In the Compromise of 1850, Northern Congressmen reluctantly agreed to a harsh Fugitive Slave Act. Under its provisions, blacks accused of being runaway slaves were denied trial. Rather, when they were claimed, they were simply brought before federal commissioners, who were empowered to return them to slavery. The commissioners were paid ten dollars if they sent captives southward, five if they ordered a release. In addition, the federal marshals, whose job it was to capture alleged fugitives, could summon all citizens to their aid. No sooner had the law been passed than Negroes, many of whom were not fugitives, were arrested in Northern cities. But vigilance committees formed to challenge enforcement of the law, and crowds often gathered to rescue blacks. In February 1851 the slave Shadrach was rescued by a crowd of Bostonians, white and black. The following April, a crowd tried to free Thomas Sims, and was prevented by federal marshals. The first such rescue attempt in which a man was killed occurred in Christiana, Pennsylvania.
In September 1851 Edward Gorsuch of Maryland, learning that his escaped slaves had taken refuge in the black community of Christiana, went to Philadelphia to get a federal warrant to seize them. The warrant directed Deputy United States Marshal Henry Kline to arrest Nelson Ford and three other blacks. Gorsuch and Kline and their party went to the house of William Parker, a long-time leader of the free blacks of Christiana, where the slaves had taken refuge. Parker’s wife summoned blacks from the surrounding countryside by blowing a horn; in they came, carrying guns, swords, corn cutters, and scythes. A few whites came as well, and Kline asked them to help him seize the slaves, but they refused. Gorsuch tried to claim his slaves, but the blacks refused to give them up. In the ensuing struggle, Gorsuch was killed, his sons and others of his party wounded, and the rest driven away.
By evening most of the blacks who had fought, including Parker and the slaves, were on the way to Canada, aided by Frederick Douglass. The next day, a contingent of United States Marines and a civilian posse arrived and arrested a large number of people, including the whites who had refused to help Kline. A total of thirty-eight were indicted for treason. Their trial was the first major test of the Fugitive Slave Act, but all were found not guilty on December 11. The South was furious: the Baltimore Clipper, for example, said that the slave owners were “honestly and lawfully endeavoring to repossess themselves of their property.” The Southern fire-eaters said the affair showed the futility of laws and compromises. The Augusta Constitutionalist said: “Our opponents are always pointing to the Fugitive Slave Law. We point you, people of Georgia, to the mangled corpses of your fellow citizens of the South. The Law will hereafter be a perfectly dead letter.”
The following account was written by Parker: “The Freedman’s Story,” Atlantic Monthly, XVII (February-March 1866), 151–66, 276–95. See William V. Hensel: “The Christiana Riot and Treason Trials of 1851,” Lancaster County Historical Society Papers, XV (1911); Roderick W. Nash: “The Christiana Riot: An Evaluation of Its National Significance,” Journal of the Lancaster County Historical Society, LXV (Spring 1961), 65–91; Richard Grau: “The Christiana Riot of 1851: A Reappraisal,” ibid., LXVIII (1964), 147–63.
The information brought by Mr. Williams spread through the vicinity like a fire in the prairies; and when I went home from my work in the evening, I found Pinckney (whom I should have said before was my brother-in-law), Abraham Johnson, Samuel Thompson and Joshua Kite at my house, all of them excited about the rumor. I laughed at them, and said it was all talk. This was the 10th of September, 1851. They stopped for the night with us, and we went to bed as usual. Before daylight, Joshua Kite rose, and started for his home. Directly, he ran back to the house, burst open the door, crying, “O William! kidnappers! kidnappers!”
He said that, when he was just beyond the yard, two men crossed before him, as if to stop him, and others came up on either side. As he said this, they had reached the door. Joshua ran up stairs (we slept up stairs), and they followed him; but I met them at the landing, as asked, “Who are you?”
The leader, Kline, replied, “I am the United States Marshal.”
I then told him to take another step and I would break his neck.
He again said, “I am the United States Marshal.”
I told him I did not care for him nor the United States. At that he turned and went down stairs.
Pinckney said, as he turned to go down,—“Where is the use in fighting? They will take us.”
Kline heard him, and said, “Yes, give up, for we can and will take you anyhow.”
I told them all not to be afraid, nor to give up to any slaveholder, but to fight until death.
“Yes,” said Kline, “I have heard many a negro talk as big as you, and then have taken him; and I’ll take you.”
“You have not taken me yet,” I replied; “and if you undertake it you will have your name recorded in history for this day’s work.”
Mr. Gorsuch then spoke, and said,—“Come, Mr. Kline, let’s go up stairs and take them. We can take them. Come, follow me. I’ll go up and get my property. What’s in the way The law is in my favor, and the people are in my favor.”
