fall with the barometer of international happenings; and this barometer is fairly sensitive to the utterances and conduct of the Western community itself. The image given above merely represents that which has seemed to emerge from Soviet behavior and utterances in recent months. But that is not to say that this cast of mind is not actually under considerable strain at a number of points, especially the point of interpretation of the trend of events in the Western w orld, and that it could not be materially altered by the course of events and l)\- the decisions and actions of the Western pow ers.
Holding in mind the above, we face the final question as to the overall principles by \\ hich the NATO community might best be guided in the conduct of its affairs with a view to avoiding the all-out conflict with Soviet power on the military plane and winning it on the political one (which words I suppose, could stand as a rough summary of Western policy). The following points seem to me to flow from the considerations put forth above by way of answer to this question:
1. The NATO pow ers, while clinging to their insistence on rapid and vigorous rearmament, should make a deliberate and systematic effort to avoid every sort of overemphasis of the military danger, saber-rattling of all sorts, statements that appear to constitute threats of military^ action against the Soviet Union, words or acts that may be taken to indicate a belief in the inevitability or even the likelihood of war. A major effort should be undertaken to make the peoples of the Western countries understand why rearmament and alliance are an important and unavoidable part of the Western response to the type of political warfare conducted by the Soviet Union. This means that we must not seem to assume in our statements, as we often do, that the Soviet Union is probably planning to attack the West, although we must never w holly exclude this possibility; and we must make people understand why rearmament is nevertheless required. At the same time we must be careful to emphasize that it is 07ily part of the answer, and can actually be disruptive of the total pattern of Western resistance if it is not balanced by many other factors, such as economic health and political confidence and the belief in, and hope for, a peaceful future. To the extent that this can be done — to the extent, that is, that rearmament and alliance can be portrayed simply as safeguards of something peaceful and constructive, for which we still confidently hope, rather than just as preparations for a war to w hich we have resigned ourselves hopelessly — the "peace" card w ill be struck from the Soviet hand and Soviet success in the political war w ill be reduced.
2. A given pattern of military preparations always appears to the
public as the reflection of a given pattern of calculations and intentions. It is important that the building of the NATO structure appear to reflect not the feverish preparations of people who regard war as inevitable and are working against a limit of time, but the calm and judicious measures of people simply building a fence, not in the belief that someone else is likely to try to knock it down, but rather in the normal and prudent desire to have clarity on all sides and to prevent any and all misunderstandings. Such a view must inevitably have certain disadvantages from the standpoint of the achievement at the earliest possible moment of the ideal military posture. But it must be accepted and remembered that there is an incurable conflict in certain respects between the goal of the ideal military posture and the goal of winning the political war — a war which is still in progress and which we have no choice but to continue to fight. The requirements of either of these approaches, the military or the political, would — if carried to extremes — be quite destructive of the requirements of the other. But neither could be successful if the other were fully destroyed. If problems were to be faced only from the political standpoint, the degree of actual military preparation that would ensue would be quite inadequate for purposes of a war, if one were actually to occur. On the other hand, if the professional military planner were to be given all that he desired from the standpoint of the preparation of an adequate military posture against Soviet power, the results would probably be quite disruptive of the political resistance of the Western peoples.
What we are faced with, therefore, is the need for a reasonable and sensible compromise between these two requirements; and it seems to me we would find it at approximately that point where Western rearmament would appear to the uninitiated public as the reflection of firm and reasonable precaution against misunderstandings or accident or ill will, but not as the reflection of a hopeless commitment to the dynamics of an arms race. What we must avoid is to appear to be fascinated and enmeshed by the relentless and deceptive logic of the military equation. What people need to be shown is that we are the masters, not the slaves, of the process of military and political tension.
3. The NATO community should bear in mind that the Soviet leaders are extremely curious people in whose minds there are areas of what we might call rationality but other areas that are quite irrational. They have shown restraint on several occasions and have exhibited no recent signs of an actual desire for an armed conflict. But they are secretive and often erratic in their reactions, and it is not easy to tell when you are going to touch one of the neuralgic and irrational points. They are
plainly sensitive about the frontiers of their power, and particularly such frontiers as can be approached l)\' sea. They are also quite naturalh' sensitive about being surrounded by a ring of air bases plainl\- i^^roupcd w ith a view to penetration of their own territory.
Obviously, there is no clear line betw een the offensive aw^X the defensive in military considerations. iMany of our defensive measures must appear offensively motivated to the Russians. Kquall\' obviously, we cannot let that be a reason for paralyzing our entire effort at an adequate Western defense posture. But here again le mieux est Yennemi du bien. Surel\' as one moves one's bases and military facilities tow ard the Soviet frontiers there comes a point w here thc\' tend to create the very thing they were designed to avoid. It is not for us to assume that there are no limits to Soviet patience in the face of encirclement b\ American bases. Quite aside from political considerations, no great country, peaceful or aggressive, rational or irrational, could sit by and witness with indifference the progressive studding of its own frontiers with the military installations of a great-power competitor. Here again, a compromise must be struck, and one which will inevitably fall somewhat short of the military ideal. This compromise must be struck w ith a view to the peculiarities of Russian mentality and tradition. We must remember that almost the only language in which we can now communicate w ith the Soviet leaders is the language of overt militar\' and political moves. If we still hope to have the ultimate decision confined to the political field and to win on that field, let us be sure the words we speak in this peculiar language do not operate to reduce the Soviet leaders to a state of mind in w hich for them, as for people everywhere who accept the belief in the inevitabilitv^ of war, the only question is not "whether" but "when."
In conclusion, I would beg leave to say the follow ing: The present situation has in it several of those tremendous dilemmas which in the past have been the makings of great w ars, and there is as yet no visible prospect of a solution of these dilemmas by nonmilitary means. It is easv% in these circumstances, to argue for the incvitabilit\' of w ar and to sell one's soul to it. Unquestionably, the events of the past four or five years have brought war much further into the realm of possibility and have heightened the danger of its imminent outbreak, not so much as a result of any deliberate desire of either side that it should break out, but rather as a result of the inability of people in given possible contingencies to find any acceptable alternative solution, ^'ct an intensive scrutiny of the Moscow scene yields no reason to believe that war is yet inevitable, and provides no justification for those who would sell their
souls to this assumption. We have, as an anchor of reassurance, the overw liclniingly important fact that there is no evidence that the Soviet leaders, obsessed as they are with hatred of the West and deaf as they are to the voice of reason, regard the turmoil and suffering of another world war as the preferred milieu in which to seek the satisfaction of their aspirations; and the contemporary development of weapons is hardly such as to impel them in that direction. For the moment, they seem content to continue to maintain the contest on their curious level of "partial war"; and I, for one, am reluctant to believe that they cannot be successfully coped with by us on this terrain. Whether, in the event the "partial \\ ar" should go badly for them, they would retain their preference for contest on the political level, or how long they w ould retain it, I cannot say. But I think we can say of them, as they now say of us, that if they were to be forced by political reverses to a point of great desperation, their military power would by that time have been appreciably deflated in its real capabilities, and their effort, in turn, w^ould then be the sharp but unpromising struggle of the cornered animal.
For these reasons, I would plead for the continuation of a policy based on the requirements of the possibility that there may be no war as well as on the requirements of the possibility that there may be one. And if the skeptical voice of precedent and experience would seem to argue against this relative optimism, I would again submit that the peculiarities of our age are such that we have no greater right to accept the extreme pessimistic implications of past experience than to accept the extreme optimistic ones. Human history has recorded a great number of international situations, but none that would stand as a fully reliable precedent for the conflict betw^een the Communist and non-Communist worlds in the year 1952.
