In Southeast Asian states, traditional performing arts are strongly intertwined with the expression of religious beliefs. Across the region, theater and dance constitute a way to perform another dimension of reality in which it is possible to interact with magic and supernatural domains. The religious significance of dance and drama spans social and cultural categories; performing arts are both a tool of royal elites to associate themselves with the sacred, and a fundamental component of rural spirituality around continuity and renewal. As a result of centuries of war, trade, and cultural influence, customs of dance, drama, and theater in multiple countries in the region share fundamental characteristics with particular adaptations to form and content.
The function of religious performing arts is to provide a medium through which a group of persons can communicate and interact with gods and deities, ancestors’ spirits, or other supernatural entities that this group identifies as a source of protection. In such a context, dance and drama are primarily collective offerings. The performance is a response to the needs (health, power, fertility, maintenance of the cosmic order) of the community that anticipates or rewards some level of benefit in exchange for enactment. The content of the plot and the way it is staged through body and sound expressions subtly carry the very purpose of each performance.
The staged libretti in Southeast Asian countries are usually drawn from Indian epics such as the Ramayana and the Mahabharata as well as didactic Buddhist tales, the jatakas. Local heroic novels carrying religious moral ideas, such as the stories of Panji, are also widely performed while indigenous legends inspired from chthonian cults also support ritual representations. The theatrical retelling of these literary pieces gather distinctive features that differentiate religious expressions from ordinary daily life. Thus, dancers’ verbal expressions are sung rather than spoken, and shadow puppets’ characters show distortedly dramatic body shapes while gong-chime ensembles’ music serves as the necessary and omnipresent support to the performance. Masks and costumes also contribute to dissimulate the artist, allowing him or her to fully impersonate a character.
Royal courts of Southeast Asia fostered the most spectacular performing arts to serve religious purposes as well as to be attributes of kings’ dominance. Through warfare and trade over the last two millennia, kingdoms competing for wealth and influence regularly exchanged cultural, religious, and artistic items and practices. India has been the strongest foreign influence on art, literature, and religion in the region, with the exception of Vietnam, whose traditions were more heavily influenced by China. Ritual arts and artists who were conveying the knowledge linked to performance, along with literati and religious representatives, were considered as symbols of the rulers’ power and taken as war prisoners, offered to a vassal kingdom, or brought along trade routes with foreign merchants as they sought to strengthen a relationship with a local sovereign. In all cases, the adoption and adaptation of ritual knowledge from powerful neighbors, through performing arts as well as other media, was a way to reinforce the potency of a king. It is thus not surprising that some ritual performances bear strong similarities in the different courts of the region, contributing to a sense of the region’s cultural unity.
There are three primary configurations of performance in Southeast Asia. Some involve the enactment of the story by only female dancers, such as the Khmer lkhon kbach boran and the Javanese bedhaya and serimpi. Other performances are all-male drama, such as the Thai khon, Khmer lkhon khol, or Balinese wayang wong. The third form is shadow theater, particularly represented with the small, articulated puppets of the Indonesian and Malaysian wayang kulit, traditions implemented prior to the adoption of Islam. The use of large leather panels in the Thai nang yai and Khmer sbaek thom is also original to the area. Marionette theater can also be found in multiple places within the region, from Burmese yokhte pwe to Vietnamese water puppet theater. Some forms mix different media, such as the women and the string puppets dancing together in Burma (see Miettinen 1992).
Court traditions are distinct from village-level rituals. Nonetheless, these characterizations are not mutually exclusive; there are dynamic interactions between rural and court spheres as well as artistic influences. Most of the court theater forms can be found ritually performed in village Buddhist or Hindu temples throughout the region (see Khoury 2012; Spies and de Zoete 2002). In Cambodia, scholars believe that court ritual dance and theater were implemented on the basis of local fertility and spirit worship rites, a practice typically associated with rural dramatizations (see Cravath 1986). Rural forms, which bear similarities to court male and female theatrical performances, are particularly dedicated to communication with spirits through the possession of villagers.
