H
HANH, THICH NHAT
One of the best known and most respected Zen masters in the world today, poet, scholar, and peace and human rights activist Thich Nhat Hanh has led an extraordinary life. Born in central Vietnam in 1926, he entered a monastery at the age of 16, where he received training in Zen and the Mahayana school of Buddhism. He was ordained a monk in 1949. The Vietnam War confronted the monks with the question: adhere to the contemplative life and remain meditating in the monasteries, or help villagers suffering under bombings and other devastation of the war. Nhat Hanh was one of those who chose to do both, helping to found the “Engaged Buddhism” movement. His life has since been dedicated to the work of inner transformation for the benefit of individuals and society.
In Saigon in the early 1960s, Thich Nhat Hanh (fondly known as Thay or “Teacher” by his students) founded the School of Youth Social Service (SYSS), a grassroots relief organization that rebuilt bombed villages, set up schools and medical centers, resettled homeless families, and organized agricultural cooperatives. Rallying some 10,000 student volunteers, the SYSS based its work on the Buddhist principles of nonviolence and compassionate action. Despite government denunciation of his activity, Nhat Hanh went on to found a Buddhist university, a publishing house, and a powerful peace activist magazine in Vietnam.
After visiting the United States and Europe in 1966 on a peace mission, Nhat Hanh was banned from returning to Vietnam. On subsequent travels to the United States, he made the case for peace to federal and Pentagon officials. Indeed, he may have changed the course of U.S. history when he persuaded Martin Luther King Jr. to oppose the Vietnam War publicly, and so helped to galvanize the peace movement in the United States. The following year, Dr. King nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize. Subsequently, Nhat Hanh led the Buddhist delegation to the Paris Peace Talks. In September 2001, just a few days after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, he addressed the issues of nonviolence and forgiveness in a memorable speech at Riverside Church in New York City.
Nhat Hanh has also received recognition for his prolific writings on meditation, mindfulness, and peace. He has published some 100 titles of poetry, prose, and prayers, with more than 40 in English, including the best-selling titles Call Me by My True Names, Peace Is Every Step, Being Peace, Touching Peace, Living Buddha Living Christ, Teachings on Love, The Path of Emancipation, and Anger.
In addition to the several monastic communities he established in Vietnam, in 1982, Nhat Hanh founded Plum Village, a Buddhist community and meditation center in France, where he continues his work of teaching meditation and alleviating the suffering of refugees, boat people, political prisoners, and hungry families in Vietnam and throughout the Third World. Plum Village has remained the primary locus where Nhat Hanh teaches, writes, and gardens. He also leads retreats worldwide on “the art of mindful living,” whose key teaching is that, through mindfulness, we can learn to live in the present moment instead of in the past and in the future. Dwelling in the present moment is, according to Nhat Hanh, the only way to truly develop peace, both in one’s self and in the world.
David C. Scott
See also: Buddhism; Communism; Education; Engaged Buddhism; Peace-building, Reform Movements; Religion and Society; Religious Discrimination and Intolerance; Sivaraksa, Sulak; Southeast Asian Religious in the USA; Study of Religion; Thien Buddhism; Vietnam.
Further Reading
McLeod, Melvin, ed. The Pocket Thich Nhat Hanh. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 2012.
Warren, Mobi, trans. Fragrant Palm Leaves: Journals 1962–1966. New York: Riverhead Books, 1998.
Willis, Jennifer Schwamm, ed. A Lifetime of Peace: Essential Writings by and about Thich Nhat Hanh. New York: Marlowe & Co., 2003.
HINDUISM
Hinduism is a major religion of India with a long and complex history. It is also a way of life that embraces many aspects of South Asian culture. Its origins date back to the Indus valley civilization of 2500 BCE. The word “Hindu” was initially a Persian toponym used for people living beyond the Indus River. The term was later employed by the British to refer to all of the peoples of Hindustan (northwest India), irrespective of their religious practices. Subsequently, it came to denote the culture and religion of high caste priests and was eventually appropriated by Indians to construct a national identity opposing British colonial rule.
