where architecture manifests stronger Aegean influences: basilicas feature a single apse with semi-circular outline and a colonnade dividing the interior space (Snively 2005, 218). Iustiniana Prima occupies an intermediate position between the southwestern Balkan provinces and the Danubian territories. Alongside the conservative episcopal basilica discussed above, the city also had an additional three three-aisle basilicas with simple altars, a double basilica, a cruciform church, a single-aisle church, and a triconch building (Duval 1984, 400–406, fig. 1; Bavant and Ivaniševiċ 2006, 27–45.
There are few, heterogeneous examples of the transept basilica, which is another noteworthy variation on the Hellenistic type. The group includes the churches in Tropaeum Traiani (D), Marcianopolis, Diocletianopolis, and Pautalia (Olariu 2009, 165–168; Chaneva-Dechevska 1999, 183; Madzharov 1993, 134).
Church-building was an important aspect of the adoption of Christianity in Thrace and Dacia. Archaeological evidence suggests that construction began on the periphery of urban centers, instead of being regularly distributed over the territories. In rural areas churches appear at the end of the fourth and early fifth centuries; this is especially true of the mountainous areas of the provinces of Thracia, Haemimontus, and Rhodope, where pagan vestiges in the burial rites, bi-ritual necropoleis, and functioning sanctuaries survive until the mid-fifth century. According to data from cemeteries deep in the hinterland, Christianity spread much faster in the lower Danube; the process was facilitated by the influx of converted immigrants from the north in the middle to late fourth century (Dinchev 1998, 64–87). Such diverse Christian influences explain in part the diversity of church layouts and constructions in the dioceses of Thrace and the two Dacias. Beginning in the sixth century the number of Syrian immigrants to the western Pontic area increased, which prompted new forms, such as the church with monastery in the “Djanavar-tepe” locality near Odessos (Boyadzhiev 1995).
Urbanism in late antique Thrace is insufficiently or problematically represented in the written sources. This information deficit is especially acute for transformative periods, such as, for example: the late fourth century, when, as a result of Gothic penetration into the region after 376, the imperial administration was forced to use the settlement system to solve numerous problems; or the mid-fifth century, when, according to extant written and numismatic sources, urban life in Thrace and Dacia was almost defunct following the Hun attacks (Priscus, fr. 5; Marcellinus Comes, ad anno 447; Velkov 1977; Croke 2001); or the first decades of the sixth century, when the available sources, however scanty, contrast with Procopius’ sequential description of Justinian’s construction and restoration projects in 554 (Aed. 4, which should be used with caution: cf. Velkov 1977, 8–19; Poulter 2007b, 5–9). Recent studies based primarily on archaeological and epigraphic evidence show that an ambitious program of urban renovation and transformation in the Balkan provinces actually began during Anastasius’ rule (Crow 2007).
Epigraphic and literary sources from the second half of the sixth century are also diverse in terms of quality and scope, but reflect only occasionally on cities in Thrace and Dacia (Velkov 1977, 13–14). As a result, two research questions formulated in the 1950s still await satisfactory answers: first, what was the effect of the Migration period on the development of urban centers; and, second, what were the main directions in their economic life and development in the fourth through sixth centuries (Velkov 1959, 14–15). Nevertheless, contemporary studies continue to open up new areas of inquiry, such as: the significance and hierarchy of individual urban centers; their topographic development; changes in urban planning; the transformation of social and professional differentiation; and the relationship of these urban centers with their immediate and more remote hinterland (Dinchev 1999; Poulter 2007b; Milinković 2007; Kirilov 2007a). Such problems require an interdisciplinary approach, including archaeological investigation. A rare instance of archaeological excavation corroborating written sources is provided by Nicopolis ad Istrum, where research has established the destruction and abandonment of the old Roman town and subsequent shift of the administrative structures towards the so-called “southern annex.” The situation well fits the framework outlined in the 448 treaty with Attila, according to the writings of Priscus (Poulter 1995, 34–35).
Late antique towns are classified primarily according to their location and condition as known from written sources. For the eastern Balkan provinces, towns can be described as: old, associated with the Greek colonization or founded at the time of Romanization; new or “dynastic,” founded on the initiative of the emperor, which practice was especially prominent in the sixth century; or emerging as a result of economic transformations (Claude 1969, 203; Bavant 1984, 245). Alternatively, we can rely on the terminology used in contemporary writings, which refer to major cities as poleis and secondary settlements as polichnion or polisma, as well as other, non-urban sites (Dagron 1984b, 7). This classification is misleading, however, as often the terms applied to urban centers by late antique authors are inadequate and employ antiquated terms or discount the importance of newly founded towns. Late antique towns in the region can also be classified according to their economic and geographic setting; four categories have been distinguished: Danubian towns, gradually declining; provincial capitals, benefiting from state support; towns of the interior, which lose their economic importance; and west Pontic centers, which take novel courses in their development (Poulter 2007b, 15–22).
