Shortly after 9.00 pm on 1 April, the Santissima Trinidad hove to in a light swell about 500 metres south of Mullet Creek. After the deck watch had lowered twenty-one inflatables for the ninety-two amphibious commandos commanded by Lieutenant Commander Guillermo Sanchez-Sabarots, and eight tactical divers, an advance guard, led by Lieutenant Bernardo Schweitzer, landed at Mullet Creek. As they did so, the current nudged the main party’s inflatables into long entrails of kelp. On Sapper Hill, Marine Berry reported engines being gunned from the south, but Government House believed these to be helicopters. The main party managed to extricate the inflatables from the kelp, and although some engines refused to start, they finally landed near Lake Point before linking with Schweitzer at 11.00 pm.
Following a fence that led past Sapper Hill, it took nearly five hours for Sanchez-Sabarots and the Moody Brook Barracks assault group to cover the 6 miles across ground they assumed to be patrolled:
It was a nice night, with a moon, but the cloud covered the moon for most of the time … It was very hard going with our heavy loads. We eventually split up into three groups. We only had one night sight. One of the groups became separated when a vehicle came along the track we had to cross. We thought it was a military patrol. Another group lost contact, and the third separation was caused by a fast pace. This resulted in my Second in Command, Lieutenant Bardi, falling and suffering a hairline fracture of the ankle. He was left behind with a man to help him. We were at Moody Brook by 5.30 a.m., just on the limits of the time planned, but with no time for the one hour’s reconnaissance for which we had hoped. It was still completely dark. We were going to use tear-gas to force the British out of the buildings and capture them. Our orders were not to cause casualties, if possible. All our training as commandos was to fight aggressively and inflict maximum casualties on the enemy. We surrounded the barracks with machine-gun teams, leaving only one escape route along the peninsula north of Stanley Harbour. Anyone who did get away would not able to reach the town and reinforce the British there. Then we threw the tear-gas grenades into each building. There was no reaction. The barracks were empty. (Operacion Rosario).
The explosions alerted Major Norman on Look Out Rocks. Not expecting an attack on Moody Brook and with his force facing two directions, he decided to centralize at Government House. At Hookers Point, Corporal Armour recalled: ‘We packed our kit and started running back to Stanley. Moody Brook had been bombed, over the radio we could hear, “Stanley is under fire” and some Marine casually pulls over in a Land Rover and says “Get in”.’ (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Meanwhile, Lieutenant Commander Pedro Giachino, who was the 1st Marine Infantry Battalion Second-in-Command, and had volunteered for the mission, approached Government House with eight amphibious commandos and the eight tactical divers. From a small hillock, he could see Royal Marines and several vehicles parked in the drive. At 6.15 am, Giachino went ahead with his original plan to attack from both sides. With four men, he broke into the servants’ annexe, believing that it was the rear entrance to Government House, only to find it empty. Vaulting a wall into the garden, the five were then cut down at close range by three Royal Marines, Giachino falling badly wounded, still holding a grenade. Lieutenant Diego Quiroga was hit in the arm and the remaining three retreated to the maid’s quarters. The Argentine medic, Corporal Ernesto Urbina, was wounded by a grenade while attempting to reach Giachino. Giachino was invited by the Royal Marines to throw away the grenade so that he could be helped, but as he did not understand English and none of those inside Government House spoke Spanish, the wounded Argentines were left. Meanwhile the Royal Marines and the Argentines were exchanging shots.
When Chief Secretary Baker returned from rounding up Argentines, Governor Hunt told him to continue, but without the naval detachment because it was required at Government House. As Baker opened the door to leave, a hail of machine-gun fire tore into the brickwork. Norman, who had only just arrived, ran out to the defensive perimeter shouting, ‘Who fired those shots?’ Another burst provided the answer. Baker joined Hunt underneath the Governor’s desk.
At 11.00 pm the Santa Fe surfaced off Kidney Island, which Sollis reported to Government House, and launched ten tactical divers in three Zodiacs, one of which motored to The Narrows to watch activity in the harbour. At about 2.30 am Sollis and Biggs both reported the transport Cabo San Antonio and its close escorts, the Type 42 destroyer Hercules and A69 corvette Drummond, hove to in Port William about a mile north-east of Yorke Bay.