Hinduism does not have a single historical founder. It also lacks a unified system of belief, a centralized authority, and a bureaucratic structure. A combination of traditions, it is difficult to define. Most Hindu traditions are linked to a body of sacred texts called the Vedas. Others are based upon rituals deemed important for salvation. Common components include a belief in reincarnation (samsara) determined by the law of cause and effect (karma), and an understanding of salvation as the transcendence of this cycle. It is a polytheistic religion that allows for multiple forms of divinity. This is usually centered upon the “Trimurthi,” a triad of Brahma, Visnu, and Siva, the deities deemed responsible for the creation, preservation, and destruction of the universe.
Hinduism in Southeast Asia
Hinduism spread into Southeast Asia over many centuries along with South Asian practitioners. India has long had relations with the region, links dating back over 2,000 years. Indian settlement in Southeast Asia is documented from as early as the sixth century BCE. The great epic Ramayana refers to Suvaranbhumi and Yavadvipa. Another epic, Purana, mentions Malaya-dvipa and Yavadvipa. Although the exact locations of these places are not known, they are all thought to be located in Southeast Asia. The Niddesa, a Pali canon dating back to the first centuries of Christian era, also has several Sanskrit toponyms associated with places in “Farther India.”
Coedès notes a variety of factors that contributed to the development of Indian settlements in Southeast Asia. One was the invasion of the Kushans into India around the first century CE, which put pressure on the local population. Another pertained to the opportunities open for the high caste Indians to pursue their fortunes in places outside of India. A number of other scholars also suggest that Indian contact with Southeast Asia was largely commercial in origin. The interaction between the Mediterranean and the East started with the campaign of Alexander, the establishment of the Asoka Empire, the Seleucid Empire, and the Roman Empire. These led to an increase in the trade of luxury goods by the first century. Van Leur (1955, 55) points out that the Indian trade was based more on the handicraft industry and was carried out by small traders who carried the goods, exchanged them, and established foreign enclaves on the Southeast Asian ports. Indian settlements in the region eventually resulted in the formation of Indic kingdoms on the Indochinese Peninsula and pre-modern Indonesia.
Migrants brought with them traditional arts, religious beliefs, and customs as well as Sanskrit, which was used as a sacral language. They also left behind a significant cultural legacy. From the end of the nineteenth century, European scholars studying Southeast Asia’s antiquities realized the extent of the influence of Sanskrit culture on the region’s religion, art, and architecture. As noted by Coedès, other influences include conceptions of royalty characterized by Hindu or Buddhist cults, local literary expression through Sanskrit, local use of mythological elements from the Ramayana and Mahabharata, the Puranas and other Sanskrit texts, and the local observance of laws such as the Dharmasastras (sacred law of Hinduism) and the Manava Dharmasastra (Laws of Manu). In many instances, cultural transmission involved the retention of Brahmin priests as court functionaries, a practice that had earlier emerged in South Asia.
Buddhism, of course, constituted another contribution. Buddhist monks arrived in the region sometime during the first century CE. Buddha images from the second and third centuries have been discovered in Siam (Thailand), Champa (Cambodia), Sumatra, Java, and Celebes (Indonesia). Several sculptures belonging to the Amaravati school have been found at the site of Phra Pathom (Nakorn Pathom) and the site of Phong Tuk (located in northwest of Nakorn Pathom). These date back to the third or fourth centuries.
Hindu Gods in Southeast Asia
Over time, forms of Hinduism and Buddhism developed that incorporated aspects of local cultures in Southeast Asia. Elites continued to draw upon and make use of South Asian religious practices in their daily lives, however. Numerous inscriptions indicate the central role of Brahmins in the religious lives of Southeast Asian peoples. Popular local forms of Hinduism included Saivism, with Siva being the supreme deity, and Vaishnavism, where Visnu is the supreme deity. Several temples dedicated to Siva and Visnu were built in the ancient Khmer empire. One such example is Angkor Wat, the largest Hindu temple in the world at the time of its construction in the twelfth century. It was initially dedicated to Visnu but was later transformed into a Buddhist temple.
Throughout the region, Siva is worshipped both in human form and as a lingam carved in different styles. In his human form, he is widely known as the Natraja, Lord of the Dance, and also as the great yogi. The discovery of Natraja statue in Mi-son style in Cambodia is an evidence of that. Siva’s worship in the form of lingam is still common today among Cham Brahmins in Binh Thuan and Ninh Thuan provinces. Saivism became popular among the Cambodian rulers in the seventh century acting as way of measuring and explaining their expertise. In fact the names of the rulers ended with a Sanskrit name, Varman. Saivite cults thereafter became popular in Southeast Asia, especially during warfare. Yet another cult of Saivism, showing a goddess as the Siva’s sakti, became a strong feature of Tantric Buddhism found in many parts of Southeast Asia by the eighth century, and came to play an important role in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Indonesia.