Minority groups in the region are located in mountainous border areas between states and on remote islands of Indonesia. Even if often converted to Christianity within the past two centuries, they also have dances and theater-like performances that link to fertility, particularly rainmaking dances, and spirit worship rituals that are specific to each group. Popular religious performing arts are more particular to one place or ethnic group and are primarily based on local legends and indigenous beliefs and aesthetics.
In today’s Southeast Asia, contemporary politics has had an impact on the practice of ritual performing arts in implementing their secularization via a process of institutionalization to promote an idea of national culture (see Mattani 1996; Osman 1974). In such cases, the ritual expressivity has been replaced with aesthetical concerns. Nonetheless, ritual arts remain in practice as people navigate the demands of current life and the lasting relevance of religious performance.
Stéphanie Khoury
See also: Buddhism; Cambodia; Christianity; Ethnicity; Hinduism; Islam; Minorities; Music; Popular Religion; Puppetry; Religious Conversions; Ritual Dynamics; Spirit Mediumship; Vietnam; Women.
Cravath, Paul. “The Ritual Origins of the Classical Dance Drama of Cambodia.” Asian Theatre Journal 3, no. 2 (1986): 179–203.
Khoury, Stéphanie. “Ramayana et cultes populaires au Cambodge: l’exemple du Lkhon Khol.” In Théâtres d’Asie à l’œuvre: Circulation, expression, politique, edited by G. Toffin and H. Bouvier, 107–24. Paris: PEFEO, 2012.
Mattani, Rutnin Mojdara. Dance, Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: The Process of Development and Modernization. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1996.
Miettinen, Jukka O. Classical Dance and Theatre in South-East Asia. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Osman, Mohd. Taib, ed. Traditional Drama and Music of Southeast Asia. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementarian Pelajaran Malaysia, 1974.
Spies, Walter, and Beryl de Zoete. Dance and Drama in Bali, Hong Kong: Periplus, 2002.
The influence of philosophical and religious Daoism in Southeast Asia is notoriously difficult to capture with any precision. As one of the three historically prevalent religions of China, alongside Confucianism and Buddhism, the spread of Daoism into Southeast Asia is typically found within Chinese diaspora communities, particularly in Singapore, and in Malaysia. Daoism is also present in multivarious and popular forms in Thailand, Taiwan, the United States, and Europe.
Daoism emerged in the seventh century BCE, in China through the teaching of Lao Tzu, and has developed over the course of time in significant ways, including the formation of revered texts such as the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi. Significantly, the natural disposition of fluidity within Daoist thought and practice has allowed it to be influenced by Confucianism, particularly the focus on filial piety and propriety. Since the second century, Daoism has also been influenced by Buddhism, developing religious rituals, meditation techniques, and community gatherings in monastic settings. The absorption of wider religious influence is regarded as a useful means to attaining the goal of human flourishing in accordance with the Dao.
As a result of Chinese migration to Singapore, it is estimated that close to 11 percent of the population there adheres to Daoism, and in 1990, the Taoist Federation of Singapore was established in order to promote Daoist teaching both in Singapore and around the world. Given the complex blending of Buddhist and Daoist elements, however, many adherents of Daoism declare themselves to be Buddhist, which makes accurate statistics difficult to come by. This should not lead us to underestimate or undervalue the influence of Daoism in Singapore, and there are many temples devoted to Daoist deities. Perhaps the most influential school of Daoist thought in Singapore is the Zhen Yi school, popularly known as the “Way of Orthodox Unity,” a Daoist movement that emerged in the seventh-century Chinese Tang dynasty.
Daoism arrived in Malaysia with Chinese settlers and has been influential largely through its syncretism with Buddhism. The Federation of Taoist Associations Malaysia was formed in 1994 with the goal of teaching Daoist philosophy and religious practices and connecting Daoist associations across the country into a network of relations in order to promote a pure Daoist way of life. Given the work of the federation, Daoism is now recognized as an official religion of Malaysia and works with the interreligious Malaysian Consultative Council to preserve and promote religious freedom within the country.