At that he began to ascend the stair; but I said to him,—“See here, old man, you can come up, but you can’t go down again. Once up here, you are mine.” …
Mr. Gorsuch then said, “You have my property.”
To which I replied,—“Go in the room down there, and see if there is anything there belonging to you. There are beds and a bureau, chairs, and other things. Then go out to the barn; there you will find a cow and some hogs. See if any of them are yours.”
He said,—“They are not mine; I want my men. They are here, and I am bound to have them.” …
I denied that I had his property when he replied, “You have my men.”
“Am I your man?” I asked.
“No.”
I then called Pinckney forward.
“Is that your man?”
“No.”
Abraham Johnson I called next, but Gorsuch said he was not his man.
The only plan left was to call both Pinckney and Johnson again; for had I called the others, he would have recognized them, for they were his slaves.
Abraham Johnson said, “Does such a shrivelled up old slaveholder as you own a nice, genteel young man as I am?”
At this Gorsuch took offence, and charged me with dictating his language. I then told him there were but five of us, which he denied, and still insisted that I had his property. One of the party then attacked the Abolitionists, affirming that, although they declared there could not be property in man, the Bible was conclusive authority in favor of property in human flesh.
“Yes,” said Gorsuch, “does not the Bible Say, ‘Servants, obey your masters’?”
I said that it did, but the same Bible said, “Give unto your servants that which is just and equal.”
At this stage of the proceedings, we went into a mutual Scripture inquiry, and bandied views in the manner of garrulous old wives.
When I spoke of duty to servants, Gorsuch said, “Do you know that?”
“Where,” I asked, “do you see it in Scripture that a man should traffic in his brother’s blood?”
“Do you call a nigger my brother?” said Gorsuch.
“Yes,” said I.
While I was talking to Gorsuch, his son said, “Father, will you take all this from a nigger?”
I answered him by saying that I respected old age; but that, if he would repeat that, I should knock his teeth down his throat. At this he fired upon me, and I ran up to him and knocked the pistol out of his hand, when he let the other one fall and ran in the field.
My brother-in-law, who was standing near, then said, “I can stop him”—and with his double-barrel gun he fired.
Young Gorsuch fell, but rose and ran on again. Pinckney fired a second time and again Gorsuch fell, but was soon up again and, running into the cornfield, lay down in the fence corner.
I returned to my men, and found Samuel Thompson talking to old Mr. Gorsuch, his master. They were both angry.
“Old man, you had better go home to Maryland,” said Samuel.
“You had better give up, and come home with me,” said the old man.
Thompson took Pinckney’s gun from him, struck Gorsuch, and brought him to his knees. Gorsuch rose and signalled to his men. Thompson then knocked him down again, and he again rose. At this time all the white men opened fire, and we rushed upon them; when they turned, threw down their guns and ran away. We, being closely engaged, clubbed our rifles. We were too closely pressed to fire, but we found a good deal that could be done with empty guns.
Old Mr. Gorsuch was the bravest of his party; he held on to his pistols until the last, while all the others threw away their weapons. I saw as many as three at a time fighting with him. Sometimes he was on his knees, then on his back, and again his feet would be where his head should be. He was a fine soldier and a brave man. Whenever he saw the least opportunity, he would take aim. While in close quarters with the whites, we could load and fire but two or three times. Our guns got bent and out of order. So damaged did they become, that we could shoot with but two or three of them. Samuel Thompson bent his gun on old Mr. Gorsuch so badly, that it was of no use to us.
When the white men ran, they scattered. I ran after Nathan Nelson, but could not catch him. I never saw a man run faster. Returning, I saw Joshua Gorsuch coming, and Pinckney behind him. I reminded him that he would like “to take hold of a nigger,” told him that now was his “chance,” and struck him a blow on the side of the head which stopped him. Pinckney came up behind, and gave him a blow which brought him to the ground; as the others passed, they gave him a kick or jumped upon him, until the blood oozed out at his ears.
Nicholas Hutchings and Nathan Nelson of Baltimore County, Maryland, could outrun any men I ever saw. They and Kline were not brave, like the Gorsuches. Could our men have got them, they would have been satisfied.
One of our men ran after Dr. Pierce, as he richly deserved attention; but Pierce caught up with Castner Hanway, who rode between the fugitive and the Doctor, to shield him and some others. Hanway was told to get out of the way, or he would forfeit his life; he went aside quickly, and the man fired at the Marylander, but missed him,—he was too far off. I do not know whether he was wounded or not; but I do know that, if it had not been for Hanway, he would have been killed.…
The riot, so called, was now entirely ended. The elder Gorsuch was dead; his son and nephew were both wounded, and I have reason to believe others were,—how many, it would be difficult to say. Of our party, only two were wounded.
… Having driven the slavocrats off in every direction, our party now turned towards their several homes.