As for Visnu, his 10 avatars are known by many different names in the region. He was famous as Rama and Krishna in local myths and legends. The Ramayana and Mahabharata served as inspiration for Southeast Asian art and literature, as well as providing themes for its drama and ballet. Several images of Visnu are found in different parts of Southeast Asia. Among these is one found in Champa in Ananthasayam posture, with Brahma rising on a lotus from Visnu’s naval. In Burma as well, images of Visnu, Durga, Surya, and others have been discovered. An example would be the temple of Na-hluang Kyaung, where the main deity is Visnu.
The third of the Hindu trimurti, Brahma, plays a less prominent role in Southeast Asian Hinduism. Instead, other Gods gained popularity and appeared in Southeast Asian mythology. Among them were Yama, the lord of the underworld who judges humankind, as well as Surya, Indra, and the serpent gods.
The Hindu concept of the universe as a central continent, Jambudvipa, with its central cosmic mountain, Mount Meru, made its way into Southeast Asian thought through the vehicle of Buddhism. So did the belief that all life was subject to periodic creation and destruction and the idea that world history, from creation to annihilation, was divided into four yugas (periods of immense length), which together formed a kalpa, a day in the life of Brahma.
With the spread of Buddhism and Islam, Hinduism was eclipsed in several parts of Southeast Asia and now seems to play a secondary role in the religious life of the region. Significant Hindu enclaves remain, however. If Islam now predominates in Indonesia, some 20,000 Hindu temples can be found in Java and Bali alone. Moreover, Balinese Hinduism, known as Agama Hindu Dharma, retains a theological foundation derived from Indian philosophy and indigenous beliefs. These include ancestors and spirit worship in shrines where agricultural goods are offered on a regular basis.
In Thailand as well, a Buddhist majority continues to draw upon and make use of earlier Hindu practices long patronized by local elites. Garuda, the eagle-like creature that serves as Visnu’s steed, functions as the country’s national emblem. Thai understandings of kingship are informed by the concept of Devraja (God-King), and monarchs of the current dynastic line make use of the prefix Rama, an incarnation of Visnu, in their reign names. Hindu priests officiate at royal rites, state ceremonies, and national festivals. Many of the country’s festivals are also of South Asian origin. These include Songkran, the water festival; Triyampawai, or Tripawai, festival of Swing; the Ploughing ceremony, festival to bring good harvest; and Loy Krathong, the festival of lights. Temples and shrines dedicated to Brahma, Siva, and Visnu can also be found around the country. Indeed, virtually every market in the capital city of Bangkok has its own Hindu shrine to guarantee the prosperity and well-being of local merchants.
Throughout Southeast Asia, large numbers of Hindus continue to practice their faith. In Indonesia, as many as 20 million believers can be found, with numbers particularly concentrated in Bali, Central Java, East Java, and Lampung provinces. In Malaysia and Singapore, Hinduism remains the principal religion of ethnic Indian minorities, which constitute 6.3 percent and 4 percent of the total local populations, respectively. In Thailand, the number of believers is estimated to be in the hundreds of thousands. An equally large or perhaps larger number can also be found in Myanmar, with official estimates at around 900,000. Indeed, small but significant Hindu communities are tallied in every country in the region: Vietnam has some 50,000, the Philippines 175,000, Timor 5,000, and Brunei some 272.
Ruchi Agarwal
See also: Buddhism; Dharma/Dhamma; Diaspora; Indonesia; Interreligious Relations and Dialogue; Localization of Hinduism in Indonesia; Missionary Movements, Myanmar (Burma), Oka, Gedong Bagus; Pilgrimage; Sathya Sai Baba Movement, Thailand; Thaipusam; Water Festivals.
Further Reading
Bentley, G. Carter. “Indigenous States of Southeast Asia.” Annual Review of Anthropology 15 (1986): 275–305.
Coedès, George. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Edited by Walter F. Vella. Translated by Susan Brown Cowing. Honolulu, HI: East-West Center Press, 1968.
Desai, Santosh N. Hinduism in Thai Life. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, 1980.