George F. Kennan Ambassador
Acheson, Dean, 25-27, 29-30, 33, 34, 38, 144, 179; his Present at the Creation, 31; meeting with Attlec (1950), 3in; and GFK-Malik talks re Korea (June 1951), 36-37; and formal discussions among belligerents in Korean conflict, 37; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 40-42, 45; and American military bases in Japan, 43; GFK memo to on Japanese peace treaty, 45-46; distrust of the Russians, 50; and GFK's ambassadorship to Moscow, 105-109, 166; and 1952 elections, 168; GFK's courtesy call upon on return from Moscow, 170; policy differences between GFK and, 184; and Davies case, 208-209; and German rearmament, 249; criticizes GFK for his Continental defense theories, 250, 256, 268
Acheson, Mrs. Dean, 29, 30
Adams, John Quincy, 173
Adenauer, Konrad, 249, 250, 253
Adriatic Sea, 281
Africa, 301
Aid, see Foreign Aid
Air force, U.S., 92-93
Albania, 270; break with Moscow, 281
All Souls, Oxford, 263
Allied expeditionary forces, in Russia (1918-1920), 97
Alperovitz, Gar, i37n
Alsop, Joseph, 236; and nuclear arms race, 240; and Congress of Cultural Freedom (1958), 252
Alsop, Stewart, 35-36
America a?id the Russian Future (Ken-nan article in Foreign Affairs), 102
American Communist Party: penetration of American governmental services, 191-193; and Alger Hiss, 193-195; GFK's view (1951), 198-200
American Diploniacy 1900-19$0 (Ken-nan), 77
American embassy: Moscow, 145-146 {see also Spaso House); Belgrade, 285
American I'oreign Service Association, 188
American-Yugoslav relations, see Yugoslav-American relations
Anglo-American relations, 231; and Dulles, 184
Anti-Americanism, Soviet, 122, 132; concerning Korea, 123; impact on diplomatic corps, 123; GFK's hypotheses to explain, 123-125; and NATO, 134; and GFK's Victory Day appearance (Moscow, 1945), 151
Anticommunism (Anti-Communists), U.S., 70, 98, 100, 173; and Alger Hiss, 195; GFK's view of effects of, 199-200; and McCarthy era security investigations, 200-214, 219-220; in GFK Notre Dame speech, 224; and Congress, 226-227; and post-McCarthy political life, 227-228, 287-288; and refugees from Communism in U.S., 287; Yugoslavia target for, 288, 307,
Anti-intellectualism, 223 Anti-Semitism, i52n Arbitration treaties, U.S., 71 Armaments, 109. See also Disarmament Aron, Raymond, 252-255 Artukovic, Andrija, 287n Ascoli, Max, 236 Asia, 301. See also Far East Associated Press, 125 Atlantic magazine, 254 Atlantic Pact, see NATO Atomic Energy Commission, 215 Attlee, Clement, 27, 30, 3in, 33 Austria, 135, 270, 332; political neutralization of, 241
Bad Godesberg, 168
Balkan peninsula, 270
Balliol College, Oxford, 232, 263, 264
Banat plain, 271
Belgrade, 14, 269, 273, 289, 290, 292, 315; described, 271-272; Conference of "nonaligned" nations (1961), 279, 280, 301; American embassy in, 285; Ken-nans depart from (summer 1963), 307, 3 11-3 12. Sec also Yugoslavia
Bcncs, i'.duard, 332
Benton, William, 226
Index
Bcria, Lavrcnti P., 150
Berlin, 158, 242, 259; blockade, 332, 344;
and Kremlin postwar strategy, 333.
Sec also West Berlin Berlin, Isaiah, 264 Black Sea, American naval vessels in,
143; and Soviet territorial integrity,
344
"Blacklisting," McCarthy era, 219
Bohlcn, Charles 1'., 24, 26, 34-35, 49, 108, 163; succeeds GFK at Moscow post, 177, 180-181
Bohr, Niels, 19
Bolshevik magazine, 124; and Stalin's "papers on economics," 169
Bolshevism, 133; Kremlin postwar strategy for expansion of, 328-330
Border and Internal Guards, Moscow,
"3
Bosnia, 270, 271, 276
Branford College, Yale, 267
Bremerhaven, 170
Brcntano, Heinrich von, 250
Brezhnev, Leonid, 254
Brioni, Tito's retreat at, 308, 311-312
Britain, 32, 34; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 40; and nuclear weapons, 239; and NATO, 241; GFK's life in, 262-266; population problems, 265, 266. See also Anglo-American relations
British Broadcasting Corporation, Home Service, 230, 233, 236
Broz, Josip, see Tito, Josip Broz
Broz, iMrs., 276, 312; accompanies Tito on U.S. visit (1963), 313
Bukharin, Nikolai I., 19
Bulgakov, Valentin Fedorovich, 129-130
Bulganin, N. A., 236, 258
Bullitt, W^illiam, 119-120
Bund)', McGeorge, 9, 293, 299
Burnham, James, his Contaimnent and Liberation, 100
Burobin, Soviet agency, 117, 118, 153
Butler, Mary, 188-189'
Caijfoknia, 80-84, 265; and the automobile, 81-82; "latinization" of political life in, 82-83; ^'^^^ "McCarthyism,"
"3 Captive Nations Resolution, U.S. Congress, 99, 292 Captive Nations Week, 292-293 Onrral Intelligence Agency, 177, 202, 204, 206, 207, 2 13
Chambers, Whittaker, 194, 195
Chiang Kai-shek, 54, 55, 57, 58
Chicago, Illinois, 73-74; bombing of Yugoslav consulate in, 307
Chicago, University of, GFK lectures at, 9, 46, 70, 72-77
Cbica{^o Sun-Tivies, 236
China, 90, 106-107, -o'i ^"^ Korea, 24-26, 34, 35, 46-49, 93; U.S. policy (1950s), 28, 54-58; Sino-Soviet treaty (1950), 43; UN admission, 54, 57-58; GFK State Department memo and views on (1951), 54-59; exploitation of foreigners and xenophobia, 56-57; Lobby, U.S., 201; Communists, 201, 203-204; Nationalists, 201, 202, 221 {see also Chiang Kai-shek); in postwar Kremlin strategy, 330
China hands, State Department: Davies, 201-202; Service, 215-216
Chinese-Fastern Railway, 47
Chinese Revolution, 54, 57
Chungking, 201
Civil Service Loyalty Review Board, 207
Civil w ar, Soviet view, 339
Clemens, Walter Carl, i37n
Clubb, Oliver, 215
Codrington Library, Oxford, 243
Coexistence policy, see Peaceful coexistence
Cold War, 84, 90-104, 202-203, 229, 268-269; GFK's view of war between U.S. and Russia, 94-97; and refugees from communism in U.S., 97-99; and the "libcrationist" thesis, 101-102; GFK's opposition to U.S. policy in, 102-105; and NATO, 137-142; in GFK's Reith Lectures, 231, 261, 268
C()llecti\e farms, 126, 132
Colliers magazine, loon-ioin
COMl CON, 281
Cominform, 94n
Commercialization, of society, 85
Common Market, 265, 266; and Yugoslav trade, 296, 310
Conuiiunism (Communists), 74, 86; and Korea, 40, 48, 49, 51; and U.S. anti-communism, 70, 98, 100, 173, 195; as alternative to democracy, 86-88; Russian, 96, 328-330; refugees from, in U.S., 97-101; and U.S. "liberation" concept, loo-ioi; Chinese, 106; GFK's staiul on (1951), 197-200; and fellow travelers in government, 198; in the
357
U.S. educational process, 198-199; and McCarthy era, 200-214, 219-220, 222; and Internal Security Subcommittee, 204-205; and Tito, 277-280; extension of, in Kremlin view, 328-330 Communist bloc. Eastern Europe, 123-124, 243; and U.S. "liberationists," 97-99, 150, 172-174; and retirement of Soviet ground forces from Europe, 258; and Yugoslavia, 281-282, 292, 307, 309; and postwar Soviet strategy, 327,
329
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 94n; Nineteenth Party Congress, 151-152, 165; and Stalin's senility of outlook (1952), 169
Conant, James B., 250