Archaeological data can furnish an objective criterion for establishing the relative hierarchical position of a settlement and change or preservation of city status. The political situation of Late Antiquity dictated that city walls be maintained or renewed. Even in the absence of planned archaeological excavations, fortification walls are traditionally the most visible aspect of a city’s architecture and their monumentality could serve as a measure of the town’s significance. The size of the area enclosed by walls can indicate population size, as well as the city’s administrative, military, and economic position; some scholars have attempted to estimate garrison size for certain “fortresses” on the basis of the size of the defended area (Curta 2001, 202–203, tab. 7). The presence of churches and public buildings, the maintenance of urban infrastructure, and the size of associated suburban areas shed additional light upon this matter. In the majority of cases, however, the size of the defended area is the only visible criterion for characterizing the towns of Thrace and Dacia. It is not coincidental that provincial capitals, such as Philippopolis and Marcianopolis, have the largest fortified areas. Thus, cities with a fortified area exceeding 40 ha. are considered “large” and “important”; towns with a fortified area greater than 20 ha. are the most numerous and thus “average”; “small” towns have a fortified area of up to 5 ha. (Bavant 1984, 283 n. 13; Dinchev 1999). This method makes the most complete use of available archaeological data, but can only be applied to the towns of the late third to mid-fifth century. Following the Gothic migrations and especially the Hun invasions, many cities in Thracia and Dacia were abandoned, occupation moved away from earlier locations, and the overall inhabited territory was reduced. This process is stratigraphically attested at Oescus (Kabakchieva 1993, 92), Nicopolis ad Istrum, Marcianopolis (Angelov 2002, 113–118), and Ratiaria (Dinchev 1999, 60). This reduction and transformation of the urban landscape was formalized during the restorations of the late fifth century and in the era of Justinian.
The period also witnessed the emergence of so-called “new” cities with intramural areas significantly reduced in size in comparison with cities of the fourth to first half of the fifth century. A classic example is Iustiniana Prima, founded in 535, with a fortified area of less than 10 ha. The town was conceived as an archepiscopal center of the prefecture Illyricum and, at a certain point, as a seat of civic authority. Despite the small defended area, the settlement was indisputably important and enhanced by the presence of exemplary buildings, including the archepiscopal complex with the largest basilica in the Balkans. Other residential, commercial, and industrial structures, as well as church buildings, were found in unfortified suburban quarters, which increased considerably the total area of the settlement (Bavant and Ivanišević 2006).
An illustrative example of sixth-century trends in urbanism is the settlement center on the Tsarevets hill in the modern town of Veliko Tarnovo. The fortified area covers almost 30 ha. on a rocky plateau, which, in contrast to Iustiniana Prima, was not densely built up. The site is considered to be the Zikideva chosen by the bishop of Nicopolis ad Istrum as his new seat due to security concerns at the almost abandoned Nicopolis ad Istrum (Proc., De Aed. 6, 11). Zikideva, however, was a major center and this bishop administered the largest eparchy in the province of Moesia Inferior (Dinchev 1997). Marcianopolis, the largest town in Moesia Inferior, lost its episcopal seat too, when the bishop, who was also a provincial metropolitan, moved it to the better protected and economically more attractive Durostorum, as a consequence of the misfortunes of the sixth century (Darrouzès 1981, 213).
Such reductions of fortified area and relocations of residential areas were outcomes of economic problems faced by cities since the late third century; these settlements had no potential to man extended defense lines and gradually lost their capacity to maintain them (Velkov 1977). Consequently, there was a gradual reduction of the defended area combined with the maintenance of unwalled residential areas. In Thracia and Dacia, Nicopolis ad Istrum/Zikideva and possibly Pautalia offer examples of both sustained occupation within the limits of the ancient town and relocation of the elite and administration to a newly built, well-fortified enclave, which, in the sixth century and the early Middle Ages, developed into an actual town (Kirilov 2007a). Due to their limited scope, archaeological investigations offer only a partial picture of such urban transformation. When central squares of forum or agora type have been excavated, as in Oescus (Ivanov and Ivanov 1998), Nicopolis ad Istrum (Ivanov and Ivanov 1994), Philippopolis (Mateev 1993), and Serdica (Bobchev 1989, 37–58), official buildings appear to have been abandoned after the late fourth century and to have lost their place as a focal point of urban life.