Reveille for the embarked forces had been at 4.00 am. Commander Weinstabl:
In the evening, a Mass was conducted in the ship’s Mess. The rough weather we had experienced throughout the crossing had almost completed abated. We were only some ten kilometres from our target. Before evening meal, I gathered my Battalion together in three troop sections and addressed them. I noted a very good spirit and predisposition for the difficult task ahead at the end of the following day. The night was dark but calm and not chilly. The men had breakfast and made themselves ready quickly and quietly. I went to the bridge to check for new information. The ship was sailing slowly and stealthily. Its Commander, Captain Acuna, bore on his head signs of preoccupation but he was moving about exuding strengths of his character. Also on the bridge were the Admiral, Captain Estrada, Lieutenant Colonel Seineldin and Captain Payaba. After a few jokes to break the tension, we wished each other good luck. In the darkness to the right of Port Stanley, noises and explosions started which indicated the Amphibious Commandos had arrived at their target and that the combat had begun. (Operacion Rosario)
At Mass, Lieutenant Colonel Seineldin, a devout Catholic, prayed to the Virgin of Rosario to calm the storm and at the final planning meeting, he persuaded Busser to dedicate the operation to the Virgin del Rosario. At about 5.30 am, the Landing Force filed into their amtracs. At 6.26 am, the bow doors opened releasing a cloud of blue exhaust and then the 1st Amphibious Vehicle Company commander, First Lieutenant Forbice, ordered ‘Move now.’ Controlled by a naval officer using a red lamp to wait and a green one when the ramp was clear, Forbice experienced a surge of patriotism as the amtracs orbited, as follows:
Lieutenant Commander Santillan’s advance guard.
A platoon from First Lieutenant Carlos Arruani’s E Company.
Second Lieutenant Reyes’ 25th Infantry Regiment platoon.
First Lieutenant Francisco Di Paola’s D Company.
The remainder of E Company.
Busser’s HQ.
Weinstabl’s HQ.
A LVTP-7 recovery amtrac.
Five LARC-5 loaded with ammunition, medical supplies and other war stores.
Busser’s LVTP-7’s deflector plate, which controlled the flow of water, failed to engage and the amtrac turned in circles until the driver engaged reverse. Busser, planner of the landings, therefore approached the beaches in Argentina’s most high-profile campaign, in ignominious reverse. Santillan picked out the red navigation beacons fixed by the tactical divers and ordered the first wave into assault formation. Weinstabl:
We were guided by the red light on the rear of the vehicles moving forwards, since visibility was already very reduced. Inside, my men were tense and silent. All that could be heard was the muted purring of the engine and the dull splash of the swell on the front of the vehicle. At 06.30, a bump on the end of the vehicle told us that we had gone up the beach and the caterpillars had found a place where they could get a grip. The most critical period of the whole amphibious operation had happened. They were probably the longest four or five minutes of my life. Fortunately, the beach was not mined and the enemy was not defending the place. At the precise moment of hitting terra firma, I ordered the upper hatches to be opened so that the men could be afforded their own immediate safety. Visibility had improved rapidly. The stony, upward terrain made the vehicle sway but the tension had already abated noticeably. (Operacion Rosario)
Expecting to be ambushed, the amtracs negotiated a defile and reached the airport where the army platoon dismounted, cleared the obstacles and captured the Cape Pembroke lighthouse. Lieutenant Carlos Arruani was in command of E Company with five LVTP-7s:
While we were overtaking the advance guard, I captured the Airport. I ordered the men to go and form a crocodile. The runway had many obstacles on it – all sorts of vehicles, which I had not foreseen. I ordered it to be cleared for the Hercules bringing in Army units. Given the time it would take to complete the task, the rest of the Battalion continued with the operation under the orders of Lieutenant-Colonel Seineldin. (Operacion Rosario)
D Company passed Hookers Point and had reached the old airfield when it encountered several obstacles across the road near the Ionospheric Research Station, including a yellow road repair machine. Lieutenant Trollope describes the action:
Six Armoured Personnel Carriers began advancing at speed down the Airport Road. The first APC was engaged at a range of about 200 to 250 metres. The first three missiles, two 84mm and one 66mm, missed. Subsequently one 66mm fired by Marine Gibbs, hit the passenger compartment and one 84mm by Marines Brown and Betts hit the front. Both rounds exploded and no fire was received from that vehicle. The remaining five APCs which were about 600 to 700 metres away deployed their troops and opened fire. We engaged them with GPMG, SLR and sniper rifle from Sergeant Shepherd for about a minute before we threw a white phosphorus smoke grenade and leap-frogged back to the cover of gardens. Incoming fire at that stage was fairly heavy, but mostly inaccurate.