Congress, U.S., 332; and Far Eastern policy (1950), 28; and Korean War, 30, 33, 92-93; and Communist refugees in U.S., 98-99, 286-287; Captive Nations Resolution, 99, 292; and "Mc-Carthyism," 226-227; anti-Yugoslav sentiment in, 285-291; and Yugoslav trade, 294-296, 299-306; and the State Department, 298
Congress of Cultural Freedom, 252
Containment policy, 100
"Cossackia," 99n
Council of Foreign Ministers, 329, 332
Croatia (Croatians), 270, 273, 285; influence of refugees from in U.S., 98, 286-287
Croatian Assembly, 276
Cultural Revolution, China, 57
Cummings, Hugh, 147-149
Custine, Marquis de, quoted, 221
Czechoslovakia, 332-333; 1968 crisis, 254
Daily Telegraph, London, 235
Daniel, Yuli, 87
Danube River, 271
Davies, John Paton, Jr., 27, 31, 54, 221; and "iMcCarthyism," 197, 200-215, 228; charged with pro-Chinese Communist sympathies, 201-202; basis for charges against, 203-204; loyalty investigations, 205-208; and Dulles's "Security Hearing Board," 206; GFK's attempts to help, 208-209, 211-214; publicity concerning case, 211, 212
Davis, Dick, 107
Decker, Rear Admiral Benton W., 43
Democracy, 85-88; Soviet view, 96-97
"Democratization," U.S. concept, 95
Denmark, 134
Diplomacy, 72-73; favors and injuries in, 297-298; and Congressional interference, 298; and outlining of reasonable expectations between nations, 310; objectives of, 319-320; in 1945-1949 period, 320-321; GFK's view of function of, 322-323; Soviet, with the West, 344-345
Disarmament, 71, 107-109; GFK diary entry on, 109; nuclear, 239-240; and Germany, 243-244
Djilas, Milovan, 277
Dobriansky, Dr. Lev E., 99
"Doctors' Plot," Russia, 150
Donnelly, Walter, 168
Dostoyevsky, Feodor, 86
Dulles, Allen, 177, 178, 202, 204
Dulles, John Foster, 24, 162, 170, 236; and GFK's Scranton speech (1952), 173-176; and GFK's retirement from Foreign Service, 176-180, 187; Solarium Exercise, 182; GFK's view of as statesman, 182-186; and Senatorial support for his policies, 183; and Anglo-American relations, 184; his housecleaning of State Department, 188, 189; and "Security Hearing Board," 205-206; and Davies case, 205-206, 214; and nuclear policy, 246; and rearming of Western Germany, 249; reaction to GFK's Continental defense theories, 250; and Captive Nations Resolution, 292
Dutton, Frederick G., 303, 304
Earle, Edw^ard Mead, 15, 73
Eastern Europe, 97-99, 162, 241; alternatives to Soviet domination for peoples of, 259; relations with Yugoslavia, 283. See also Communist bloc
Eastern Germany, 123, i38n, 241, 257-258, 260, 279. See also Germany
Eastman, George, 230
Eastman Professorship, Oxford, 229-230, 232
Einstein, Albert, 18
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 53, 170, 236; and GFK's retirement from Foreign Service, 181; GFK's view of as statesman, 185-187; and "AlcCarthyism," 206, 227; and nuclear policy, 246; and Captive Nations Week, 292
iMigland, 262-266; in postwar Kremlin strategy, 330. See also Britain
liidc
F.nvironnicnt, 9, 84, 86, 105; and Southern California, Hi; and nuclear weaponry, 247
l.urope: GFK's thesis for rcunihcation of, 24S-260. Sec iilso I^astern Iur()}K'; Western I urope
luropean Common Market, ^t't' Common Market
luropean Defense Communit\, loS, 109, 161
Luropean Recover\' Flan (ERP), sec Marshall Plan
I\\K I.Asr, 28, 35, 39-60, 72, 194; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 39-41, 44, 46; and Korean polic), 46-51; U.S. China policy, (1930s) 47-48, (1950s) 54-58; and Soviet policy, 51-52, 109; and military neutralization of Korea and Japan, 4(;-52; and Southeast Asia, 54; and Davies, 203-204. Sec also name of specific countrs
I'eileral Bureau of Inxestigation (FBI), 204
Feis, Herbert, his 77.it' Chinn Tangle.
202n
I'ellow travelers, in U.S., 198. See also "McCarthyism"'
I'erguson, Homer, 180
linland, i 34
I'irst A\'orld War, 47, 93; GFK's writings on, 10-12, 16-17; and American diplomac)', 72-73
I'ischcr, Louis, 316
Flanders, Ralpii, 226
Food for Peace program (Public Law 480), 284, 294
I'ord Foundation, 8, 80
I'oreii^ii AiJairs magazine, 7, 256; GFK's second "X-article" for, 9; GFK's "America and the Russian Future" in, 102; GFK's "Disengagement Revisited," 268
I'oreign aid: and Third World, 238; and ^'ugosla^ ia, 283-285, 289, 293-295, 299-
3 "5 I'oreign .\id Bill, i38n; of 1962, 293-305 I'oreign polic), U.S., 9; CjFK lectures on, 12, 46, 70-77; and Korea, 46-51; and China, 47-48, 54-58; ideological problems of, 70-72; role of morality in, 72; and Russia, 90 (see also Soviet-.•\mcrican relations); Dulles and, 184, 246, 249, 250; and I'jsenhower, 186,
292; and alleged Communist penetration of government, 193-194; and nuclear deterrent polic), 244-245; and Kenned)', 294, 299, 304, 308, 317-318; Congressional restrictions on the diplomat, 297-299, 305-306; and domestic interests, 319-320; from 1945-1949, 320-321; and Truman, 321; GFK's approach to, 322
Foreign Relations Committee, U.S. Senate, 106, 174, 180, 218; Dulles's statement to, 175-176. See also Senate, U.S.
Foreign Service, U.S., 3, 14, 80, 90, 153; GFK's Moscow post, 105-114; and GFK, 170, 175-180, 187-189; and Communist penetration, 192-195; GFK's Yugoslav post, 267-319; GFK's view of life in, 319-324. See also State Department, U.S.
I'ormosa, 54, 58; GFK view on protection of, 58
I'orrestal, James, 321
I'orum (West Germany), 236
I'rancc, 58-59, 329, 332; and NATO,
I'ranklin (Benjamin) Award, 12 Franks, Oliver, 230 IVcedman, ALix, 236 Friedlaendcr, Lrnst, 236 Friedrich, Carl, 250
Galicians, 97
Gascoigne, Sir Alvary Douglas Frederick, 122, 149
Geneva, 164; disarmament talks, 107, 108, 109
German Democratic Republic, see Last-ern German)
Germany, 108, 121, 192, 340; in 1952 U.S. policy, 108-109, '<^'i rearmament, 138, 238, 243, 249, 331; GFK's internment as prisoner (1941-1942), 159; unification, 161, 240, 242-243, 248, 249, 253-254, 260; U.S. forces in, 161, 242; CiFK-Dulles polic)- differences on, 184; in GFK's Reith Lectures, 238-244; (iFK's neutralization proposal, 249-255, 258-260; and postwar Soviet strategy, 328-330, 332
(ioebbels, Joseph, 122
(iomulka, \\'lad)sla\, 258
(iosnjak, Ivan, 312
(Joxernment, 85-88; alleged (j)mmunist penetration of, 193-194; and people's right to know, 195-196; fellow travel-
hidex
359
crs in, 198; and "McCarthyism" phenomenon, 221, 116-11-]
Gray, Gordon, 215
Greece, 332
Grisvvold, Professor A. Whitney, his The Far Eastern Policy of the United States, 46
Harriman, Averell, 147
Harvard University, 12, 74
Healey, Denis, 252
Herzegovina, 270, 273
Hessman, Dorothy, 154-155
Hightower, John M., 174
Hiss, Alger, 193-195, 221; and the "pumpkin documents," 195
Hitler, Adolf, 16, 192, 220; equated with Stalin by Pentagon (1950s), 90, 92
Hook, Sidney, 252
Horowitz, David, i37n
House of Representatives, U.S.: Armed Services Committee, 33; Foreign Affairs Committee, 106, i38n; Katyn Forest Massacre report, 122; and Yugoslavia, 285, 293, 299; Ways and Aleans Committee, 294. See also Congress, U.S.