Novae is a possible exception, however, where the construction of representative buildings around the forum continued after the end of the fourth century and can be associated with a new, Christian urban elite. A three-aisle basilica was built atop a bath complex that had been burned ca. 376–382, west of the Principia and respecting the western boundary of the Forum. The basilica subsequently received a baptistery and, later, a martyrium. In the third quarter of the sixth century, an episcopal residence was added to the church (Biernacki 1990, 187–208; Biernacki 2006, 59, 62). The existence of the episcopal complex from the first quarter of the fifth to the end of the sixth century is a good example of continuous use and development of new, Christian buildings that replaced or interacted with traditional public spaces. Comparable complexes are known from sites in Italy, Gallia, and Spain (Wataghin 2003, 230; Gurt i Esparraguera and Sánchez Ramos 2011, 282–283); a civic basilica near the forum in Remesiana (Dacia Mediterranea) was transformed into a church before the fifth century and was likely also part of an episcopal complex (Shpehar 2011, 259). Novae, it should be noted, survived the Hun attacks and the political cataclysms of the second half of the fifth century; its location was highly valued by Attila, who saw the town as marking the contested eastern Roman border on the Danube. Theoderic the Great chose Novae to be the center of territories controlled by the eastern Goths (Prostko-Prostyński 2008a, 133–140; Prostko-Prostyński 2008b, 141–158), perhaps because the city offered the shortest path through the Danube plains to the Haemus passes into Thrace. Despite the river’s width and the strength of its current at this point, Novae remained a preferred transport center, which secured its survival in the middle to second half of the fifth century and redirected traditional routes in the Balkan provinces; established hubs with developed infrastructure, like Oescus, had no urban functions at this time.
Episcopal complexes and churches displaced the forum and associated public buildings as the center of urban life in towns of “new type” founded in the early to mid-sixth century. Their topography was fundamentally different from that of the traditional centers and was oriented around a high, dominating point with radial-concentric street network. As a rule the episcopal residence and church occupied this impressive, defensible position and the surrounding area became the new focus of urban life. At Iustiniana Prima the episcopal complex defined an “acropolis,” so to speak, next to which there was a round plaza with rich architectural decoration that should also have functioned as a forum. In fact, though, it served as an area that led to the fortified ecclesiastical complex (Duval 1984, 406–425, fig. 1). At Zikideva the episcopal residence with church was located immediately below the crest of the hill, occupying the most convenient construction spot and providing for a small square overlooked by the residence (Dinchev 1997, figs. 4, 8, 9, 10; for a comparable complex at Gradina in Moesia Superior, see Milinković 2010, 92–98).
Episcopal complexes in Thrace and throughout the Empire reflect an important trend toward the transformation of urban public landmarks. This phenomenon can be associated with the rise of new urban elites, starting in the late fourth century and continuing through the early sixth. In the final century of Late Antiquity, literary sources emphasize the role of the bishop as a person capable of opposing the emperor’s authority when it threatened the interests of his parishioners. Archaeological evidence from the episcopal complex at Novae correlates well with the testimony of Theophylact Simocatta about the commander Peter, brother of Emperor Maurice, who was kept in town for two days by a local bishop because of religious holidays in 594. Peter’s conflict with the bishop of neighboring Asemus, where the commander was prevented from recruiting a local militia, is an even better indication of the strength of regional bishops (Velkov 1977, 101–102; Salamon 2008, 188–189).
The replacement of traditional urban elites is reflected in residential architecture. Beginning in the early fourth century, imposing and opulent residences, which cover a large area and often with a second story, appear in both provincial capitals and less important centers. While elite residential architecture is well known in Thrace in the first to third centuries, it is clear that elites preferred to build private residences instead of buildings for public benefit in Late Antiquity. For example, in the middle of the third century the so-called Domus Eirene was built in Philippopolis in a quarter emerging around the Great Basilica; during the first half of the fifth century, the route of the second cardo, east of the forum, was altered to grant access to this exemplary domus. Other rich private residences have been studied in Stara Zagora (Augusta Traiana-Beroe), Devnya (Marcianopolis), Novae, Ratiaria, and Abritus (Velkov 1985, 886–889; Kuzmanov 2000, 37, 42; Radoslavova and Dzanev 2003, 131–133; Dyczek 2008, 44–55; Valeva 2011). Common features include an official apsidal hall, meant for receptions and audiences, a peristyle courtyard, and rich architectural decoration, all of which suggest that local elites aspired to a greater sense of ceremony in residential architecture.
Most complexes of this sort are dated to the reign of Constantine (Polci 2000, 129–158) and may reflect broader social changes. In the first decades of the fourth century, prominent curial functions, including tax collection and control over town councils, were transferred to principаles. The reforms continued throughout Late Antiquity and led to the total demise of the town council and the appearance of a new elite, consisting of the clergy, chiefly local bishops, senior military officials, and rich landlords, who undertook government responsibilities (Velkov 1977, 77–84; Whittow 1990). Such residential complexes, like the episcopal centers occupying notable areas in newly established sixth-century towns, are the archaeological expression of this important social transformation.