Lieutenant Commander Santillan’s official post-battle report:
We were on the last stretch of the road into Stanley when a machine-gun fired from one of the three white houses about 500 metres away and hit the right-hand Amtrac. The fire was very accurate. Then there were some explosions from a rocket launcher, but they were inaccurate, falling a long way from us. We followed our standard operating procedure and took evasive action. The Amtrac on the right returned fire and took cover in a little depression. Once he was out of danger, I told all three vehicles to disembark their men. I ordered the crew with the Recoilless Rifle to fire one round of hollow charge at the ridge of the roof of the house where the machine-gun was, to cause a bang but not an explosion. We were still following our orders not to inflict casualties. The first round was about a hundred metres short, but the second hit the roof. The British troops then threw a purple smoke grenade; I thought it was their signal to withdraw. They had stopped firing, so Commander Weinstabl started the movement of the two companies around the position. Some riflemen in one of the houses started firing then; that was quite uncomfortable. I couldn’t pinpoint their location, but one of my other Amtracs could and asked permission to open up with a mortar which he had. I authorized this, but only with three rounds and only at the roofs of the houses. Two rounds fell short, but the third hit right in the centre of the roof; that was incredible. The British ceased firing then. (Operacion Rosario)
Lieutenant Trollope recognized Weinstabl’s intent, and after throwing a purple smoke grenade, withdrew along Davis Street before taking up defensive positions after it became obvious Government House was under siege. Awoken by the amtrac drivers revving their engines, the shocked townspeople suddenly found themselves in the middle of a battle. John Smith, who was employed by the Falklands Islands Company, watched from his Sparrow Hawk House:
Everyone up and at the front bedroom windows to see what was going on. A patrol of Royal Marines has just passed along opposite the house, keeping low on the ground past the Fire Station, then – joined by another group a few yards up the road who appeared from the end of King Street at high speed – vaulted the fence into St Mary’s Paddock and opened fire up King Street, a pitched battle which lasted a few minutes. It was just like watching a film. We could not believe that this was happening in front us just on the other side of the road. (Smith, 74 Days)
Santillan’s advance guard pushed on toward Moody Brook Barracks and at 7.40 am met Sanchez-Sabarots with his amphibious commandos going to Government House. An anxious Rear Admiral Busser had heard nothing from the amphibious commandos and it was evident that Government House was being defended. At 7.30 am, he ordered Lieutenant Commander Norbeto Barro to send two white anti-submarine Sea Kings from the Veinticino de Mayo to the Almirante Irizar and lift A Company, 1st Marine Infantry Battalion and Lieutenant Perez’s 105mm rocket launchers ashore. Marine Berry reported this to Government House.
On the road back to Stanley in the Land Rover, Corporal Armour was waved down by Corporal Dave Carr, who was in a defensive position outside the Post Office; both then tried to reach Government House but failed:
A lot of tracer started flying down the road and we just scattered, we jumped out of the Rover dived into the gardens, trying to figure what the hell was happening. It was pitch black, we didn’t know exactly where they were around Government House. It was all a bit chaotic. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Claudette Mozley was watching this when she saw a Royal Marine crawl into her garden. ‘Is that you, Figgy? Would you like some coffee?’ To which Corporal Duff replied, ‘Get on the floor, you silly bitch! There’s an invasion.’ Armour and his section tried again:
Dave Carr began returning fire and there was fire being exchanged down the road I had to go along. We got to the hospital and then we had no choice, we had to leap across the football field. Getting into Government House was dodgy because we were frightened of getting shot at by our own guys. We were actually shot at and we ran forward shouting like crazy, ‘Marines! Marines! Marines!’ My boss, Major Norman said ‘Well done’ and told me to put the lads upstairs. I was relieved to be among the crowd. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
With the intention of joining Corporal York, Carr persuaded Sollis to lower Forrest’s dinghy but when its outboard refused to start, the Royal Marines went below to await events.