Hull, Cordell, 194
Hungary, 184, 240-241, 254, 257, 270; Soviet military assistance agreements with, 258
Hurley, Patrick J., 201, 217; and Chinese communists, 201-202
Huxley, Aldous, 81
Hvar, 276
Hydrogen bomb, 110. See also Nuclear weapons
Inchon, Korea, 33
Indo-China, GFK memo on, 59
Industrialization, 85, 132, 327
Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, 14-22, 90; GFK's arrival at, 3-4; initial strains of transition for GFK at, 5-10; GFK research and scholarship at, lo-ii, 72; uniqueness of, 14-15; GFK's faculty colleagues at, 15-22-, and GFK's running for public office, 79; and GFK's ambassadorship to Moscow, 105-106
Institute on United States Foreign Policy, GFK speech at (1950), 223
Intelligentsia, Soviet, 145-146
Intercontinental ballistic missiles, 240
Interlocking Subversion in Government
Departments (Internal Security Subcommittee report), 211
Internal Security Subcommittee (iMc-Carran, later Jenncr Committee), 204-205, 207, 212; GFK's appearance before, 209-211; report, 211
Iron Curtain, 282
Iskanderun, Turkey, 134
Israel, i5in-i52n
Istrian-Dalmatians, 270
Italy, 270, 329, 332; Communist Party,
Japan, 192, 328, 338-340; World War II peace treaty, 28, 39-41, 44, 49, 338; American military bases in, 39-45, 52-53; and Soviet-American relations (GFK view), 39-40, 41, 44n, 45, 49, 121; and Sino-Soviet treaty of 1950, 44; and Korea, 46-50; military neutralization of, 50-52; effect of U.S. military presence, 53; and U.S. Far East policy, 55; and Formosa, 58; rearmament, 138; GFK-Dulles differences on policy, 184
Japanese-American relations, 52-53
Jenner, William, 211. See also Internal Security Subcommittee
Jessup, Philip, 45, 218-219
Joint Chiefs of Staff, U.S., 25, 38, 41; and American military installations in Japan, 42, 43
Justice Department, U.S., 205
Kallin, Anna, 230-231, 233, 234
Kantorowicz, Ernst ("Eka"), 16
Kardelj, Edvard, 312
Katyn Forest Massacre, 122-125
Kellogg Pact, 71
Kennan, Annelise Sorenson (Mrs. George F.), 4, 112, 128, 155; and her husband's ouster from Moscow, 164-165, 168; at Oxford, 232; and Belgrade, 269, 311; and Tito, 276, 313, 315
Kennan, Christopher, 4, 112, 157, 269, 311,312
Kennan, George (1845-1923), 129
Kennan, George F.
ACADEMIC like: at Institute for Advanced Stud}', Princeton, 3-22; trustee of Princeton, 8, 197; liistorical writings and research, 10-13; lectures on international relations, 12, 46, 70-77; and Institute faculty, 15-22; at Oxford, 262-266
Index
Kennan, George F. {coiit.)
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS: IcctUFCS Oil,
12, 46, 70-77; and Korean War, 23-38; memo to Achcson on Korean War, 27-29, 31; on value of secret contacts in international diplomacy, 38; and Japanese peace treaty (post-World War II), 39-40, 41, 44-45; memo to Acheson on Japanese peace treaty, 45; and military neutralization of Japan and Korea, 50-52; memo concerning U.S. military bases in Japan, 53; memo concerning China policy, 54; view of China (1951), 55-59; memo on Southeast Asia, 59; and cold war diplomacy with Russia, 90-104; memo (August 1950) after bombing of Rashin, Korea, 93-94; views on results of any Soviet-American war, 94-96; and "liberation-ists" in U.S., 97-101, 172-173; opposition to U.S. cold war policy, 102-105; and nuclear policy, iio-iii, 244-245, 247; hypotheses regarding Soviet anti-Americanism (1952), 122-125; ^^^^ Stalin, 133-134, 169; disapproval of militar\' intelligence "game," 135-136; dispatch re NATO, 137-144, 327-351; and l)alancc between political and military considerations, 140-142; London conference of chiefs of European missions (September 1952), 153, 154, 156, 158-162; and Eisenhower administration, 170-171; retires from Foreign Service (1952), 175-180, 181,187-189; and Solarium Exercise, 181-182; view of Dulles as statesman, 182-185; view of Eisenhower as statesman, 185-187; and Third World, 238, 255; and German reunification, 242-244; and problem of defense of Continental Europe, 248-249; reactions to his suggestions for Continental defense, 249-255; and Kennedy, 267-268, 315-318; and fa\()rs and injuries in diplomac)-, 297-298; view of diplomatic life, 319-324; and American domestic politics, 322-323; dispatch, Soviet Union and the Atlantic Fact, 327-351
"mccakthvism" (anticommunism), 190-228; view of, 190-193, 221-225; and Alger Hiss, 193-195; stand on communism (1951), 197-200; and Davies case, 200-214 passhu; subpoenaed to appear before McCarran Committee, 20(;-2ii; letters to New
York ThneSy 212-213, 218-219; rates Davies as Foreign Service Officer, 213-214; and John Service investigation, 215-218; effect of iMcCarthy era on, 228
MOSCOW MISSION, 4, 105-144; confirmed as ambassador, meets with Truman, 106-107; prepares for departure, 107-111; lack of direction from President or Secretary of State on official polic)' line, 108-111, 120, 166; recommends accommodation not defiance in policy, 110; discouragement at outset of mission, 111; arrival in iMoscow, 112-117; his Soviet guards, 113-114, 116-117, '45i isolation in Moscow, 115-117, 157-159; presents his credentials, 119-120; and Stalin, 121-122; and Soviet Foreign Office, 122; hypotheses regarding anti-Americanism (1952), 122-125; social life in Moscow, 125-131; visits Tolstoi's liome, 128-130; and Moscow tlieater, 130-131; quoted on Stalin's political authority, 133-134; disapproves of militar)' intelligence "game," 135-136; expulsion from Russia, 144, 163-165; personal hostility and suspicion of Soviets toward, 150-157; electronic eavesdropping on, 153-157; remarks at Tempelhof airport, 159, 162-163; reactions to ouster of, 165-167; in Bad Godesberg after ouster, 168-169; and Stalin's "papers on economics," 169; and Stalin's senility of outlook (1952), 169
NATO: dispatch concerning Soviet Union and, 137-144, 327-351; on balance between political and military considerations, 140-142
NLCLKAR policy: his opposition to, 110-111; in Reith Lectures, 238-242, 244-247; quoted on, 244-245; and natural en\ ironment, 247
PRIVATE life: his PennsyK ania farm, 62-65; describes first Wasiiington-Mexico City train trip (1950), 66-70; describes Chicago (1951), 73-74; considers running for public office, 77-80; impressions of California, 80-84; impressions of American life (1952), 84-85; doubts concerning workability of American system, 85-86; internment by Nazis (1941-1942;, 159, 163; view
bidex
36.