Given the roots of Daoist presence in Chinese religious thought and practice, the increasing migration of Chinese communities in Southeast Asia and beyond, and the climate of religious change in the postmodern world, Daoism continues to have an influence within present-day philosophical, secular, and religious discourse, as individuals and communities seek to flourish and live in harmony with one another.
Adrian Bird
See also: Buddhism; Confucianism; Diaspora; Interreligious Relations and Dialogue; Lao Tzu (Laozi); Malaysia; Secularism; Singapore.
Gomes, Gabriel J. Discovering World Religions: A Guide for the Inquiring Reader. Bloomington, IN: iUniverse, 2012.
Lao Tzu. Tao Te Ching. Translated with an Introduction by D. C. Lau, London: Penguin Books, 1963.
Leibo, Steven A. The World Series Today, 2012: East and Southeast Asia. 45th ed. Lanham, MD: Stryker-Post Publications, 2012.
Prothero, Stephen. God Is Not One: The Eight Rival Religions that Run the World—and Why Their Differences Matter. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2010.
Dhammakaya (Thammakaay) is a new Buddhist group in Thailand. It has generated controversy due to its emphasis on concentration meditation, its preoccupation with geographically choreographed mass ceremonies, and its open soliciting of large cash donations. Dhammakaya emerged in the late 1960s when a young Kasetsart University student in Bangkok started to meditate under the instruction of a white-clad Buddhist nun (mae chii), Khun Yay (b. 1909). Khun Yay had been a student of a respected old monk, Luang Pho Sot (Mongonthepmuni, b. 1884) at Wat Paknam in Bangkok. Through his meditation, he had discovered the dhammakaya body—the most refined of inner bodies—which is eternal and free from defilement. Hence the result of the Dhammakaya meditation method is to reach the dhammakaya level, which is often regarded as a form of enlightenment or nirvana. The young university student Chaiboon Sutipol (b. 1944) was ordained as Dhammajayo and became the abbot of Dhammakaya temple. He was later joined by another Kasetsart University student, Phadet Pongswardi (b. 1941), who was ordained as Dattajivo and held the position of a deputy abbot for many years.
The first Dhammakaya temple was started north of Bangkok in Pathum Thani province. The foundation stone of the temple was laid by the popular princess Mahachakri Sirindhorn, and the state Buddhist authorities of the Council of Elders (mahatherasamkhon) led the opening ceremony in 1980. Many well-known military leaders, politicians, and prime ministers have been publicly attending meditation sessions in Dhammakaya.
The temple has expanded to become a “world centre of Buddhism,” covering now up to one square kilometer of land. A stated aim is that one can see the temple compound from the moon. The present main chedi (stupa) is a huge golden temple constructed of 300,000 gold-plated bronze Buddha statues, donated by the lay followers. There is space for 600,000 people to gather around the chedi. The meditation hall, where the sermons are nowadays organized, is a giant hall that can accommodate 200,000 people. In the middle is a golden statue of Buddha, a golden statue of Luang Pho Sot, and a larger-than-life statue of the abbot Dhammajayo. There are also statues and pictures of Khun Yay, who passed away in 2002.
The Dhammakaya movement remains controversial due to its activities. The farmers in Pathum Thani initially resisted the expansion of the temple. Many Thai Buddhists are skeptical about the meditation techniques and consider them as equal to “fast food.” The abbot has been hit with several criminal charges of embezzlement, but despite the scandals, the group has never faced threats to exclusion from the state Buddhist hierarchy. The group is assumed to be under the protection of the Council of Elders, partly due to its generous contributions to the council.
What attracts the people to Dhammakaya is its orderliness and cleanliness—there are no stray dogs or cats roaming around the impeccably neat Dhammakaya park compound. Dhammakaya monks are all university graduates and are expected to devote their entire lives to the monastery. Enthusiastic white-clad volunteers assist visitors. The temple attracts particularly middle-class Bangkokians of Sino-Thai origins. The more donations the laypeople give, the higher status they gain in the group and the fancier Buddha amulet to indicate their status. The Dhammakaya people preoccupy themselves with ceremonies, meditation courses, and in 2011 the Dhammakaya monks set out for a “dhutanga” pilgrimage on roses. The laypeople laid down millions of petals of red roses on the streets on which the Dhammakaya monks were walking.
