Soon after 7.50 am on 8 June, Captain Green burst into Major Ewen Southby-Tailyour’s cabin and told him that another LSL had arrived with troops on board. They both ran to the bridge and facing them inshore, about 200 yards from the shoreline, was Sir Galahad. Through their binoculars they could soldiers gathered on the sterngate waiting for transport ashore. Joined by Major Todd, they agreed that the ship and the men on board were in great danger. A key principle of amphibious warfare is to land the ground forces quickly.
HQ 5 Infantry Brigade was apparently unaware of what was happening and Lieutenant Colonel Ivor Hellberg, now commanding the enlarged Commando Logistic Regiment, including 81 Ordnance Field Park, which was part of the Brigade, had few resources to unload her. The day promised to be clear. Since there were no preparations for the arrival of the second ship, unloading Sir Tristram continued so that she could return to San Carlos Water that night.
Majors Todd and Southby-Tailyour motored to Sir Galahad in LCU Foxtrot One and were surprised to see soldiers. One of the two Army majors mentioned that the ship included the balance of the Welsh Guards and his instructions were to join the rest of his Battalion at Bluff Cove. Southby-Tailyour replied that with the probability of air raids, all troops should be landed immediately and after dark, landing craft would take his troops to Bluff Cove; soldiers milling around the confined space of the tank deck would hinder unloading vehicles and stores. When the two officers insisted that their companies be ferried to Bluff Cove, Southby-Tailyour said that the only way was on foot via Fitzroy Bridge, a distance of about 7 miles, and undertook to arrange for the heavy equipment to follow. The officers retorted that the bridge had not been repaired because 4 Field Troop RE, who they believed had been tasked to repair it, were on board and therefore the march would be 14 miles via Ridge Camp. In fact, the parachute sappers were already repairing the bridge. To Southby-Tailyour, the two officers seemed unable to grasp the vulnerability of the anchorage and reiterated despatching Sir Galahad in broad daylight to Bluff Cove under the noses of Argentine observers was out of the question. If they agreed, they could be ashore within twenty minutes and marching within half an hour. Southby-Tailyour:
To be fair they had been messed around quite a lot back in San Carlos, marching and then coming back, and then setting off again and coming back. But they were in grave danger from enemy action and indeed ordinary accidents on board; there was no doubt in my mind. The landing craft and powered raft which I had to unload Sir Tristram had a load of ammunition on board. It was pointed out to me that men and ammunition do not travel in the same vehicles. I explained that this was war and we don’t operate peacetime restrictions during war and that his men were in grave danger. (Southby-Tailyour, Reasons in Writing)
Nevertheless, about 100 men did go ashore on top of the ammunition from the LSL, although the state of the tide prevented beaching until 8.00 am. In the hope that the officers would acknowledge that Royal Marines majors are equivalent to Army lieutenant colonels, he issued a direct order to land. Guards officers are the first to acknowledge status, however the suggestion was rejected on the grounds that he and they were of the same rank. Southby-Tailyour persevered and warned them that they were staying on board against accepted practice. Returning ashore, when he told Major Rolfe-Smith that there were about 300 troops on board, including two Welsh Guards companies, Rolfe-Smith said that this was impossible because the Welsh Guards had landed the previous night at Bluff Cove. Southby-Tailyour explained that they had been returned to San Carlos and it was now up to Brigade HQ to get the two companies to Bluff Cove.
The top priority was to fly the Rapier Troop ashore. Lieutenant Waddell placed Sergeant Steve Brooks at Fitzroy. To his east and north of the settlement, not far from HQ Company, 2 Para, was Bombardier McMartin’s malfunctioning firing unit. South-east of the settlement was Sergeant Pearson and on high ground in Fitzroy Park was Sergeant Morgan.
On board Sir Galahad, Captain Roberts, believing that the combat air patrol and Rapiers would cover the anchorage, rejected a Welsh Guards offer to defend the ship with machine-guns. At ‘Sid’s Strip’ there had been another mishap when at about 9.30 am, a Harrier piloted by the No. 1 (Fighter) Squadron Commanding Officer, Wing Commander Peter Squires, careered through the panels after suffering a mechanical failure on take-off. While 11 Field Squadron RE fixed the mess, for the third time, combat air patrols reverted to Carrier Battle Group. However, HMS Hermes had retired to the east to maintain her boilers and thus loiter time over the Falklands was decreased.
Captain Drage of 4th Field Regiment, who commanded one of two Forward Observation Officer parties attached to the Welsh Guards, was on Sir Galahad:
At 11.00, seven minutes before first light, the two FOOs were looking at the coastline and dominating high features thinking what an ideal target an observer would have. Talking to the ship’s officers, it was clear that there was no plan for unloading the Welsh Guards. We had no orders and it was not known if we were to disembark at Fitzroy or Bluff Cove. Shortly before midday members of the surgical teams were told to prepare to move. They went ashore probably at 10.30 on a half full Mexeflote. During lunch the Welsh Guards were hurried onto the tank deck to prepare to move. There was considerable waiting with all the men and equipment in company groups on the tank deck. We were preparing for the LCU to load the men and stores from the stern ramp. Once contact with the LCU had been made, it passed on the fact that the ramp would not lower and we would have to load over the port side. There was considerable effort required to prepare to load. All stores had to be moved and the top hatches opened. (‘4 Field Regiment in the Falkland Islands’)
The landing plan was for 16 Field Ambulance to land by Mexeflote and the Welsh Guards by LCU. However, when a LCU appeared at 11.30 am, Lieutenant Colonel Roberts insisted that his medics should land first.