of American domestic politics, 322-3-3
REITH LECTURES, 12, 229-266; subjcct
matter, 231, 237-238; problems of preparation, 232; strain of rehearsal and delivery, 232-234; public reception, 234-237; and nuclear polic)', 238-242, 244-247; and German reunification, 242-244; on Continental defense, 248-255; response to, 249-255, 261, 268; his reply to critics of, 256-261; his perspective on, 256-261; praised by Kennedy, 267, 267n-268n
SOVIET UNION, see INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS; MOSCOW MISSION abovC
SPEECHES: Scranton, 171-176, 210; Notre Dame, 220, 224-225; Milwaukee (1950), 223
WRITINGS, MEMOS, ETC.: "X-articlcs," 7, 9, 102; historical writings and research, 10-13; Russia Leaves the War, 12, 16; Realities of American Foreign Policyy 12; Russia ajid the West under Lenin and Stalin, 12; his diary, 27, 85, 107-111, 120-121, 162-163, 305, 311-312; memo to Acheson on Korean War, 27-29, 31; memo to Acheson on Japanese peace treaty, 45; memo concerning U.S. military bases in Japan, 53; memo concerning China policy, 54; memo on Southeast Asia (1950), 59; American Diploniacy 1900-ip^o, 77; memo after bombing of Rashin, Korea (1950), 93-94; America and the Russian Future (in Foreign Affairs), 102; dispatch re Soviet Union and NATO, 137-144, 327-351; letters to New York Times, 212-213, 218-219; "Disengagement Revisited," in Foreign Affairs, 268
YUGOSLAV MISSION: offered ambassadorship, 267-269, 319; prepares for departure, 269; describes Yugoslavia, 270-274; embassy staff, 274; and USIS representatives, 274-275; and Yugoslav officials, 275-276, 306-308; and Tito, 276, 308; and Yugoslav aid and trade, 299-306; effectiveness undermined by U.S. Trade and I'xpansion Bill of 1962, 306-311; his suggestions for improved U.S.-Yugoslav relations, 308-310; kaves Belgrade, 311-312; and Tito's U.S. visit (1963), 313-318 Kennan, Grace, 4, 128 Kennan, Joan I'.lisabeth, 4, 164
Kennan, Kossuth Kent (father), 119
Kennan, Wendy Antonia, 112, 269, 311
Kennedy, John F., 21, 196; and nuclear policy, 246; offers GFK ambassadorship to Yugoslavia, 267-269; and Reith Lecture controversy, 267n-268n, 267-268; and sale of surplus planes to Yugoslavia, 290; and Captive Nations Resolution, 293; and Yugoslav-American relations, 294, 299, 304, 308; and Tito's visit to U.S., 314-316; GFK's admiration for, 315-317; GFK's correspondence with, 317-318
Kennedy, Robert F., 286n
Kennedy (John F.) Library, Oral History Project, 316-317
Khrushchev, Nikita S., 152, 241; and mutual disengagement of U.S. and Soviet troops from Europe, 258; and Tito, 279
Kiesinger, Kurt, 252
Kirk, Admiral Alan, 105
Kljun, Edvard, 312
Kohn, Hans, 250
Kolko, Gabriel, i37n
Korea, 46-48, 53, 138, 209; military neutralization of, 49-52; Soviets accuse U.S. of conducting of bacteriological warfare in, 123; Soviets accuse U.S. of mistreatment of prisoners in, 123
Korean War, 3, 23-38, 40, 48, 52, 53, 146, 338; GFK's views on U.S. participation, 23, 27-28, 33-34; GFK's view of Soviet involvement, 24, 26-29, 35-36, 38, 44n, 51, 91, 92, 338-339; and General MacArthur, 24-27, 30, 35, 37, 38; 38th parallel, 23, 25, 26, 37-38, 48; and Chinese intervention, 25-26, 35, 93; cease-fire proposal, 27, 28; GFK's memos to Acheson, 27-29, 31; and military policy questions, 31-33, 37, 38, 92-93; and question of national prestige, 32-33, 95; armistice, 35, 37-38, 108-109, 120; private Kennan-Malik talks (June 1951), 36-37; and American Far Fast policy, 39-41; relation to Japanese peace treat)' (1948), 44-45; and admission of China in UN, 54; and possibilit)' of expansion into war with Russia, 91-97; Russian motives, 338-339; U.S. view, 339; Soviet restraint in, 344
Kreisk)-, Bruno, 256; concept of defense, 256n-257n
Index
Kremlin, 119. See also Soviet Union Kuhn, Ferdinand, 173-174
Lansdowne, Lord, 242n
Lansing, Robert, 183
Latin America, 65, 70. See also South
America League of Nations, 71 Leites, Natlvan, 338n Lckic, Danilo, 312 Lekic, Mrs., 312 Lenin, Nikolai, 101, 329, 338 Leopold, Richard, 73 "Liberations," see Refugees, Communist,
in U.S. IJ^e magazine, 235-236; and GP'K's
European defense theories, 250 Limited warfare, concept, 95 Ling, Arthur, 73 Lippmann, Walter, 58, 252, 253; and
GFK's l.uropean reunification plan,
254-255; his "The Iwo Gcrmanys and
Berlin," 255 Ljubljana, 271 Llo\d, Scl\v\ n, 249-250 Lochncr, Louis, 250 London, 262, 265; conference of heads
of European missions (September 24-
27, 1952), 153, 154, 156, 158, 159-162 Longo, Luigi, 94 Lovett, Robert A., 33, 321 Lowenthal, Richard, 252 Loyalty boards, 205-207. See also "iMc-
Carthyism"
MacArthur, General Douglas, 24-27, 30, 37, 38, 49, 54; relieved of command, 35, 70; and military neutralization of Japan, 50; and Davies' loyalty investigation, 209
McCardle, Carl, 175, 177; and announcement of (iFK's retirement, 181
iMcCarran, Patrick, 209, 211. See also Internal Security Subcommittee
iVIcCarthy, Joseph, 28, 179, 190-191, 220, 221; and card-carr)'ing Communists in State Department, 196-197; and Davies, 197; and Congress, 226-227; ultimate discrediting of, 227
"McCarthyism," i(/>-2 28; GFK's view, 190-193, 221-223; '^"^' Fruman administration, 195; and public opinion, 196-197; and Davies case, 200-214; and McCarran (later Jenner) committee investigations, 204-205, 207, 209-211;
other loyalty investigations, 215-219; mass Insteria of period, 219-221; I'uropcans' view of, 220-221; political implications of, 221-223, 227-228, 287-288; cultural and spiritual implications, 223-226; anti-intellectualism, 223-224; and GFK Notre Dame speech, 224-225; failure of American government to cope w ith, 226-227
McCloy, John J., 321
McDermott, Michael J., 175-176
McSweeney, John AL, 163, 164
Macedonia, 270, 276
Malik, Jacob, 36-37, 45, 107-108
Manchuria, 25, 35, 46, 47, 48, 92, 93n
Mansfield, Mike, 259, 299
Mao Tse-tung, 43, 58; his concept of defense, 256
Marshall, General George C, 183, 222, 321, 332; and Korean War, 26, 32-34, 38; and Japanese peace treaty (1948), 40
Marshall Plan, 90, 188, 335; and Communist postwar strategy, 332, 333
Matthews, H. Freeman, 32, 174; GFK correspondence \\ itii from Moscow,
127, i33-«34 Aleir, Golda, 1501-15211 Alerton College, Oxford, 263 Mexico City, 65 Middle West, U.S.: Kennan's return to
(1950,72-74^ Military attaches, U.S., in Russia, 135-
Atilitary intelligence, 135-136, 143
Mills, Wilbur D., 294, 304-306, 316
Alilton, John, his Areopagitica, 199
Alilwaukee, 59-60, 223
Alissile age, 142, 240
Alolotov, Vyachesla\ A I., 147
Alontenegro, 270, 272
AIoscow, 4, 10, 14, 191; GFK's ambassadorship in, 105-114; GFK arrival in, 112-119; deterioration of atmosphere surrounding diplomatic corps in, 112-115, 119, 146-147, 165; suspicion and hostility toward foreigners, 112-113, 145-146, 150-151; isolation of diplomatic corps in, 115-116, 145-147, 157-159; arrival of Airs. Kennan and children, 118-119; anti-Americanism, 122-125; CiFK's social life, 125-131; suburbs, 126-128; theater, 130-131; political atmospiiere (1952), 131-144; personal hostilit\' toward GFK, 150-