The Dhammakaya temple frequently invites monks from the provinces to attend larger ceremonies and don them with the bright orange Dhammakaya robes. Dhammakaya has branches around Thailand and in 21 countries overseas. The group has its own Dhammakaya Channel (DMC), where the abbot is preaching seemingly nonstop.
Marja-Leena Heikkilä-Horn
See also: Buddhism; Diaspora; Religion and Society; Thailand.
Dhammakaya website, http://www.dhammakaya.net (accessed September 17, 2014).
Jackson, Peter A. Buddhism, Legitimation, and Conflict: The Political Functions of Urban Thai Buddhism. Singapore: ISEAS, 1989.
Scott, Rachel M. Nirvana for Sale? Buddhism, Wealth, and the Dhammakaya Temple in Contemporary Thailand. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009.
Dharma is a central principle of the Hindu faith, a religion with more than a billion followers. Hindus believe that dharma was revealed in the Vedas. The term dharma comes from the Sanskrit word “dhri,” meaning to uphold or to sustain, and may be translated as “religion,” “law,” “order,” “duty,” or “ethics.” It stands for all the principles and purposes, influences, and institutions that shape the character of man both as an individual and as a member of the society. It is the law of right living, and its observance safeguards both happiness on earth and salvation. Dharma is a combination of ethics and religion, which regulates the life of a Hindu. The laws of dharma consider the fasts and feasts, social and family ties, personal habits and tastes.
The Mahabharata, the great epic, contains a discussion on the topic of dharma. When asked by Yudhistir to explain the meaning and scope of dharma, Bhishma, who has mastered the knowledge of dharma, replies: “It is most difficult to define Dharma. Dharma has been explained to be that which helps the uplifting of living beings. Therefore, that which ensures the welfare of living beings is surely Dharma. The learned rishis have declared that which sustains is Dharma” (Mahabharata, Shanti Parva 109: 9–11).
Others explain dharma as that which is indicated by the Vedas as conducive to the highest good. There are four aspects of human life: dharma (duty); artha (profit); kama (pleasure); and moksha (liberation). Dharma controls the pursuit of both kama and artha. For those in whom dharma predominates are of sattvik (virtuous) nature, while the wealth seekers are rajasik (passionate) and those of pleasure are tamasik (ignorant). Dharma therefore comprises of every type of righteous conduct covering every aspect of life that is essential to the welfare of an individual and the society. Those who observe the laws of dharma automatically attain moksha (eternal bliss). Therefore, dharma, artha, kama, and moksha shape the ends of life.
Dharma comprises ritual action. A proper performance of rituals is important to the ordering of individual lives and the community. The Dharmashastras (religious manuals, the earliest source of Hindu law) details the different types of rituals. It is part of the dharma to name and bless a child, to initiate their education, and to perform the last rites of parents. Rituals are acts that have a role in the ordering of the world, as it should be.
Different individuals have different obligations and duties according to their age, gender, and social position. Even though dharma is universal, it is also particular and functions within concrete circumstances. Each person has his or her own dharma, known as sva-dharma. Bhagwad Gita, a text set before the great battle of Mahabharata, illustrates the importance of sva-dharma. The epic depicts the warrior Arjuna, riding his chariot, questioning his charioteer Krishna as to why he should fight a battle against his own relatives and teachers. Krishna assures him that the battle is a righteous one and that Arjuna must fight, as it was his sva-dharma as a warrior to fight the battle. He must fight with detachment from the results of his actions and within the rules of the warrior’s dharma. Therefore, not acting according to one’s own dharma is wrong and called adharma. Krishna says in Bhagwad Gita that whenever adharma overshadows dharma, he will appear on earth to save the righteous and destroy the wicked.