Flood, Gavin D. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
Hall, D. G. E. “South-East Asian Proto-History.” Chap. 2 in A History of South-East Asia, 4th ed. London: Macmillan Asian Histories Series, 1981.
Heine-Geldern. Robert. “Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia.” In The Journal of Asia Studies, vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1942.
Kumar, Bacchan. “Religious Positivity.” Chap. 12 in Hindu Positivism in Southeast Asia, edited by S. M. Tripathi and Nagendra Kr. Singh. New Delhi: Global Vision Publishing House, 2001.
Tarling, Nicholas, ed. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia. Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
HòA H
O BUDDHISM
Hòa H
o, which can be translated as “Supreme Harmony,” refers to a local Buddhist movement from the Mekong Delta in southwestern Vietnam that arose at the end of the colonial period and grew during the revolutionary context of the so-called Indochina War, then the Vietnam War. The definition of the 1986 “Đ
i Mó’i” policy of renovation began to change favorably the state-religion relations. The community has been officially estimated at over one million followers in southern Vietnam and several dozens of thousands of followers overseas.
During the summer of 1939, Huỳnh Phú S, a young man from a middle-class farming family, publicly predicted terrible disasters in his village (Hòa Ho). He reinterpreted the basic tenets of Buddhism under a messianic form that would provide redemption and show a path toward salvation. To do so, he reshaped the mid-nineteenth-century local millenarian beliefs (B
u So’n Kỳ Hu’o’ng) and reactivated the messianic figure of the “Buddha Master of Western Peace” (Phật Thầy Tây An). His eloquence, his poetry, and his published moral prophecies (sấm g
ang) reinforced his charisma. The “Pontiff Huỳnh” strove to unify and purify the practice of Mahayana Buddhism, rendering it respectful with the Four Debts of Gratitude and compatible with ancestor worship, a social-humanist commitment and a simple peasant life.
The French colonial authorities and then the Japanese were quickly concerned by this new case of mysticism. From August 1945, by institutionalizing Hòa Ho Buddhism, Huỳnh Phú S tried to demonstrate the harmonious compatibility of patriotic engagement, democratic values, and Buddhist precepts. But his “disappearance” in April 18, 1947, sealed a political rivalry between Hòa Ho believers and Communist partisans, reactivating at the same time the belief of a second coming of their messiah.
Hòa Ho Buddhism can be considered as a renovated form of Millenarianism. The former expression of this millenarian belief, the B
u So’n Kỳ Hu’o’ng, appeared in the Mekong delta in the middle of the nineteenth century and was concomitant with the beginning of the French military conquest of the southern provinces of Vietnam. These popular beliefs became a strong link to unite under charismatic leaders some local movements of resistance as far as the middle of the twentieth century. In this way, it can be understood at the same time as the matrix of regional religious communities and of anticolonialist movements.
Pascal Bourdeaux
An autonomous religious organization tried to emerge, and the founder’s family did maintain religious authority by becoming the guardian of the sanctuary and of the doctrine. But the religious community fatally splintered into politico-military sects or feudal organizations. Under the Di
m regime (1955–1963), all of Hòa Ho’s civil organizations were dismantled. In 1964, a new religious policy recognized the legal status of Hòa Ho Buddhism, but after April 1975, Hòa Ho’s religious life once again faced severe upheaval as its organizations were dismantled. While central authorities tried to reduce the Hòa Ho cult to a local practice, certain networks of the original church were structured within the Vietnamese diaspora groups. The recognition of religious sentiments and the social utility of religions in 1991 ushered in a new era. In May 1999, the government recognized Hòa Ho Buddhism as a religion. Institutionalization is now progressing with reduced tension, and the community is currently allowed to expand its charitable and social activities and diffuse its religious teachings.
Hòa Ho Buddhism has very few ritualized and intellectualized practices. Private ceremonies and worship do not need pagodas, statues, or monks’ mediation. Its precepts are essentially practiced within domestic circles. Followers must assume social responsibilities and accept the supervision of the doctrine’s secular committees and lay experts. This religion, in the ultimate analysis, is based on compassion and the sincerity of individual action.
Pascal Bourdeaux
See also: Ancestor Worship; Buddhism; Colonialism; Communism; Diaspora; Humanism; Messianic Movements; Morality; Religion and Society; Vietnam.