363
157; "bugging" of American embassy, 153-156; GFK's expulsion from, 163-165, 168; Tito visit (December 1962), 279-280, 306-307
Moscow Art Theater, 131
Moscow River, 115, 116
Moslems, 270
National Book Award, i 2
National Press Club, 42
National War College, 20, 94, 95, 182
NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), 134, 251; and Soviet Union, 137-142, 152-153, 317-351; GFK's dispatch concerning, 138-144, 152-153, 327-351; manner in which presented to Western public, 138, 334-335; and West Germany, 142, 238, 240, 242-243, 249, 260; London conference (September 1952), 153, 154, 156, 158-162; Paris Conference (1957), 236, 239, 242n; and GFK's Reith Lectures, 238, 243, 248-249; and nuclear weapons, 238-240, 245, 246, 247, 248; and removal of Soviet ground forces from Europe, 258; and Yugoslavia, 281; Western rationale for, 333-334; Soviet reaction to, 336-338
Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, 191-192
Neretva valley, 273
Neiie Ziircher Zeitimg, 250, 256
New Republic, 236-237
New York, 314
New York Herald Tribime, 35, 255
New York Times, 173, 176; and Davies case, 212; GFK's letters to, 212-213, 218-219, 301; and U.S. trade with Yugoslavia, 300-302; Proxmire's letter to, 300-302
New York Times Magazine, 198, 305
Nicholas II, tsar, 48
Nineteenth Party Congress, CPSU (1952), 151-152, 165; Stalin's opposition to, 152; and Stalin's "papers on economics," 169
Nippon 'Times, 42
North Africa, 32
North German Radio, 236
North Korea, 23, 35, 49, 92, 336; and Soviet Union, 24, 35-37, 39, 44n, 45, 91, 339. See also Korean War
Northwestern University, 9
Notre Dame, University of, GFK speech at, 220, 224-225
Nuclear deterrent policy, 143; in GFK's Reith Lectures, 244-247; and NATO statesmen, 249-250 Nuclear test ban agreement, 280 Nuclear weapons, 94, 121, 255, 338; U.S. policy, iio-iii, 244-246, 261; GFK-Dulles differences on policy for, 184; in GFK Reith Lectures, 238-242, 244-249; and NATO forces, 238-240, 245, 246; "tactical," 245; principle of first use, 245-246; and the environment, 247; and John Kennedy, 268
OcLESBY, Carl, i37n
Okinawa, 40, 143
Open Door policy, for P^ar East, 72
Oppenheimer, Robert, 3, 9-10, 15, 18-21; loyalty question, 19-21, 215; and Reith Lectures, 230
Osteiiropa, 94
Overpopulation, see Population
Oxford University: GFK lectures at, 12, 14, 231, 261; Eastman Professorship, 229-230, 232; preparation of lectures, 231-232; GFK's life at, 262-266,
Pacific area, security of, 40, 42, 58
Pakistan, 143
Panikkar, K. M., 26
Panofsky, Erwin ("Pan"), 15-16
Panyushkin, Semenovich, 107
Paris, 26; NATO Conference (1957), 236, 239, 242n
P2ins Herald-Tribjine, 158
Paris Peace Conference (post-World War I), 182, 183
Park of Culture and Rest, Moscow, 116
"Peace congresses," Soviet, 139, 343
Peaceful coexistence, 120-121, 143
Pennsylvania: Kennan farm in, 62-66, 170-171, 189; GFK considers running for public office in, 77-80
Pennsylvania Bar Association, 171
Pentagon, 24, 32, 41, 135, 144; fear of Soviet military might (1950s), 90, 136-137; and Korean War, 92-93; and U.S. nuclear polic\', 111; and economics of militarv aid, 290
Podserob, Boris Fcdorovich, 147, 150
Poland, 98, 124, 241, 257, 260, 267; Soviet troops in, 258; most-favorcd-nations-customs treatment by U.S., 294
Polic)' Planning Staff, see State Department, U.S.
Politburo, vSoviet, W2, in2
Index
Fopovic, X'ladimir (Koca), 312
P()[)c)\ ic, Madame, 312
Population, 85, 86; in Britain, 265, 266
Potsdam conference, 329
Vravda, 42, 44, 45, 152; attacks GFK for
Tempelliof interview, 162 Presidium, Soviet Central Committee,
'52
Price, Don, 9
Priestley, J. H., 10in
Princeton, New Jersey: Kcnnan family iiome in, 62, 77; Tito visits, 314-315
Princeton University, 12, 61; GFK a trustee of, 8, 197-, Tito visits, 314-315. See also Institute for Advanced Study
Propaganda, Soviet, 122-123; "^^^ American aggrcssixe aims in Europe (1950s), 134-'35' 138-139. 345- -5^^ also Anti-Americanism
Proxmire, William, 293-294, 299, 300-302
Public Law 480, see Food for Peace program
Pulitzer Prize, 12
Purge trials, Russia 1930s, 149
Rapacki, Adam, his atom-frec-zonc proposal, 241
Rashin, North Korea, 24, 92, 93
Realities of American Foreign Policy (GFK lecture), 12
Rearmament, 138; German, 238, 243, 249; and NATO, 335-336, 348-350; Soviet \iew, 341-344, 346
Reber, Samuel, 250
Refugees, Communist in U.S., 8-9, 97-99; motives of, 97-98; influence in Washington, 98-99, 286-287; GFK's view, 99-101; and "liberationist" thesis, 101-102; in GFK's Scranton speech, 172-174
Reinhardt, G. Frederick, 27-28, 31
Reith Lectures, 12, 229-266; importance attached to, 230-231; subject matter, 231, 237-238; problems of preparation, 232; strain of rehearsal and delivery, 232-234; public reception, 234-237; German problem, 238-244, 249-255; nuclear arms race, 238-242; and nuclear deterrence, 244-247; and question of I'uropcan securit)' by conventional arms, 247-249; response to CjFK's proposal for (ierman neutralization and CJontinental defense, 249-255, 268; CjI'K's repl\' to critics of,
256; GFK's perspective on, 256-261; usefulness and timing of, 260-261; failure from standpoint of response, 261; John Kenned\''s praise for, 267, 267n-268n; and "Disengagement Re-\isited"' {I'oreign Affairs article), 268
Reporter, 236
Republic, S.S., 170
Resources, see l.nvironment
Rockefeller Foundation, 79
Rogers, William P., 211-212
Roman Catholic Church, 286
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 191, 194, 202,
22 I
Rougemont, Denis de, 252 Ruby, Jack, 196 Rumania, 241, 258, 283 Rusk, Dean, 32, 313 Russell, Bertrand, 12, 230 Russia, see Soviet Union Russia and the West binder Lenin and Stalin (GFK Oxford lectures), 12,
23 in
Russia Leaves the War (Kennan), 12, 16 Russian Division, Department of State,
see State Department, U.S. Russian Revolution, 47, 96, 277 Russo-Japanese War, 47 Ruthenia, 97
Sainte Alliance, la, Aron's term, 254
Salisbury, Harrison: his Nine Hundred Days, 96n; New York Times correspondent in Moscow, 126
Sarajevo, 271
Sava River, 271
SCAP (MacArthur's headquarters), 54
Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr., 9
Schmidt, Carlo, 251-252
Schufeldt, Commander Robert W., 47
Schuman, Robert, 59
Scientific Advisory Committee, U.S. government, 20, 2 i
Scranton, Pennsylvania, GFK speech at, 171-173, 210; media response to, 173-174; and Dulles, 174-176
Second World War, 48, 192, 327-328; U.S. peace treaty with Japan, 39-41, 44; pr()-So\ iet euphoria in U.S. following, 91
Secret police, Moscow, 117
Senate, U.S., 106, 181; Foreign Relations (Committee, 106, 174, 175, 180, 218; and Dulles, 175-176, 183; failure of to cope with McC/.irthy, 226-227; -^"^ ^^^ ^^
365
Yugoslavia, 293, 303. See also Congress, U.S.