At Government House, the three Argentine commandos in the maid’s quarters were heard by Major Noott who fired into the ceiling, forcing their surrender.
As the 2nd Marine Infantry Battalion advanced through Stanley, Commander Weinstabl arrived at the Town Hall:
The town was silent. Arriving at the place we had chosen as the Battalion Command Post, we found abandoned weapons and packs. I ordered Lieutenant Martinelli to recce the building and within a short while he returned with about thirty men and women who came out of it smiling. They were all Argentines who had been locked in that place the night before. Almost opposite was the Police Station. Inside were six or seven policemen with their Chief and a group of sailors from an océanographic research ship. I ordered the Police Chief to send the constables home and to tell them not to come out until they were told. (Operacion Rosaria)
At about 8.30 am, Governor Hunt realized that further resistance was pointless and telephoned Air Commodore Hector Gilobert, who professed complete ignorance of events. Fortuitously, he had returned to Stanley on 31 March, ostensibly to sort out financial problems at the LADE offices, although he was strongly believed to be an intelligence officer. Major General Garcia suggested a ceasefire but the white flag had not been packed so several plastic waste-disposal bags were used instead. At about 9.20 am, the party walked to Government House where Rear Admiral Busser introduced himself. Except for the antagonism of the chief military security officer, Major Patricio Dowling, who was of Irish extraction and did not like the British, the negotiations were civil, even though Hunt refused to shake hands with Busser, telling him, ‘This is British property. You are not required here.’ There was then the inevitable ‘We are stronger than you’ and ‘I have my duty to do’ between the two men until at 9.25 am, Hunt instructed Norman to surrender. Norman:
Surrender, as far as we were concerned, was never an option. The men felt the same. But Rex Hunt ordered me to do so and he was the Commander-in-Chief. I was devastated. My men knew the score. Although we were terribly over-whelmed, they still wanted to fight on. The fact remains, we were not there to defend the Falkland Islands, we were there to defend the seat of government. I gave him three options and none of them involved surrender … He told me, ‘Mike, I want you to order your men to lay down their arms.’ (Parker, Commando)
When Norman instructed 6 Section to go ‘covert’, York booby-trapped their Carl Gustav with phosphorous grenades and radioed that he was going ‘fishing’, a cryptic reference to a comment he had made earlier to Norman when asked what he would do if the Argentines invaded. The section launched their Gemini and when they apparently found themselves being pursued by a warship, made for the shadows from a Polish fishing factory ship and landed on a small beach. They then melted into the ‘camp’ with only their fighting order. Their bergens and sleeping bags were still at Moody Brook.
As 149 years of British colonial rule passed to Argentina and an uncertain future, Patrick Watts, Director of Broadcasting, had kept the world informed of the invasion throughout. The victorious Argentines began to round up the Royal Marines. Amphibious Commando Group Sergeant Manuel Batista:
As we approached Government House, I searched a few houses and took several members of the Civil Defence Force prisoner. I carried on and took two Royal Marines by surprise. Another British Marine was trying to get to a hedge in front of Government House so I covered him with my gun. British Marines were around the outside of the building. I told them to put their hands up. After some hesitation, someone spoke in English and they advanced towards me. Other British Marines also laid down their arms and surrendered. As I went on to the patio of Government House, I found Captain Giachino and two of our wounded commandos, who had been wounded in the firefight. (Operacion Rosario)
Giachino died in the hospital soon afterwards. A eulogy entitled ‘Recuperacion’ (literally translated ‘Recovery’), written by an Argentine lady, had been found on many of the captured Argentine soldiers. The time was 9.20 am. Weinstabl reached Government House:
At the moment we arrived, the English were leaving their hiding places with their hands in the air, having surrendered. Just at that moment, I was informed of the sad news that Captain Giachino was dead and two men were seriously wounded. Our joy at having concluding the operation was dulled by such harsh news. (Operacion Rosario)
Noott was escorted to assemble the Royal Marines in Stanley. Not since the Gloucesters had been overwhelmed on the Imjin River in 1951 had there been a mass surrender of British forces. Photographs of Royal Marines and Royal Navy personnel prone on the road, that had been flashed around the world, helped to harden British public opinion. Corporal Armour:
At the time of the surrender, when Rex Hunt went out to talk to them, I was actually quite pleased we were stopping. I was just glad it was finished. They made us lie down. Suddenly you’re in their hands. When we were actually lying down I felt a bit humiliated but I also felt apprehensive about what was going to happen to us. One of the Argentine officers came along and actually struck one of the guards and told us to stand up. We stood up and he shook my hand, a few other guys’ hands and said that we should be proud of what we’d done. I liked him. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Euphoric that their aims had been achieved with the minimum loss of life, Major General Garcia and Rear Admiral Allara met Busser at 12.15 pm, and in a short ceremony raised the Argentine flag at Government House. The Argentine Air Force Operation Aries 82, which was the air bridge (puente aereo) from the mainland to the Military Air Base, Stanley, began when a C-130 and two F-29 Fellowships left Military Air Base Comodoro Rivadavia with 25th Infantry Regiment personnel and several Air Force specialists. A returning C-130 flew Governor Hunt and his wife, the captured British servicemen and several civilians to Argentina. As the 2nd Marine Infantry Battalion returned to the Cabo San Antonio, the night was punctured with firing as the jittery Argentines shot at shadows.
New to the Falklands, 6 Section eventually reached a remote shepherd’s cottage near Estancia owned by Mr Watson. Hindered by the lack of local knowledge, without a radio and concerned about the safety of the Watsons if they were captured, on 4 April, York felt that he had no alternative but to surrender. Contacting the Argentine authorities, he used a CB radio to advise them that he wished to surrender. The Royal Marines buried their weapons and awaited their fate; they were not optimistic. Major Dowling, the chief security officer, and a 181 Military Police Company detachment arrived by helicopter and, after searching and tying them with wire, locked them up in Stanley Police Station. Dowling later overstepped his authority on several other occasions and was sent back to Argentina in near disgrace in early June.
Some 600 miles to the east, the Force 10 gale that had delayed the Argentine invasion was blowing across South Georgia. On hearing that Las Malvinas had been liberated, Lieutenant Commander Astiz raised two Argentine flags and declared that South Georgia would now be known as ‘Isla San Pedro’. There was one more thing to do – seize Grytviken and complete Project Alpha. Lieutenant Mills heard about the surrender on the radio and knew that the Argentines would soon arrive. Following the departure of HMS Endurance, he had lost the ability to fly men to the Jason Peak OP, so to keep an eye on the Argentines, next day he sent Corporal Nigel Peters and three Royal Marines by the BAS launch to man it. Transmissions were kept to a minimum.
Planning the defence of Grytviken with Sergeant Leach, Mills selected a 30-foot-high plateau north-west of Shackleton House, beneath a scree cliff as his position. Four two-man and two three-man trenches dug into the summer tussock grass covered the approaches from Grytviken and King Edward Point. The assault engineer, Marine L. Daniels, helped by Marines R. Porter and L. Church, mined the beaches below the Customs House and wired several houses with improvised explosive devices made from empty ammunition tins and chunks of metal. The jetty was mined with a command-detonated 45-gallon oil drum filled with a cocktail of petrol, paint and plastic explosive. Mills planned to resist until dark and then collect ammunition and rations dumped at Whalers’ Church, before withdrawing to the 2,000-foot Mount Hodges and making for Maiviken from where they would conduct a guerrilla campaign. He also knew from a prepared code that HMS Endurance would be in a position to help by 3.00 pm the next afternoon. Steve Martin sent three BAS scientists to join the wildlife photographers, Cindy Buxton and Annie Price, who were making an Anglian TV documentary in St Andrew’s Bay.
Trombetta and Astiz finalized their plan to fly marines ashore to occupy the BAS accommodation and occupy Grytviken. Second Lieutenant Luna’s 1st Marine Infantry Battalion platoon was embarked on the Bahia Paraiso. The Royal Marines were preparing their positions when the Bahia Paraiso appeared out of a rainstorm and Captain Trombetta radioed Martin that next morning he would receive an important message. When Mills radioed this message to Captain Barker, he was told: ‘The Officer Commanding, Royal Marines is not, repeat not, to take any action, which may endanger lives.’