Dharma is thus also the social order, one’s duty as part of a division of the society, a varna (caste) or jati (birth group). The Rig Veda defines four varnas that emerge from parts of the body of the divine being that created the universe. These include the Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaisyas (merchants), and the Sudras (servants). Each of the varnas serves God’s creation in their own capacities—for example, priests by their spirituality, warriors by their heroism, merchants by their skills, and servants by their service. When the different varnas fulfill their respective duties, the society is considered to be just and in accordance with the dharma. Correct action in accordance to dharma is understood as a service to humanity as well as to God.
In Buddhism, dharma is the doctrine that is the universal truth common to all individuals at all times. Buddhists believe that human beings can free themselves from suffering by practicing meditation and cultivating a lifestyle prescribed by the Buddha. The teachings of Buddha, delivered in India some 2,500 years ago, are also referred to as the Dharma. He often said that he gave so many teachings in distinctive ways that every human being could hear them in the way that benefit them the most. This suggests that there is no one right way of understanding Buddhist teachings. Buddha provided vehicles to help provide different approaches to experience and awaken through the dharma teachings. These vehicles are referred to as the Three Baskets that can be referred to as: the Hinaya teachings, including sutras; Buddha’s stories; and teachings such as the Dhammapada and other Theravadin lineage teachings. Several of these practices are still alive in Southeast Asia. Mahayana teachings, including the Zen traditions, are still alive in Asia (Japan, Korea, China, and Southeast Asia); whereas Vajrayana teachings developed mostly in Tibet, Mongolia, parts of Nepal, and other central Asian countries.
There is no hierarchy or competition between traditions and paths in Buddhism. Each individual is on a journey together with others and called the sangha, having a goal of offering support to one another in order to liberate from suffering. The wheel is an important symbol in Buddhism, as it depicts the cycle of life and death. According to Buddhist thoughts, when one dies, he or she is reborn into a new form that could be of a deity, human, animal, some lower form, or an inhabitant of hell. All positive actions cause good karma and direct one into being reborn in a higher form. One’s bad karma may result in rebirth in a lower form. As part of the Dharma, Buddha taught the Four Noble Truths that forms the basis of Buddhist thought.
Buddhists believe that suffering is due to the impermanence of life, and the ultimate goal in Buddhism is to end the cycle of suffering. The achievement of this goal is called nirvana.
Buddha’s ideas applied to people irrespective of their rank in life, and specified that individuals be in charge of their own destiny. These ideas were in contrast with the ideas of Brahmanism that dominated during Buddha’s lifetime. Brahmanism encouraged the offering of gifts to priests for salvation. The society was divided into castes that determined one’s duty or dharma. Buddhism differed as it did not believe in social distinctions between human beings, and so it was accessible to anyone. Buddha believed that compassion should be cultivated among all living beings.
With the spread of Buddhism to China by the second century CE, the new ideas of karma, reincarnation, hell, monks, and enlightenment were introduced. Later, Buddhism was brought from China to other countries in Asia, such as Korea, Japan, Thailand, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. The Buddha Dharma was thus adopted and became an integral part of the society.
Ruchi Agarwal
See also: Buddhism; Cambodia; Hinduism; Laos; Myanmar (Burma); Study of Religion; Thailand; Vietnam.
Cox, A. Dharma Friends. Bloomington, IN: Xlibris Corporation, 2002.
Gavin, F. “Hindu Concepts.” Religions on BBC online edition, 2009. http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/hinduism/concepts/concepts_1.shtml (accessed December 16, 2013).
Klostermaier, K. A Concise Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1998.
Radhakrishnan, S. “The Hindu Dharma.” International Journal of Ethics 33, no. 1 (October 1922): 1–22. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922.
Smith, D. Dharma Mind, Worldly Mind: A Buddhist Handbook on Complete Meditation. Thailand: Aloka Publications, 2002.