The late antique towns of Thrace and Dacia inherited a well-developed agricultural system designed entirely in Roman fashion and were inseparable from their rural surroundings. Written sources leave the impression of an urban center associated with a developed network of open settlements without urban status, characterized as vici (sg. vicus; Gk. kome), which is an umbrella name for villages with entirely agricultural economy and civic settlements associated with military camps, markets, and rural administrative centers. Many urban centers administered agricultural activity in the vici and urban elites were often landlords with incomes entirely dependent upon grain.
Discussion of the nature and appearance of vici is based upon literary sources and inscriptions; archaeology has contributed only very fragmentary results (for a typology of vici based on the presence and size of associated open areas, see Dinchev 2006, 253–254). Late antique, unfortified vici are usually found in inviting landscapes, near a source of fresh water and fertile soil. These features are inherited from earlier periods and remain valid until the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century. Available data, however fragmentary, indicate that traditional rural landscapes were modified chiefly as a result of political factors, such as the onset of the Great Migration and the Gothic migrations of the late fourth century.
The partially excavated vici draw a picture of a buoyant and organized agricultural system surviving until the end of the fourth century (for an important vicus in the hinterland of the late antique “Chatalka” villa, Stara Zagora district, see Nikolov 1984, 52–53). The British regional survey projects in the hinterland of Nicopolis ad Istrum have revealed a network of vici that filled in all accessible arable lands, with strong preference for alluvial soils (Poulter 2007c). The major current research question in settlement studies of Thracia and Dacia is the sixth-century transition from open to fortified settlements, especially given that the latter have almost no detectable antecedents, with the exception of the post-villa vici.
Until the 1980s, fortified settlements in the eastern Balkans tended to be dismissed as fortresses; while not denying the presence of a civilian population, such an interpretation emphasizes their military function. Some scholars, drawing on Procopius, have even imagined defense networks that replicated the malfunctioning Danube limes (Ovcharov 1982, 19–20; Curta 2001, 154). Fortified settlements can be classified according to the size of their walled area; those exceeding 1 ha. are described as “semi-urban settlements,” while those below this bar are “fortified villages” (Dagron 1984b, 7–8). While “semi-urban settlements” appear at the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century, the developmental peak of “fortified villages” takes place at the end of the fifth and first half of the sixth century. These settlements transformed sites that originally had different functions as military or production centers. Distinctive of the sixth century, however, was the establishment of entirely new complexes. Fortified settlements tend to occur on elevated, defensible sites that offer visual control over the immediate area and enable communication with other peak sites in the region. Thus, the military purpose of fortified villages was limited to local defense. Although archaeological study of such complexes is difficult, diverse building techniques, sensitive to the local terrain, were employed and suggest government involvement, including specialists with engineering training like the Victorionos made famous by Procopius (Feissel 1988).
In the northern provinces of Thrace and Dacia, such complexes, differing in scale, are evenly spread throughout the territory. In the plains south of Haemus, where there were functioning post-villa vici and urban centers had not lost their significance, fortified settlements were of considerable size, in excess of 1 ha. In the southern foothills of Haemus and Sredna Gora, however, most of these structures should be classified as “fortified villages” (Dinchev 2007, 482–516, fig. 1) or, more accurately in terms of the landscape, as “hilltop settlements” (Kirilov 2007b; Milinković 2007, 166–179). The internal structure of those settlements mostly follows the model of the new, sixth-century urban centers, with buildings tailored to the terrain; churches and their auxiliary complexes are dominant and often the only intramural structures employing mortar, not clay bonding (Golemanovo and Sadovsko kale, near the village of Sadovets, Pleven district, are representative sites: see Ovcharov 1982, 27; Uenze 1992).
Late Antiquity in the eastern Balkans was a period of social and economic transformation. A key development was the centralization of the economy, with the majority of towns becoming less economically effective in deference to the large provincial centers. The dominance of the agricultural economy came to an end after the Huns’ raids in the middle of the fifth century: villa holdings disappeared. As a result, cattle breeding and metallurgy became more important, not attested in written sources but evidenced through archaeological research. State subsidies were directed to fortification and church building. As a result of both the Great Migration and home policy, the dioceses of Thrace and Dacia prove to have been economically and culturally heterogeneous. Territories south of Haemus and especially in the Rhodopes, however, represent cultural and probably also ethnic continuity leading into the Bulgarian Middle Ages.
Translated by V. Bineva