CHAPTER TEN
Forgiveness at Nickel Mines
The acid of hate destroys the container.
—AMISH FARMER
To err is human; to forgive, divine.” These well-known words from the English poet Alexander Pope strike many as the right way to think about forgiveness: as something good but almost impossible to do. For that reason, many people found the Amish almost saintly for their expressions of forgiveness at Nickel Mines. A local dentist, expressing Pope’s idea without the poetic refinement, put it like this: “ Those Amish people—they impress the bejeebers out of me!”
Although forgiveness earned the Amish high praise, it also brought them criticism. The act of forgiveness did not take the crime seriously enough, said some. It was offered too quickly, said others. It repressed natural and necessary emotions, claimed a third chorus of voices.
These complaints raise important questions: What exactly is forgiveness? How do we know if someone has really forgiven someone else? Do the words I forgive you mean that forgiveness has happened, or is more required? What are the conditions, if any, for granting forgiveness? Is it possible to forgive someone who does not apologize—like a gunman who shoots your children and then takes his own life?
What Is Forgiveness?
Forgiveness is a concept that everyone understands—until they’re asked to define it. Many Christians say that people should forgive because God forgave them. The Amish say that people should forgive so that God will forgive them. But those statements point to theological motivations for offering forgiveness; they do not define what forgiveness is. Others argue that forgiveness brings emotional healing to the forgiving person, but this psychological motive for forgiveness also fails to define forgiveness.
In recent years, psychologists such as Robert D. Enright and Everett L. Worthington Jr. have helped to define forgiveness and examine its effects. As a result of their clinical research, both Enright and Worthington have come to believe that forgiveness is good for the person who offers it, reducing “anger, depression, anxiety, and fear” and affording “cardiovascular and immune system benefits.” To make that claim, however, they’ve needed to clarify what forgiveness is—and what it is not.
Enright, in his book Forgiveness Is a Choice, uses philosopher Joanna North’s definition of forgiveness: “When unjustly hurt by another, we forgive when we overcome the resentment toward the offender, not by denying our right to the resentment, but instead by trying to offer the wrongdoer compassion, benevolence, and love.” In Enright’s view, this definition highlights three essential aspects of forgiveness: that the offense is taken seriously (“the offense was unfair and will always continue to be unfair”), that victims have “a moral right to anger,” and that for forgiveness to take place, victims must “give up” their right to anger and resentment. In sum, forgiveness is “a gift to our offender,” who may not necessarily deserve it.
Forgiveness, then, is both psychological and social: psychological because the forgiver is personally changed by the release of resentment, and social because forgiveness involves another person. That other person, the wrongdoer, may or may not change as a result of the forgiveness. In fact, Enright and many other scholars argue that forgiveness does not and should not depend on the remorse or apology of the offender. Rather, forgiveness is unconditional, an unmerited gift that replaces negative feelings toward the wrongdoer with love and generosity. “In spite of everything that the offender has done,” writes Enright, forgiveness means treating the offender “as a member of the human community.”
There are certain things, however, that forgiveness does not mean. Partly in response to their critics, forgiveness advocates have developed a long list of things that forgiveness is not: it is not pretending that a wrong did not occur, it is not forgetting that it happened, and it is not condoning or excusing it. To the contrary, “forgiveness means admitting that what was done was wrong and should not be repeated.” Similarly, forgiveness is not the same thing as pardon. In other words, granting forgiveness does not mean that the wrongdoer is now free from suffering the disciplinary consequences of his or her actions (for example, legal or other forms of discipline).
Finally, forgiveness should not be confused with reconciliation—the restoring of a relationship. That’s because “reconciliation requires a renewal of trust, and sometimes that is not possible.” Forgiveness may open the door to reconciliation, and in some ways is a prerequisite for reconciliation, but a victim may forgive an offender without reconciliation taking place. For instance, a victim of domestic abuse may forgive her abuser but at the same time seek legal means to keep him at a distance. Forgiveness advocates such as Enright even argue that forgiving a dead person is both possible and appropriate, even though reconciliation cannot take place in such cases.