To understand diaspora, one has to look into the specific circumstances that have led the involved group to resort to migration. It also entails knowing its origin and how such a movement has eventually developed over time. Diaspora originally referred to the Jewish experience of being spread in various places caused by a tragic event that had traumatized the group as a whole. This set the historical knowledge and experience of victimhood at the hands of an oppressor. The use and understanding of the term has been a subject of debate, as some scholars say that for a movement to be considered a diaspora, it should include some characteristics that mostly express the Jewish experience. On the other hand, others are careful not to generalize any apparent diasporic movement, observing precautionary measures and interpreting any movement in the light of the many possible changes to the term. To gain a comprehensive understanding of diaspora as it happens in the twenty-first century, it is necessary to focus on its historical development, how it relates to migration, and the particular qualities that make every diasporic movement a unique experience altogether.
Between the 1980s and 1990s, a huge growth in migration within Southeast Asia (SEA) was seen especially from less developed countries that had excessive labor supply. This expansion was fueled by the rapid economic growth and declining fertility in the newly industrialized economies. Migration in SEA can be best understood in the light of immigration and emigration, a practice that has produced the culture of interdependence among SEA nations. Immigration refers to the movement of the people from one country to another country. Emigration refers to the act of leaving one country for another to live permanently. SEA governments of immigration, also known as countries of destination, such as Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand, are primarily concerned with preserving a balance within and among their ethnic groups and fighting any security risk. On the other hand, SEA governments of emigration, also known as countries of origin, such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Burma, are more concerned with managing recruitment, protecting their workers, reducing homeland unemployment, and providing training and industrial experience. In both cases, the fast-increasing mobility of people has been consistently regarded as both one of the reasons and one of the effects of unusual socioeconomic and political transformations within the region.
Lacking in resources, Singapore depends greatly on the importation of labor at various skill levels. Based on the 2007 census, Singapore had a total population of 4,588,600, with 3,583,100 Singapore residents and 1,005,500 nonresidents (NRs). In 2006, these NRs were classified as lower-skilled, coming from the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India, and China.
Malaysia, a second-wave tiger economy, suffers as well from severe labor shortages, particularly in the plantation sector. In 2006, Malaysia was said to have had an estimated 2.6 million foreign laborers. What is worth noting about Malaysia’s immigration practices relates to some of the controversies caused by the country’s complicated ethnic composition.
Although Thailand is considered a country of immigration, at the same time it is also considered a country of emigration. The 1980s saw the government heavily exporting Thai workers to the Middle East. In the 1990s, the Thai labor export shifted to Taiwan, Malaysia, Japan, and Singapore. Although a good number of Thais still go abroad to work, due to decreasing fertility and rapid economic growth, many Thais have started refusing “3D jobs” (dirty, dangerous, and difficult). However, the problem of human trafficking that involves Thai women for the sex industry still remains. As a country of destination, Thailand’s construction, agricultural, and manufacturing employment opportunities have attracted huge numbers of Burmese, Cambodian, Laotian, and Bangladeshi workers.
Among the countries of emigration in SEA, the Philippines is considered to have the strongest and best-established protection and reintegration programs for the estimated 2.2 million Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), as surveyed in 2011. With the 1973 Balikbayan Program, a labor-export policy adopted by then president Ferdinand E. Marcos, and two landmark bills passed and approved in 2002 reintegrating Filipino migrants, a culture of emigration has become second nature to many Filipinos.
While it is important to look at the role of the economy in migration, the role of religion and how it links to diaspora is crucial as well. In many cases, religion, migration, and diaspora can be viewed within the context of a migrant’s religious faith in coping with the harsh realities migration brings and/or the context of how migration is propelled by religion.
For instance, religion is deep-seated in almost every Filipino as innate as the Spanish influence is, culturally. Having been colonized by Spain for 333 years, the mind-set of suffering, submission, and sacrifice has become well entrenched in almost every Filipino’s consciousness. It is not surprising then that this awareness has been fundamentally structured and expressed in various migration-related movements. A closer look at the Philippine labor export strongly demonstrates the Filipino workers as those who sacrifice to provide the needs and address the interests of their families and the country, an act that painstakingly connects with the Filipinos’ dominant religious faith, Catholicism. The other strand through which diaspora is interspersed with religion is called instrumental religion. Instrumental religion, a process through which migrants undergo as they use, take advantage of, and seek comfort from their faith and related observances, provides them some sense of security. In addition, it allows them to handle and survive the varied forms and degrees of difficulties they encounter in their overseas work, many times invoking the Bible to rationalize their difficulties.