Seoul, Korea, 33
Serbia, 270, 271, 273, 285; refugees from in U.S., 286; U.S. commercial treaty with, 295-296, 313
Service, John Stewart, 215-218, 221
Shvernik, Nikolai, 119-120, 149
Sino-Soviet treaty (1950), 43-44; and Japanese peace treaty (1948), 44
Sinyavski, Andrei, 87
Skoplje, Yugoslavia, earthquake, 311-312
Slovenes, 270
Smith, Janet, 13-14
Smith, Margaret Chase, 226
Smoot-Hawley Tariff, 296
Solarium Exercise, 181-182
Soldatic, Dalibor, 312
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, 87
"Sources of Soviet Conduct, The" (Ken-nan), see "X-articles"
Sourwine, J. G., 210
South America, 196, 226. See also Latin America
South Korea, 23, 34, 37, 48, 339; and American military bases in Japan, 43. See also Korean War
Southeast Asia, 54, 58-60, 268; GFK memo on, 59
Soviet-American relations, 288; GFK's writings on, 10-12; and Korean War, 24, 26-31, 44n, 90-94; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 39-43, 44n, 45-46, 49-50, 121; and military neutralization of Korea and Japan, 50-52; and cold war, 90-104; view of democracy in, 96-97; GFK's view of (1950-1951), 102-104; and disarmament negotiations, 107-109; and German reunification, 108-109, 242; and Korean armistice negotiations, 108-109; in Kennan-Shvernik private talk, 120-121; and peaceful coexistence, 120-121; and NATO, 137-142, 238, 327-351; and balance between military and political considerations, 140-142; and American bases near Soviet borders, 141-143; GFK's remarks at London conference (1952), 160-162; in GFK's Scranton speech (1952), 171-175; and U.S. policy of 1921-1933, 172; and Dulles, 178, 184; and Solarium Exercise, 181-182; and American Communists, 193; in GFK's Rcith Lectures, 231, 236-238
Soviet bloc, see Communist bloc Soviet Foreign Office, 122, 146-148, 160; and GFK's ouster from Moscow, 163-.65 Soviet Union, 6-7, 13; and Korean War, 24, 26-29, 31-32, 35-37, 39, 41, 44n, 51, 91-93, 338; and World War II peace treaty with Japan, 39, 41-42, 44-45; and security of northwestern Pacific, 40, 42, 45; and American military bases in Japan, 43-45; and China, 43, 55; and Korea, 47-49; respect for "private negotiations," 50-51, 124; and Japanese security, 52; and cold war, 90-104; postwar military strength, 91-92, 327, 330-331, 336, 343; internal problems, 92, 123-125, 327; GFK memo (August 14, 1950) re possible expansion of Korean hostilities, 93-95; and possibility of war with
U.S. (1950s), 93-97, 134-135, 136-137,
139-140, 328-329, 331-334; territorial behavior, 95-96, 96n, 328; and "libera-tionists" in U.S., 97-99, 150; liberalization of policy, 103-104; GFK ambassador to, 105-144; and German unification, 108-109, 242-243; hostility and suspicion toward ambassador, 114; Foreign Office, 122, 146-148, 160, 163-165; anti-Americanism, 123-125; postwar recovery, 126-128, 327; U.S. military intelligence in, 135-136; and
NATO, 137-142, 152-153, 327-351; sensitivity to territorial integrity, 141-143, 344; U.S. policy toward (1921-1933), 172; and GFK's Reith Lectures, 231, 237; economic progress, 237, 327; leadership, 237-238; and Third World, 238; and nuclear disarmament, 239, 241; and missile race, 240; as political threat to Western Europe, 248; and mutual disengagement from a reunified Europe, 254, 257; ground forces in Europe, 257-258; and Yugoslavia, 277-283, 285, 295; and Albania, 281; nuclear capability, 288; industrialization and modernization, 327-328; reasons for desire for peace, post-World War II, 327-328; strategy in relation to capitalist powers, 329-330; "partial war" concept, 329, 333, 335, 339, 351; view concerning civil war, 339; confusing aspects of attitudes of, 340-341; policy formulation, 341-343; restraint in foreign policy, 344, 349; and di-
index
Soviet Union {cont.)
ploniacv with West, 344-345. Sec also Son iet-American relations
So\ ieti/.ation, 332
Spanish-American War, 72
Spaso Iloiise, Moscow ambassadorial residence, 112-113, ii4n, ii5-ii7;thc servants, 112, 114-115, 117-119; the guards, 113-114, 116; GFK's isolation in, 115-116, 157-159; "hugging" of,
'53-'57^
Spender, Stepiien, H
Sputnik, 240
Stalin, Jozcf, 39, 43, 50-51, 99, 107, 126; equated with Hitler b)' Pentagon (1950s), 90, 92; and expansion of Korean hostilities into wider war, 94, 94n-, and peaceful coexistence, 121-, and GFK, 121-122, 150-151; and anti-American campaign of 1952, 124-125; detachment from people and Party (1952), 131-134; suspicion of foreigners, 145, 149-151; death of, 150, 180, 187, 278; and Part\- congress (1952), 151, 152; "papers on economics," 169; and Tito, 277, 278, 296; quoted on expectation of resistence from dying capitalism, 338
State Department, U.S., 3, 4, 41, 135, 292; P()lic\- Planning Staff, 13, 70, 189, 197, 201, 209; and Korean War, 24-32, 33; Far F^astcrn Division, 40; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 40-42; and military intelligence in Moscow, 136; and GFK's reassignment after ouster from Moscow, 170-171; and GFK's speech before Pennsylvania Bar Association, 171, 174; and Dulles, 174-177, 183-184, 188-189; GFK's retirement from, 175-180, 187-189; and "McCarthyism," 183-219, 227; Russian Division, 191, 19111; investigations of Communist penetration of, 191-192, 196-197, 202, 205, 207-208, 211-2 15, 226; and Davics case, 204-208, 212-213; Loyalty Board, 207-208, 215-217; and CjFK's appearance before McCarran Committee, 210-2II; and investigation of John S. Service, 215-218; and Yugoslavia, 293, 298, 299, 306; liaison with C>)ngress, 298; and Tito's U.S. visit (196?), :? i ^
Stiluell, Cieneral Joseph W., 201
Stimson, I Ienr\', 321
Strossma\er, Bishop, 271
Sue/ crisis, 184 Sumadija, 271 SummitrN', 238 Sweden, 25011 Sw irzcrland, 2 5on
Taiwan, see I'ormosa
Fcciinical assistance, to Yugosla\ ia, 284
Tempelhof airport, Berlin, 158-159, 162-
163, 165,179 Third AV'orld, 238, 255, 268n, 308 38tii parallel, Korea, 23, 25, 26, 37-38, 48 linie magazine, 209 Time-Life, 100
Tito, Josip Broz, 98, 275, 308; GFK and, 276-278, 308, 312; described, 276-277; as prodigal son of Communist movement, 277-279; and Khrushchev, 279; iVIoscow visit (1962), 279-280, 306-307; and American-Yugoslav relations, 280, 282, 285; Proxmire's in-\ectives against, 300-301; and GFK's suggestions for U.S.-YugosIav relations, 308-310; U.S. visit (1963), 313-318; hostility against in U.S., 314-315; White House visit, 315-316 Tito, Mrs., see Broz, Mrs. 7Ogliatti, Palmiro, 94n Tolstoi, Aleksandra Lvovna, 129 Tolstoi, Lev, 129-130; his Resurrection,
'31
Tolstoi, Sof)'a Andreevna, 129
Tolstoi estate, near Tula, 128
Tower, John G., 289
Toynbee, Arnold, 230
Trade, U.S.: with Korea, 47; Chinese, 107; with Yugoslavia, 284, 289-291, 293-296, 299-305; most-favored-nation status, 294, 295, 296, 299, 303
Trade I'xpansion Bill (1962), 293, 294; and most-favored-nation clause, 294, 295, 296, 299, 303-305
Trieste, 273; agreement, 281
Truman, Harrv S., 4, 144, 170, 179, 184; and (General MacArthur, 25, 35; and Korean conflict, 33, 34, 38; and GFK's ambassadorsiiip to Moscow, 105, 106, 107, 166; GFK's diary notes on, 107; and 1952 elections, 168; GFK's courtesy call upon after return from Moscow, 170; and Alger Hiss investigation, 195; and "McCartliN'ism," 227; and foreign polic)', 321
Tucker, Robert C, 131
hide.