Meanwhile Argentine intelligence had detected the activity around Port Pleasant on 6 June from observers, electronic warfare and air-photo recces. The Ministry of Defence later investigated a tape prepared by the journalist Michael Nicholson, filed ‘in clear’ with Independent Television News on a 48-hour embargo, referring to operations (‘I can only describe as extraordinarily daring which, until completed, cannot be revealed’), may have alerted the Argentines to Wilson’s bold move. It doesn’t take much intelligence to deduce that with 3 Commando Brigade north of Wickham Heights, 5 Infantry Brigade was in the south and the ‘operation’ might well be somewhere in Port Pleasant. HQ Southern Air Force Command at Comodoro Rivadavia developed a plan for 5th and 6th Fighter Groups to attack Fitzroy and Bluff Cove while 8th Fighter Group diverted the British combat air patrol orbiting off West Falklands with a simulated attack on San Carlos Water. Normally based 300 miles inland, 5th Fighter Group had sunk HMS Ardent on 21 May, dropped the bomb on HMS Antelope, which then exploded so dramatically on the night of the 23rd, and then sank HMS Coventry and damaged HMS Broadsword two days later. It had also attacked 3 Commando Brigade at San Carlos and Ajax Bay on 27 May. The Daggers lacked in-flight refuelling capability and had weak electronic warfare countermeasures, while the Mirages had been outfought by the Sea Harriers. Times were organized so that the faster Daggers would arrive over the target area at the same time as the Skyhawks.
At about 10.50 am, eight 5th Group Skyhawk A-4Bs, armed with 5001b bombs, and eight 6th Group Daggers, each bombed up with two 1,0001b bombs, and a 1st Air Photographic Group Learjet guide, left Rio Grande. One Dagger returned to base after a bird strike. The Daggers, led by Captain Carlos Rohde, made landfall near Cape Meredith and banked northeast toward Falkland Sound, intending to cross Lafonia and then east to Port Pleasant. Three Skyhawks also returned to Argentina. A KC-130H tanker provided more in-flight fuelling. At about 12.35 pm, HMS Exeter, in the San Carlos area, issued Air Raid Red, however, by the time this reached the Port Pleasant sector, it was too late. Shortly before 12.45 pm, the four 4th Group Mirages, simulating an attack on San Carlos Water, were detected by two 801 Squadron Sea Harriers orbiting the southern end of Falkland Sound. Hopes to tempt them into a fight disappeared when the Mirages, as planned, broke away and were pursued by the Sea Harriers. The Daggers and Skyhawks streamed through the open door.
Aware of the raid, HMS Plymouth was steaming to Cancho Point to give naval gunfire for a Special Forces report of a suspected Argentine position on Mount Rosalie. At about 12.50 pm, a lookout reported five aircraft 2 miles to the south-west. Helm hard to starboard, the destroyer lurched around to the east and, at full speed, headed for the air defence umbrella of San Carlos Water. Believing that he had lost the element of surprise, Captain Rohde first flew over her and then in line astern, the Daggers attacked. In the face of 20mm fire from the ship’s secondary armament and a Seacat missile, the Argentines opened up with cannon, damaging the hydraulic and electrical cables feeding the 4.5-inch main armament. Dropping four bombs, one careered through the funnel, two smashed the anti-submarine spigot mortar hoist and handling gear and the fourth caused a depth charge stowed aft to explode and start a fire in the Chief Petty Officers’ Mess and galley. None exploded. As the Argentine pilots climbed, they saw the warship billowing smoke and limping back toward San Carlos where a helicopter delivered fire-fighting apparatus and evacuated five wounded to Ajax Bay. None of the Daggers were damaged and the pilots returned to Rio Grande in the belief they had sunk a ship.