These ideas suggest that some of the reactions to Amish forgiveness at Nickel Mines resulted from mistaken, or at least questionable, assumptions about forgiveness. For instance, when one columnist asked, “Why Do the Amish Ignore Reality?” she assumed something that all forgiveness advocates would challenge: that forgiveness means pretending an evil did not occur. Anglican Bishop N. T. Wright likewise challenges the notion that forgiveness implies indifference. “Forgiveness doesn’t mean ‘I didn’t really mind’ or ‘It didn’t really matter,’” says Wright. “I did mind and it did matter; otherwise there wouldn’t be anything to forgive at all.”
Other critiques of the Amish response were more formidable than the suggestion that they “ignored reality.” The problem wasn’t that the Amish offered forgiveness, some remarked; it was that they offered it too quickly. Others suggested that the speed with which forgiveness was offered stifled healthy emotions. For instance, one observer reduced the Amish reaction to one sentence: “They have responded to the massacre of their innocents by repeating that the Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away”—charging the Amish with substituting trite theological mantras for heartfelt grief. In reality, however, the Amish emotional response was much more complex than this one-sentence summary. Similarly, their gift of forgiveness was not as quick or as easy as some commentators thought.
Amish Anger?
It hardly makes sense to talk about forgiveness unless anger or other negative emotions arise from an offense. Did the Amish feel anger toward Charles Roberts? Did they feel anger toward his family and friends? Some commentaries implied that they did not. “I would not want to be like them, reacting to terrible crimes with dispassion,” wrote Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe. “How many of us would really want to live in a society in which no one gets angry when children are slaughtered?”
Jacoby’s critique was more spirited than most, but it was not unique. Moreover, he did not make up this notion of a mild Amish response. On Wednesday morning, two days after the shooting, a Mennonite nurse-midwife close to some of the grieving families told NBC’s Today Show that one of the slain girls’ mothers had already forgiven Roberts. “She holds no ill will toward the shooter,” reported Rita Rhoads. “Even last night [Tuesday night] there was no anger toward the shooter.” An Amish woman living in Georgetown said, “I just shiver when I think what would have happened if we had been angry at the firehouse, the funerals, or the burials. It was not a choice we made at the time to not be angry. The emotions of deep hurt and sadness along with the tears of grief snuffed out the feelings of anger. Love was something I felt a lot more than anger.”
Is it possible that some of the families most affected by the shooting felt absolutely no anger? Some of our interviews suggest that this may have been the case. “There was never a time that I felt angry,” the father of one slain girl told us. “It’s been a very hard experience, but I don’t hold any hard feelings against anyone, not against the killer or anybody in his family.” Citing a newspaper article he read about a non-Amish family that “spouted hateful things” for years after a family member’s murder, this grieving parent concluded that “anger helps no one and simply makes the bearer of the anger feel worse.”
In other interviews we did hear Amish people admit to angry feelings at the time of the shooting and in the months that followed. Typically, however, the killer was not identified as the target of the rage. Sylvia, for instance, spoke of the anger she felt when she attended the viewing for Naomi Rose, the youngest victim. “She was just so beautiful. It really made me angry. I wasn’t angry at Charles; I was mad that she was dead, just mad at the evil.” Her husband concurred: “I am angry at the evil and at how much suffering the evil caused because of sin.” The couple went on to tell of a time, several months after the shooting, when the father got mad at his son for failing to clean up some tools in the shop. “You were really angry,” said his wife, “and I think it was because of October 2nd.” In fact, she said, “I think sometimes you get more angry now because of all the emotion related to the shooting.”
These comments illustrate what psychologists call displacement: the redirection of one’s feelings to an alternate target. It’s a coping mechanism that is hardly unique to the Amish. As these comments show, some anger was part of the Amish experience, but it was often deflected or otherwise constrained. In some cases, Amish persons we interviewed did connect the offense and the person who committed it. Still, compared with the way many Americans express their rage, Amish anger was always carefully controlled. And it was expressed in a uniquely Amish manner, as in one elder’s refusal to use the term evil to describe the gunman. “It would be better to say he was overcome by evil,” he told us, speaking softly and with no visible hint of anger. “He was overcome by Satan, by evil, but he was not an evil man.”