Further Reading
Biography and Teaching of Prophet Huynh Phu Sô. Saigon: Central Committee for the Diffusion of Hoa Hao Buddhism, 1966 (translation of: Giáo hội Phật Giáo Hòa Ho, Sấm ging thi văn - toàn bộ c
a Huỳnh Phú S, ban ph thông giáo lý trung u’o’ng ấn hành).
Bourdeaux, Pascal. “Réflexions sur l’institutionnalisation du bouddhisme Hòa Ho. Remise en perspective historique de la reconnaissance de 1999.” Social Compass 57, no. 3 (2010): 372–85.
Nguyễn, Long Thành Nam. Hòa Ho Buddhism in the Course of Vitnam’s History. New York: Nova Science Publishing, 2004. (First ed., Phật Giáo Hòa Ho trong dòng lḷch s dân tộc, edited by Đuộc Tû´ Bi. Santa Fe, CA: 1991).
Nguyễn, Văn Hầu. Nhân thúc Phật Giáo Hòa Ho [Conceive Hòa Ho Buddhism]. Long Xuyên: Hu’o’ng Sen xuất bn, 1968.
Tai, Hue-Tâm Ho. Millenarianism and Peasant Politics in Vietnam. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983.
HUMANISM
This entry briefly addresses the issue of humanism in Southeast Asia, identifying key factors that help to navigate an inexhaustible area of study, and providing distinct examples to help elaborate on points highlighted.
Humanism and Contextualization
The substance of humanist action and discourse is born within the lived reality of individuals, communities, and nations as they seek to overcome human suffering in the quest for a just society. While there are points of common concern across the nations of Southeast Asia, such as the provision of education or poverty alleviation, these are framed within particular locations and contexts. The concerns of those caught in the web of the sex trade in Thailand differ from the concerns of rural Indonesian farmers pressured by economic forces to become re-skilled and relocate to the vastly growing urban centers. The struggles of the Islamic Rohingya minority community, persecuted for their religious and ethnic identity, differ from the struggles of the Chin, Kachin, and Shan Christian minority groups, even though these struggles occur in the same nation. The struggles of people living in the aftermath of devastating war and civil conflict, such as in Vietnam and Cambodia, will differ from the struggles of women in Timor Leste seeking educational advancement. The struggles of those living with the continued threat of undetonated bombs in the aftermath of war, including the people of Laos, differ from the struggle of the poorest communities in the Philippines; or of those who live in communities destroyed by natural disaster, such as the 2004 tsunami that devastated parts of Southeast Asia, including Indonesia and Thailand, or the earthquake and volcanic devastation in the Philippines during the 1990s.
The study of humanism in Southeast Asia must therefore take cognizance of the vast diversity that exists across the subcontinent; each nation has its own historical narrative, or rather narratives, which serve to make up the content for humanistic discourse and action. This diversity is manifest in multiple forms, including culture, language, and religion as well as social, political, and economic stability. Across the subcontinent, there are also competing political, ideological, and religious solutions offered to address nationalist concerns, which in turn influence the rise of humanist concerns.
Though the contextualization of humanism remains essential, however, it is vital that attempts are made to identify national, transnational, and global influencing forces that shape contextual concerns. Economic development, for example, cannot be assessed purely on a national level, but must take into consideration broader globalizing forces that continue to play such an important role in regional and national capacity building.
Nonreligious Foundations
Each nation within Southeast Asia is not simply a static entity, but is historically dynamic and complex. Milton Osborne provides a useful case in point here, observing that current political developments in Myanmar (Burma), including the reintroduction of the exiled Aung San Suu Kyi into the political arena after 15 years of house arrest under the country’s military regime, mark a striking point of departure from the traditional forms of political authority in recent decades. Such a shift brings new and widespread hope in political and social transformation and marks a sharp contrast to the authoritarian military regime which led to the Saffron Revolution in 2007.
The term humanism transcends any simplistic reductionism to any particular subject field and is relevant to many research areas, including the political, economic, social, psychological, ethical, and religious realm. The twentieth century witnessed the rise of significant secular and humanist groups such as the International Humanist and Ethical Union, a network that includes the Humanist Society of Singapore, the Philippine Atheists and Agnostics Society, and significant advocacy work in Indonesia. Without direct recourse to the religious or the supernatural, secular humanism advocates the building of a just, compassionate, and humane society in which individuals and communities can work together to shape and give meaning to their lives. While the International Humanist and Ethical Union does acknowledge and recognize the right of the individual to religious belief and practice, the network is essentially nonreligious, building its foundation on belief in the power of human agency and collaborative efforts to bring about social harmony in a given context.