367
Fula Oblasr,
TurkcN', I ;4
28-129
"Udki.-Ural," 9911
Ukraine, 97, 9S
Underdeveloped countries, sec Third World
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), sec Soviet Union
United Nations, 71, 172, 218; and Korean War, 24, 27, 30, 34, 36, 37, 339; police action in Korea, 45-46; and Chinese Communist regime, 54, 57, 58; disarmament discussions, 108
United States, 61-89, 328; and Korean War, 23-38; and Japanese peace treaty, post-World War II, 39-41, 44; and militar\' l)ases in Japan, 39-45, 52-53; and Far East policy (pre-W'orld War II), 47-49; GFK's impressions of life in (1952), 73-74, 80-86; possible war with Russia, 91-97, 134-137, 139-140; wartime emotionalism, 94-95; Communist refugees in, 97-99, 150; policy position vis-a-vis Soviets, (1952) 108-110, (1921-1933) 172; German policy (1952), 108-109, 161; nuclear policy, iio-iii, 239, 244-246, 338; aggressive aims (Soviet view-in 1950s), 134-135; military preparations in Europe, 134-137, 139-143; military attaches in Moscow, 135-136; and NATO, 137-142, 239, 327-351; 1952 elections, 169-170; and disengagement from Europe, 249-261 pas-ji?;;; relations with Yugoslavia, 280-285; aid to Yugoslavia, 283-284; anti-Yugoslav sentiment in, 285-291, 296-297, 307; misconceptions concerning Yugoslavia, 288-289, 300; and trade with \'ugoslavia, 294-296, 299, 309-310
United States foreign polic)', see ¥ot-eign polic)', U.S.
United States Information Service, 274-275. 282
United States Relations with Cl?ina (China White Paper), 201 n
Universit)' of Chicago Press, 76. See also Chicago, University of
Urbanization, 85
U.S. Navy, 43
U.S. News & World Report, 43, 44; and Davies case, 211, 212
U.S.-Serbian commercial treaty (1881), 295-296, 313
U.S.-Soviet relations, sec Soviet-American relations
U.S. State Department, sec State Department, U.S.
U.S.-Yugoslav relations, see Yugoslav-American relations
U-2 episode, 143
\'ic;roRV Day (1945), 151, 15211, 162 X'ietcong, 256 X'iet-.Minh, 59 X'ietnam, 59, 95, 99, 308 Vietnam \\'ar, 60 Vladivostok, 24, 47, 92 W)ice of America, i56n, 282 V^ojvodina River, 271 \^olga-Don Canal, 132
Wake Island, Truman-Mac Arthur meeting at, 25
Walgreen (Charles B.) Foundation, 72
War College, see National War College
Warren Commission, i96n
\\'arsaw Pact, 281, 285, 309
W^ashington, 61, 65, 170; influence of Communist refugees, 98-99; Tito visits, 315-316
Washington Post and Times Herald, 173-174, 236; GFK's letter to on Yugoslav situation (1962), 302
Washington Star, 174
A\'ebb, James, 27
Wedgwood, C. Veronica, 13
West Berlin, 158-159, 162-163. ^^^ ^^^^ Berlin
AYestern F.urope, 152-153, 156, 202; Soviets as political threat to, 248; Soviet ground force in, 257-258; and postwar Soviet strategy, 329-334. Sec also Europe; NATO
Western Germany, 108-109, 134-135, 158-159, 260; rearmament, 238, 249; and NA'FO, 142, 238, 240, 241, 242, 260; and nuclear weapons, 241; economic and military alignment with West, 260. See also Germany
Wliite, Colonel William T., 312'
White Mouse, 1 ito visits, 315-316
Whitnc)-, Thomas P., 125, 128
Williamsburg, Va., 313-314
Wilson, Woodrow, 183
Wilson (Woodrow) Foundation, 9
hhicw
Wisconsin, 61, 223 W'olfcrs, Arnold, 250 Woodward, Sir Llewellyn, 17 World War I, sec First \\^)rld \\'ar World War II, sec Second \\'orld \\'ar
"X-ARTicLLS," Kennan: first ("Sources of Soviet Conduct"), 7, 260-261; second, 9, 102
Vai.k University, 267
Yalta Conference, 193, 221, 329
\a\u River, 25, 30, 49, 92, 93
^'asna\ a Polyana, 129
Vokosuka military base, Japan, 43
York, PcnnsN'lvania, 66, 78
Yoshida, Zengo, 43
Yugoslav-American relations, 280, 307, 316; backgrountl of, 281-285; and Communist refugees in U.S., 286-287; and uniqueness of Yugoslavia among bloc nations, 288-289; and foreign aid bill of 1962, 293-306; and President Kennedy, 294, 299, 304, 308, 316; after passage of Trade Expansion Rill (1962), 307-311; GFK's outline for improvement in, 308-310; and Tito's U.S. visit, 313-315
^'ugoslavia, 49, 134, 166, 227, 229, 267-291, 292-318; political neutralization of, 241; GFK offered ambassadorship to, 267-269, 319; Kennan family's ar-
rival in, 269; GFK's view of tour of duty, 269-270; sights and sounds of, 270-274; embassy staff, 274-275; GFK relationship with officials, 275-276, 306-308; wariness toward foreigners, 275-276; and Soviet Union, 277-283, 285, 295, 309; relations with West, 278, 281-283; Communist Party of, 279; and Warsaw Pact, 281, 285, 309; economic tics with West, 281, 307, 310; Army, 281; internal institutions, 282, 309; constitution, 282; and U.S. aid and assistance, 283-284, 293-294; wheat sales to U.S., 284, 294; and U.S. Congress, 285-299; target of U.S. anti-communism, 288, 307, 314; U.S. sale of surplus fighter planes to, 289-291, 300; and Captive Nations Resolution (1959), 292-293; most-favored-nations trade status, 294, 295, 296, 299, 303, 306, 313, 315; and Senator Proxmire, 300-302; GFK's letter to New York Times on, 301-302; GFK's letter to Washington Post (1962), 302; GFK decides to leave, 305-307; GFK's c\ aluation of N'ears spent in, 311-312
Za(;ri:h, 271
Zhdanov, Andrei A., 133
Zhenya, 4
Zica, 274
Zurich, 251
continued from front flap
And Kennan speaks eloquently and critically of the last two ambassadorships he was to hold: the Russian post in the final hours of the Truman administration, from which he was abruptly released by the Soviets as persona non grata; and the Yugoslavian post under Kennedy. Throughout George Kennan confronts the questions of foreign policy which haunted and still haunt the United States: military dominance of foreign affairs; U.S. insistence on complete victory in conflict; the intransigence of the Soviet-American relationship; and the frequently appalling misconceptions held by Congress and the American public about foreign policy.
For its portraits of Truman, Eisenhower, Acheson, J. Robert Oppenheimer, Tito, Stalin, John Foster Dulles, McCarthy and others, and for its incisive analysis of the crucial issues of the twentieth century, George Kennan's MEMOIRS 1950-1963 stands as an extraordinary political document as well as a distinguished American autobiography.
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Jacket photo by George Tames