Having observed in a country of destination an old Vietnamese Buddhist woman who maintains two altars in her house and everyday bows in prayer with her incense, an Asian scholar argues that religion remains to be a tradition never altered by migration. The Rohingya in Burma, on the contrary, are in an ongoing struggle and live a migratory life, propelled by a number of factors including religion. This xenophobia against the Rohingya in Burma has caused them to suffer from many forms of injustices, including brutal religious repression. Religion may have been used in various ways by migrants or may have been instrumental in a people’s migration and engagement in diasporic activities, but such a situation leads to one general concept maintaining that religious faith allows them to carry on and endure the challenges within a diasporic environment.
Analiza Perez-Amurao
See also: Buddhism; Cambodia; Globalization; Indonesia; Judaism; Laos; Malaysia; Migration; Myanmar (Burma); Philippines; Singapore; Southeast Asian Religions in the USA; Thailand; Vietnam.
Ananta, A., and E. N. Arifin. International Migration in Southeast Asia. Singapore: ISEAS Publications, 2004.
Cohen, R. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2008.
Constable, N. Made to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of Migrant Workers. 2nd ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007.
Cruz-Tulud, G. “Faith on the Edge: Religion and Women in the Context of Migration.” Feminist Theology 15, no. 9 (September 4, 2006): 9–25.
Llorente, S. R. R. “A Futuristic Look into the Filipino Diaspora: Trends, Issues, and Implications.” Asia Pacific: Perspectives 7, no. 1 (2007): 33–38.
Safran, W. “Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return.” Diaspora 1, no. 1 (1991): 83–99.
Vasquez, M. More Than Belief: A Materialist Theory of Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
One of the haunting images from the Vietnam crisis of the 1960s was Malcolm Browne’s photo of the self-immolation of the Buddhist monk, the Venerable Thich Quang Duc. Born in the village of Hoi Khanh in Central Vietnam in 1897, Duc’s birth name was Lam Van Tuc. At a young age, he left home to study Buddhism and, at the age of 20, was ordained as a monk with the name Thich Quang Duc. As a religious leader, he traveled all over the country, consolidating Buddhism and building temples. In 1953, he was appointed as the Head of Rituals Committee of the United Vietnamese Buddhist Congregation, a position that he held until his death.
As Ngo Dinh Diem, the president of Vietnam, began pursuing policies favoring Christians and discriminating against the Buddhists, the Buddhist monks took up the mantle of a nonviolent struggle against the Diem government. In a country that is predominantly Buddhist, the struggle symbolized the large-scale discontent of the people against an unpopular regime. In an ultimate act of protest, on June 11, 1963, Thich Quang Duc along with hundreds of monks took out a procession and, on the road outside the Cambodian embassy in Saigon, Duc committed self-immolation. A series of events followed this horrific act, and there was international pressure on Diem to resign. Later that year, the military captured power and he was assassinated.
Thich Quang Duc’s death was a defining moment in the crisis that had gripped Vietnam during that period. While the monk’s protest was primarily against the anti-Buddhist policies being pursued by the government, it also symbolized the unpopular involvement of the United States in Vietnam. In the years and decades that followed this tragic event, the memory and message of Thich Quang Duc has been etched in the history of Vietnamese Buddhism. He also continues to be an inspiration for people around the world who are struggling for freedom.
Jesudas M. Athyal
See also: Buddhism; Christianity; Engaged Buddhism; Hanh, Thich Nhat; Peace-Building; Religion and Society; Ritual Dynamics; Study of Religion; Vietnam.
Gettleman, Marvin E. Vietnam: History, Documents and Opinions on a Major World Crisis. New York: Penguin Books, 1966.
Thich Nhat Hanh. Vietnam: Lotus in a Sea of Fire. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1967.
Tucker, Spencer C. Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2000.