Religious Foundations
Yet, the proliferation of the nonreligious voice to the humanistic narrative cannot discount the contribution of diverse religious voices, which remain essential to the broader narrative. Indeed, we must caution against the tendency to polarize religion and humanism, as though they are mutually exclusive categories. While religion, generally speaking, is concerned with the transcendental or “other worldly,” it is also essentially concerned with the human struggle in the midst of the world. Given the majority allegiance to some form of religious identity, however this may be interpreted, it is clear that religion remains an important component of discourse concerning humanism in Southeast Asia.
The religions of Southeast Asia, including Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, Daoism, and Confucianism, all seek to effectively contribute to the conversation on humanism, each drawing upon critical sources central to their particular beliefs, traditions, and practices in order to establish praxis-oriented strategies to help overcome the struggles of the people. For example, in Thailand, leaders such as Bhikkhu Buddhadasa sought to interpret traditional Theravada Buddhism from a social and political perspective. This he considered essential to the context of rapid change experienced in Thailand in the twentieth century. The rise of “Humanistic Buddhism,” aimed at nurturing compassion for others in a bid to create a more harmonious society, has the potential to make a significant impact in a context such as Thailand, where Buddhism is the majority religion.
Capacity to Address Humanist Concerns
Assessing the causes of human struggle in order to formulate effective plans to overcome those struggles is in itself complex, and within Southeast Asia there are competing political, ideological, and religious solutions offered to address particular concerns. Humanism is concerned with multifaceted and interrelated factors, including justice, peace, education and skills training, health, and economic stability. The effectiveness of any short- or long-term action or goals are further affected by incidences of political or economic corruption. It will also depend on the capacity to implement effective strategies to overcome particular issues in particular locations across a given nation. Where there is a strong infrastructure in place, such as in Singapore or Indonesia, there are greater opportunities for education, economic stability and development, and political stability. In nations working to develop a more resilient and effective infrastructure to address some of the basic needs of the people, humanistic discourse takes on a different level of urgency. Tensions are naturally exacerbated in a context of economic and political corruption, for example the scandals currently affecting political rule in the Philippines, as well as in the context of ethnic and cultural diversity within a given region, such as in Myanmar. One of the major difficulties experienced in Southeast Asia arises from the tension in the quest for national unity amidst cultural, ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity. This tension is manifest in many ways, and the question of power and access to power to implement humanist goals remains central. These challenges have historically led to ongoing tensions and clashes in the region as minority ethnic or religious groups struggle for independence, religious freedom, stability, and justice.
Again, we must mention the broader global context in which local and national economic development takes place, which continue to be central to building the infrastructure and capacity to address humanistic concerns.
Humanism in Southeast Asia remains a central component of the secular, political, social, economic, and religious discourse of the region. The quest for justice, peace, and economic stability and growth can be understood only in the context in which this search takes place, amidst the complexity of ethnic, ideological, linguistic, historic, religious, and economic diversity.
Adrian Bird
See also: Atheism/Agnosticism; Bhikkhu, Buddhadasa; Christianity; Contextualization; Education; Engaged Buddhism; Globalization; Islam; Liberation Theologies; Secularism.
Further Reading
Brock, Colin, and Lorraine Pe Symaco. Education in South-East Asia. Oxford Studies in Comparative Education. Oxford: Symposium Books, 2011.
Dayley, Robert, and Clark D. Neher. Southeast Asia in the New International Arena. 6th ed. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2013.
International Humanist and Ethical Union. http://iheu.org/category/location/asia/south-eastern-asia/ (accessed April 28, 2014).
Leibo, Steven A. The World Today Series 2012: East and Southeast Asia. 45th ed. Lanham, MD: Styker-Post Publications, 2012.
Osborne, Milton. Southeast Asia: An Introductory History. 11th ed. New South Wales, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 2013.
Palatino, Mong. “Southeast Asia: Home to the World’s Longest Ongoing Civil Wars.” http://globalvoicesonline.org/ (accessed April 28, 2014).
Torre, Miguel A de la, ed. The Hope of Liberation in World Religions. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2008.