This confused Mills for it contravened the Rules of Engagement to the extent that he was not allowed to open fire; yet, how could he not put up a token resistance?
The next day, 3 April, dawned bright, a gentle breeze barely disturbing the bay. Sergeant Leach and Steve Martin were discussing recovering Corporal Peters from the OP when Peters radioed that they had photographed a small warship refuel from the Bahia Paraiso in Stromness Bay. Marine Ian McCallion, an Ulsterman, who had served an apprenticeship with Harland & Wolff, recognized it as a French Type A69 corvette – the Guerrico – her presence giving added impetus to Mills’s preparations. When Lieutenant Busson recced the beach south of The Gaol shortly before 5.30 am, in preparation for the army Puma landing the marines, he saw nothing unusual; the Royal Marines remained motionless in their trenches. At about 6.30 am, the Bahia Paraiso transmitted on VHF and to the garrison on HF, which enabled Endurance to listen in: ‘Following our successful operation in the Malvinas, your ex-governor has unconditionally surrendered the Falklands and its dependencies. We suggest you adopt a similar course of action to prevent further loss of life. A ceasefire is now in force.’
Governor Hunt had surrendered the Falklands but not the Dependencies. Needing any delay to buy time, Steve Martin pretended his low-powered VHF set was faulty and repeated the message on his HF set, hoping that Captain Barker’s radio operators would pick it up, which they did. He asked for two hours to consider his response. Breaking radio silence, Barker unsuccessfully attempted to release Mills from the Rules of Engagement, however, although virtually every other station in the region heard, he could not raise Grytviken. When Trombetta then radioed that he would be sending marines ashore, Martin told him this was illegal and would be opposed. Unimpressed with this empty threat, Trombetta instructed Martin to assemble everyone on the beach. While Mills issued final orders to his men, Martin assembled the remaining thirteen scientists in the Church.
As the message came in, the Argentine corvette Guerrico rounded the point and headed into the cove. A helicopter reconnoitred overhead. The Paraiso was then informed that there was a British military presence and that any attempt to land would be repulsed. The Base Commander withdrew to the civilian sanctuary of the Norwegian Whaling Church and Lieutenant Mills moved down to the jetty at King Edward Point to commence negotiations with the Argentine boat landing party, which he assumed would arrive. At the same time the corvette headed back into East Cumberland Bay and he was simultaneously surprised by an Argentine helicopter (the Alouette) disgorging its seven marines near him. As the Argentines took up positions of cover, one of the marines raised his rifle. (Lockett, HMS Endurance)
As Mills and Daniels’ team sprinted to the defensive position, the Argentines ran into the buildings. First Lieutenant Alejandro Villagra, the pilot of the army Puma, then left the Bahia Paraiso with fifteen marines and was approaching Grytviken from Mount Hodges when he was advised by Busson of enemy and to land his stick to link up with his group. However, the Puma was fitted with skis and Villagra needed somewhere flat to land. Mills saw his dilemma and the Royal Marines laced the helicopter with 500 rounds, killing two marine infantry, wounding several others and damaging the hydraulics, however, in a demonstration of fine airmanship, Villagra and his co-pilot, First Lieutenant Eduardo Leguizamon, coaxed the damaged aircraft 400 metres across the bay and crashed-landed near the Hummocks, where it rolled on to its side. A second Alouette was then hit as it landed close to the smoking Puma. Meanwhile, the seven marine infantry were skirmishing toward Shackleton House and Lance Corporal J. Thomson’s position but were driven back into cover when, at a range of about 100 metres, Marine S. Holding opened up with his GPMG.
With enemy reported, Trombetta then ordered Alfonso to bombard King Edward Point. Guerrico confidently steamed into the bay to support the landing and opened up with her 40mm.