Psychologists have long observed that both the experience and the expression of emotions are shaped by cultural conditioning. This is true even of anger. “People get angry and interpret [anger] according to the culture in which they live,” write scholars Eric Shiraev and David Levy in their book Cross-Cultural Psychology. In collectivist cultures, which stress the goals and identities of communities at the expense of individual freedoms, anger “is seen as an emotion of disengagement from the society” and is therefore discouraged. In individualist societies, on the other hand, tolerance for anger is much higher because people “recognize other people’s rights to independence and self-expression.” This description helps to explain why some outsiders considered the Amish community’s emotional response inappropriately mild. Judging Amish emotions by American cultural norms, they found the restrained Amish response unnatural and therefore inappropriate.
Unnatural or not, the Amish restraint at Nickel Mines reflected typical Amish views of anger. For the Amish, anger is a dangerous emotion. In fact, one Amish magazine illustrated a series of essays on anger with a diamond-shaped warning sign containing the words “Danger Zone.” Of course, to call anger dangerous does not say whether or not it is acceptable to feel angry. Although every Amish person we interviewed admitted that Amish people do get angry, we received mixed responses when we asked whether it was OK to be angry. Mary told us, “Feelings of anger are not a bad thing,” a view that’s supported by Putting Off Anger, a popular booklet in some Amish communities. The booklet’s author, John Coblentz, describes anger as an involuntary emotion that is “part of the human experience.” Citing Jesus, Moses, and other biblical figures who experienced anger, Coblentz says the Bible forbids only the “destructive words and actions provoked by anger,” not anger itself.
But not every Amish person we interviewed was so willing to condone angry feelings. Demonstrating the literalism with which the Amish approach the Sermon on the Mount, Bishop Eli reminded us that, in Matthew 5, Jesus equated anger with murder. “Anger is not OK,” he concluded, “but it does happen. The main thing is not to carry a grudge.”
Indeed, the most consistent Amish view of anger is that nursing grudges is wrong. Scholars who study forgiveness often make the distinction between anger, the first response to hurt, and resentment, continually “re-feeling the original anger.” The Amish make the same distinction. They may disagree among themselves about whether initial angry feelings are acceptable, but they agree that angry reactions are wrong, as is resentment and harboring bitterness in one’s heart. Sylvia’s husband put it this way: “We say, ‘It’s OK to get angry, but don’t hit the horse or kick the dog or punch your brother.’” Gid spoke for many about the problem of nursing angry feelings: “If I hold a grudge for one day, it is bad. If I hold it for two days, it’s worse. If I hold a grudge for a year, then that man [Roberts] is controlling my life. Why not just let go of the grudge now?”
Gid’s question is a good one, though even Amish people will admit it is not easy to release a grudge. “Forgiveness is something that’s easier said than done,” Mary confessed. “We know we’re supposed to do it. In the Bible it says we should do it. But when we’re tested and tried, it’s not always easy to forgive.” A retired farmer used warfare metaphors to describe how hard it is for some Amish to forgive. “We have a battle with it,” he told us. “We have to really fight the tendency not to forgive.” Of course, the Amish have a very strong theological motivation to move beyond resentment, a point he quickly added: “We can’t be forgiven if we don’t forgive, you know, so we really try hard to overcome that.”
Instant Forgiveness?
Some reports suggested that the Nickel Mines Amish were not angry after the shooting, and indeed some of our conversations, even with parents who lost daughters, confirmed that fact. On the other hand, some Amish people continued to wrestle with bitter feelings months later. Given the horrible nature of the killer’s actions, it’s not surprising that these feelings lingered. But it does raise a crucial question: Did the Amish really forgive the killer after the shooting? That’s what the media suggested. Did the media get it right?
As we consider that question, it’s important to highlight once again the collectivist nature of Amish society. Most studies of forgiveness take an individualistic approach to it: an individual victim gets hurt, experiences negative feelings, and has a choice to forgive. This is how most Americans think about forgiveness: it’s something the victim does, or does not do, to his or her offender. In fact, some who have pondered the meaning of forgiveness argue that only the victim can forgive the evildoer.
This raises an important issue. All of our references to Amish forgiveness at Nickel Mines pertain to Amish adults. Because we did not seek access to the surviving schoolchildren, we know relatively little about their response to the horror they faced on October 2. We do know that Amish families sought help from English mental health professionals to talk with their children about the trauma they experienced. Even so, the challenge of navigating the emotional fallout remains. “We’re not sure what to tell our boys,” confessed one parent. “We don’t really talk with them about forgiveness.”
Implicit in this parent’s confession is an important truth: the responsibility to forgive Charles Roberts was not assigned to the schoolchildren or even to their families but was embraced by the entire Amish community. Indeed, because of their collectivist nature, the Amish would never place the responsibility to forgive an offense of this magnitude on the principal victims alone. Clearly the primary victims at Nickel Mines were the persons Roberts accosted in the schoolhouse, but the Amish of Nickel Mines also knew that their entire community was wounded in Roberts’s rampage; they understood forgiveness as a community responsibility, not as the exclusive task of the individuals most directly affected. Mose confirmed this when he responded to one of our questions. “When the men went to see Amy Roberts on the evening of the shooting, were they extending forgiveness on behalf of the entire Amish community or just speaking for themselves?” we asked. His answer was clear: “They were speaking for the whole community.” Other Amish people agreed.
This is one more example of mutual aid among the Amish. As anyone who has seen the movie Witness can attest, barn raisings are a striking example of Amish mutual aid: dozens of people complete a project that would take an individual family weeks or even months. But mutual aid happens in far less visible ways too as church members help one another through difficult times. In the case of the shooting, the Amish helped one another forgive Charles Roberts. At the very least, they helped one another tell the Roberts family their intention to forgive.
Therefore, did the media get it right? Did the Nickel Mines Amish really forgive Roberts within twenty-four hours of the shooting? If forgiveness is defined as forgoing the right to revenge, the Amish clearly forgave Roberts immediately. If forgiveness also includes overcoming resentment and replacing it with love, then the answer must be yes and no. As we’ve noted, some bitter feelings lingered. Nonetheless, the community’s commitment to forgive had been set long before Charles Roberts entered the schoolhouse, and therefore the Amish could declare immediately their intention to forgive.
Their verbal declaration was soon accompanied by small but noteworthy acts of grace: hugs between Amish people and members of the Roberts family, the presence of Amish families at Roberts’s burial, and Amish contributions to the Roberts Family Fund. Of course, these gracious actions were expressed not to Roberts directly but to his surviving family. Still, they were an outgrowth of forgiving Roberts himself. Gracious words came first, quickly followed by gracious acts—words and acts offered in good faith that kind feelings would eventually replace bitter ones.
All of this falls in line with the research of Everett L. Worthington, who has identified two types of forgiveness: decisional and emotional. Decisional forgiveness is a personal commitment to control negative behavior, even if negative emotions continue. “Decisional forgiveness,” writes Worthington, “promises not to act in revenge or avoidance, but it doesn’t necessarily make a person feel less unforgiving.” Worthington, a Christian, connects decisional forgiveness to two biblical passages that are central to Amish thinking about forgiveness: the Lord’s Prayer in Matthew 6 (“forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors”) and the parable of the unforgiving servant in Matthew 18. Emotional forgiveness, on the other hand, happens when negative emotions—resentment, hostility, and even hatred—are replaced by positive feelings. Thus, forgiveness is both a short-term act and a long-term process, but as Worthington points out, the two are connected. The initial decision to forgive may spark the emotional change. A decision to forgive does not mean a victim has erased bitter emotions, but it does mean that emotional transformation is more likely to follow.
The Amish at Nickel Mines would not use academic phrases such as decisional forgiveness to name what they did after the shooting, but we think the term helps to explain the media reports of that week. An Amish man, interviewed less than forty-eight hours after his granddaughters had been shot, was asked if he had forgiven. “In my heart, yes,” was his simple reply. With these four words, a grieving Amish grandfather expressed his commitment to do something that God expected him to do, a commitment embedded in the history and spirituality of the Amish church. Still, as Gid told us, this commitment to forgive was only the first step. “I’m concerned these families will struggle with the forgiveness issue for a long time. They will have to forgive again and again and again, and accept [the loss] again and again.”