To the surprise and delight of the defending marines, the ship steamed on her slow relentless course, and only about 300 metres from the base, the Royal Marines loosed off one 84mm Carl Gustav, which dived into the water 10 metres short of the ship, and struck the starboard quarter below the water line. It exploded. The forward 100mm turret was damaged by 66mm and heavy machine gun fire. As the corvette became increasingly under pressure, she turned and retraced her track into the safety of the bay. The battering did not stop, however, and anti tank rockets hit her Exocet launchers. The Argentines disclosed later that 1,275 hits were recorded on the Guerrico. (Lockett, HMS Endurance)
Marine David Coombes, normally a steward in HMS Endurance’s Senior Rates’ Mess, and his Number Two, Marine Stonestreet, had fired the Carl Gustav, but they had also experienced several misfires. Could they have turned the tide of history had the projectiles been more reliable? Marines S.J. Parsons and Steve Chubb fired accurate bursts with their LMG and Sergeant Leach, lying on a table in an upstairs room of Shackleton House, sniped at the bridge. Corporal Peters, standing head and shoulders out of his trench to fire a 66mm, was wounded in the left arm and shoulder by a marine infantryman inside the BAS buildings.
While the contest between the Royal Marines and the Guerrico was taking place, Busson’s gunner, Petty Officer Gatti, and the Puma loadmaster, Sergeant Jorge Medin, dismounted a MAG from the wrecked helicopter and opened fired across the bay. Frequently under long-range fire from the Royal Marines, Busson flew twenty sorties flying the wounded from the Puma to the Bahia Paraiso, returning each time with two marine infantry. By the time the battle was over, he had been flying for three hours.
About 3,000 yards out to sea, the battered Guerrico opened fire with her damaged 100mm by training her bows on King Edward Point, four shells in quick succession bracketing the plateau. Mills was in a dilemma. Although the Royal Marines were safe in their positions and had plenty of ammunition, Luna’s marine infantry had advanced to Grytviken and were threatening to cut the Royal Marines’ escape route into the mountains. He had no idea that HMS Endurance was nearby and that Ellerbeck had settled his Wasp on a ridge overlooking Grytviken, where he could offer nothing but moral support and pass information on the engagement back to the ship. Corporal Peters needed treatment. During a lull in the bombardment from Guerrico and with the prospect of relief unlikely, when Mills said that he intended to surrender, Sergeant Leach suggested they make for the mountains.
The OCRM quickly re-assessed the situation and decided that the point had been made; military force had been used to take the island; and little was to be gained by a suicidal defence. Without a surrender flag available, a make shift flag in the shape of a coat was held aloft and the shooting stopped. The two commanding officers met to negotiate the surrender and the 22 Royal Marines put down their arms on condition that good treatment was guaranteed. The civilian scientists were released from their refuge, the most southerly church in the world. (Lockett, HMS Endurance)
The Argentines suspected a ruse when they saw the defence consisted of twenty-two men. All the BAS were accounted for except for Steve Martin, who eventually turned up having spent two hours sheltering from the fighting in a cold and wet gully dressed only in shirt and slacks. Astiz landed and, after acknowledging Mills’s advice about the mined beach and jetty, invited Daniels to make the areas safe. An Argentine doctor on the Bahia Paraiso treated Corporal Peters. Several years later, at a reception at Highgrove House for Falklands veterans in the presence of HRH Prince Charles, Surgeon Commander Rick Jolly gave Peters the X-rays taken of his wounds, courtesy of his Argentine contacts. Meanwhile, HMS Endurance was ordered to remain in the region intelligence-gathering and pretending to be an iceberg to avoid radar detection. The Royal Marines and BAS were ferried by landing craft to the Bahia Paraiso and accommodated in several cabins below the flight deck. Calling in at Rio Grande, the Argentine dead and wounded, and Corporal Peters, were landed. On 13 April, the prisoners were transferred to an indoor swimming pool at Puerto Belgrano Naval Base. The following day, Peters rejoined the detachment with the news that the Task Force had sailed from the United Kingdom. On the 16th, the captured Britons were driven to an airfield and flown to Montevideo, where they were handed over to British officials. Three days later, they boarded an RAF VC-10 bound for RAF Brize Norton. After a short leave, Mills agreed to return to HMS Endurance, which desperately needed her Royal Marines.
Mills was awarded the DSC and Sergeant Leach the DSM. Marines Coombes and Stonestreet were Mentioned in Dispatches.