Gid was actually struggling with resentment himself, which surfaced because his twelve-year-old son had recently dreamed of an armed intruder entering their home. The boy’s nightmare “really torqued me up again about the Nickel Mines shooting,” the minister confessed. “I had to forgive Roberts all over again.” His wife concurred: “Regardless of how many times you forgive, forgiveness must be practiced again and again.” For the Amish, this insight comes not from clinical research but rather from experience—and also from the Bible. Invoking Jesus’ instructions to Peter to forgive his brother seventy times seven, one Amish writer counseled his readers to forgive their offenders “repeatedly, unceasingly.” Only then, he concluded, can “the broken relationships that threaten to destroy our families, our churches, our communities, and ourselves” be healed.
“ Forgiving ” the Killer’s Family
As we recounted in Chapter Four, the Amish forgave not only the killer but the Roberts family as well in the days following the shooting. Like other observers at the time, we found these particular references to forgiveness perplexing. The Roberts family was not responsible for the shooting; in fact, they were victims of the gunman’s actions too. They were casualties of a different sort than the schoolgirls, to be sure, but they were victims nonetheless. We later learned that the killer’s wife found the reports about “forgiving the family” cause for some chagrin. “She had no culpability,” one of her friends told us. “She was a victim and didn’t do anything to harm anyone.”
What meanings were embedded in the forgiveness the Amish offered to the Roberts family? First, some Amish people used forgiveness as a blanket term—something they wanted to express toward the killer. With Roberts dead, they transferred some of their forgiveness, which they felt duty-bound to extend, to the family, which became a surrogate recipient of their forgiveness for the killer. Second, many Amish people realized that the Roberts family would feel shame for what their family member had done. A parent of a slain child said, “The pain of the killer’s parents is ten times my pain. You would just feel terrible if you were the parent of a killer.” Thus some used the words we forgive you to mean “we feel sorry for you.” In that respect, we forgive you doubled as an expression of sympathy for a grief- and shame-stricken family that was also victimized by the school shooting.
There was one additional meaning of the forgiveness granted to the Roberts family by their Amish neighbors. It was, we believe, the primary meaning: despite the evil your family member enacted on our children, we will do our best not to hold a grudge against you. Strictly speaking, the gift of forgiveness can be given only to someone who has perpetrated a wrong. As we’ve noted, however, the most widely held understanding of forgiveness—in the Amish world and beyond—is refusing to hold a grudge. Realizing that tragedies can quickly spawn bitter feelings, and knowing how easily bitterness can be heaped onto scapegoats, the gift of forgiveness to the Roberts family was the Amish way of saying they would seek to keep bitterness at bay.
In sum, the Amish response to the Roberts family was about tending relationships. In the small-town world of southern Lancaster County, relationships between the Roberts family and their Amish neighbors had existed long before the October 2006 shooting. The words we forgive you were a promise to the Roberts family that, in the aftermath of this horrific event, the Amish community would seek to maintain those relationships and not focus their feelings of anger on the gunman’s family. It may be too early to know whether that promise will be fully kept, but the gracious acts that followed their words indicated that many Amish people would work hard to make it happen.
The Question of Self-Respect
Our final reflection on Amish forgiveness extends far beyond the events at Nickel Mines and far beyond the Amish themselves. Some critics have suggested that forgiveness can be a self-loathing act wrapped in sentimental garb. Jeffrie G. Murphy, for instance, has argued that vindictiveness, while a dangerous passion, has too often received “bad press.” Murphy contends that some vindictive feelings reflect a healthy degree of self-respect.
This critique goes to the heart of forgiveness. If forgiveness means giving up resentment that one has every right to feel, then forgiveness is by definition self-renouncing. The question Murphy raises, then, is really this: When does self-renunciation become emotionally damaging to a forgiving person? This complicated question cannot be answered in a few short paragraphs. Suffice it to say that Murphy’s observations are important, and that we agree that there are times when self-renunciation is an improper response to evil.
There have been times in Amish life when the church’s understanding of forgiveness has led to sad consequences and multiplied the pain of victims. In 2005, the periodical Legal Affairs published an account of sexual abuse in several Amish communities, abuse typically perpetrated by the fathers and brothers of young girls. In addition to detailing the abuse, author Nadya Labi records the actions—or in many cases the inactions—of Amish church leaders. In particular, Labi cites the leaders’ willingness to “forgive” the abusers, which in Labi’s article means pardoning offenders who acknowledge their sins and verbalize remorse. In these cases, Labi writes, the Amish “ethic of forgive and forget” often enables offenders to continue their abusive practices.
We explore disciplinary procedures within the Amish church in more detail in Chapter Eleven. Ideally, church sanctions should punish wayward behavior and bring it to a halt. In reality, Amish disciplinary procedures are often ineffective with chronic behaviors related to alcohol abuse or sexual abuse. Moreover, some Amish leaders are reluctant to report illegal behavior to outside authorities, and women, taught to submit to church authority, may fear reprisals if they contact police themselves. In these situations, perpetrators may go unpunished and return to their abusive behaviors. Because church decisions to pardon remorseful offenders must be endorsed by church members, victims may feel enormous pressure to swallow their pain and get on with life.
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This problem of pressured forgiveness is not unique to the Amish, of course. In The Cry of Tamar, Pamela Cooper-White decries the widespread tendency of Christian churches to pressure victims of sexual abuse to forgive their offenders too quickly. “All too often,” asserts Cooper-White, “survivors of violence are retraumatized by pastors and other well-meaning helpers who press forgiveness upon them.” In these cases, “if the survivor tries to forgive, she can only fail, and her failure will reinforce all the self-blame and shame of her original abuse.” This tendency is especially strong in Christian communities that, like the Amish, place a heavy emphasis on forgiveness.
Although the Amish girls and boys who survived the school shooting are not victims of domestic violence, some observers may wonder if these children have felt a similar pressure from their families and church to forgive Roberts before they were ready. We cannot answer this question definitively, but our impression is that no, they have not. When we inquired about her surviving children and their thoughts about Roberts, one parent told us, “We explain to them what forgiveness is, but we don’t make them forgive.” Continuing, she said, “You can’t make someone forgive. It takes time.” Perhaps because of her conversations with English mental health professionals, perhaps for other reasons, this Amish woman seemed attuned to the counsel of mainstream psychology: those who care for the abused, especially abused children, should not force them to arrive at any place of emotional resolution before they are ready.
Of course, it is also important to recognize the differences between situations of domestic abuse and the Nickel Mines school shooting. Unlike domestic violence, the evil perpetrated at Nickel Mines ended when the gunman took his own life. Also, because of Roberts’s suicide, there was no pressure on victims to reconcile quickly with their offender. In fact, when we pressed Amish people on how they could forgive Roberts so quickly, some of them noted that it was easier because he was dead.
Did this swift forgiveness include an element of self-renunciation? Of course, it did. Forgiveness involves giving up feelings that one has a right to feel. Still, we believe that the Amish willingness to give up the right to be bitter about the shooting was not self-loathing. It may, in fact, be the opposite. In Forgive for Good, Fred Luskin, director of the Stanford University Forgiveness Project, writes that forgiveness means becoming “a hero instead of a victim in the story you tell.” Granted, we heard no claims of heroism when we listened to Amish people talk about forgiving Charles Roberts, but given their understanding of the Christian life, we do see some parallels with Luskin’s assertion. In Amish life, offering forgiveness places one on the side of the martyrs, indeed, on the side of God. It is the spiritually courageous thing to do.
This does not mean, as we’ve noted, that the Amish of Nickel Mines found forgiveness easy. Still, forgiveness probably comes easier for the Amish than it does for most Americans. Genuine forgiveness takes a lot of work—absorbing the pain, extending empathy to the offender, and purging bitterness—even after a decision to forgive has been made. Amish people must do that hard work like anyone else, but unlike most people, an Amish person begins the task atop a three-hundred-year-old tradition that teaches the love of enemies and the forgiveness of offenders. An Amish person has a head start on forgiveness long before an offense ever occurs, because spiritual forebears have pitched in along the way. Like a barn raising, the hard work of forgiveness is easier when everyone lends a hand.