The Skyhawks, now led by First Lieutenant Cachon, on his third combat sortie but first as mission leader, passed through rain showers, were briefly deflected by a Sea King near Choiseul Sound and surprised a Scout flown by Sergeant Dick Kalinski near Swan Inlet House. Hovering behind a hillock over MacPhee Pond, the drive shaft to the tail rotor failed as he started to climb and the helicopter dropped into 4 feet of water. At about 1.05 pm, in arrowhead formation, the Skyhawks flew over the western edge of Port Pleasant and encountered low-level air defence over Bluff Cove, which hit Lieutenant Galvez’s aircraft. Seeing no ships, Cachon decided to return to base and with First Lieutenant Carlos Rinke, and Ensign Leonardo Carmona on his left, he heaved the flight to starboard through a 180-degree tight turn and climbed over East Island. As Ensigns Gomez and Galvez edged over to the left, Gomez reported two ships in Port Pleasant. The five Skyhawks split with Cachon, Rinke and Carmona aiming for Sir Galahad and Galvez and Gomez lining up on Sir Tristram. A Blowpipe missile whistled between Cachon’s and Rinke’s Skyhawks. The Rapier Troop had not completed the vital tests and adjustments, so necessary each time the firing unit was moved. Sergeant Pearson’s gunner, Gunner Tony McNally, picked up the aircraft visually and pressed the firing button only to hear a systems fault message in his helmet. On Bombardier McMartin’s Rapier, Lance Bombardier Tim Ward, knowing that the unit’s command transmitter had not been repaired, lined up on the approaching aircraft and pressed the firing button, in the hope that the system would work, but the missile stubbornly remained on its ramp. As he later commented: ‘Can you imagine how impotent we felt watching this disaster unfold before our very eyes? This feeling will remain with me for the rest of my life.’
Cachon released his bombs as he passed over the starboard side of the Sir Galahad. One hit the water, another pierced a diesel ready-use tank without exploding but the other two detonated. On Mount Challenger, Lieutenant Colonel Vaux was talking to a sapper when:
RSM Chisnall seized my arm in a vice-like grip. Such informality from him was so unusual that I knew something must be wrong, even before I heard his urgent direction, ‘Look over there, Colonel – down the coastline. Just look at those bastards!’ Skimming down the shore were four A4 Skyhawks of the Argentine Air Force. Even as we watched, helpless with horror, they rose upwards, and then swooped down upon the unsuspecting ships. A myriad of malevolent flashes preceded the great booming explosions, with which we were all too familiar (from the days of Bomb Alley in San Carlos). We watched the aircraft make two passes. On the second, the left hand ship, Sir Galahad, erupted in flames and billowing smoke. Soon the scene was obscured by oily black smog, which hung like a shroud over the area in which 5 Brigade’s troops had been landing. It was obvious they would not now be moving forward for a while, which must delay our advance as well. (Vaux, March to the South Atlantic)
Carmona opened up with his 20mm cannon peppering the upper works. When his bombs missed, his frustration was heard by Rinke, who thought that his bombs had been released. When Rinke realized his aircraft was still laden, it was too late to drop them. Galvez’s stick hit Sir Tristram while those of Gomez fell short. The five Skyhawks banked to the south, climbed sharply to 35,000 feet and returned to Argentina, without refuelling, in the certain knowledge that they had caught two British ships undefended. It was all over in a few seconds.
On Sir Galahad, most of the troops were in the narrow confines of the tank deck waiting to disembark. Down the centre were Land Rovers and trailers, ammunition and equipment on pallets and packs, rifles and webbing, and soldiers killing time – playing cards, chatting, dozing. Captain Drage:
Eventually at 12.45 the Prince of Wales Company began to load onto the LCU. The first group was Company HQ and FOO party. Some equipment, including bergens, was lowered into the LCU. At 13.00, as the first group were climbing down into the LCU, the attack came. There was a roar of jet engines very close and instantly two Skyhawk aircraft dropped their loads and flew over overhead. People in the LCU took cover. It was seconds later when the thick black toxic smoke appeared billowing out of the hold, then an enormous flash that shook the whole ship. Bombs were still landing around the ship; some looked like bomblets. One large bomb went through the stern of the ship just missing the LCUI. Two other bombs exploded. There was little time between the Captain giving ‘Air Raid Warning Red’ and ‘Abandon Ship’. The wounded soon appeared and started to climb into the LCU. They were very shocked, many badly burnt and some with body wounds. (‘4 Field Regiment in the Falkland Islands’)
Most knew nothing until ‘Air Raid Red!’ was broadcast on the tannoy, shouts of ‘Get down! Get down!’ and then an explosion and a fireball charging through the cavernous deck. Swirling, thick smoke prevented breathing and ammunition exploded sending bullets and shrapnel blasting into the soldiers. Guardsman David Grimshaw was a GPMG gunner, carrying about 2,000 rounds of ammunition:
The crew of Sir Galahad were mainly Chinese. As they slid open the door to the deck, there were these two Chinese men with these orange suits on. We were looking up at them at the time … they started shouting and screaming as they fell to the floor. As we turned round our company sergeant major shouted, ‘Hit the deck!’ So I turned over, face first, and hit the deck. Then there was a pause – five or six seconds, and then a big bang. I was unconscious for a couple of seconds. There was fire and smoke everywhere. I tried to stand up then and realised my leg had gone, so obviously I fell back down on the floor. When I came around, I was lying on the floor. All I could feel was the burning sensation in the lower part of my left leg. I remember looking at my left hand. It had melted. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Captain Roberts knew his ship was fatally damaged and ordered ‘Abandon ship’. Military discipline held. The ship’s RCT Port Operator Detachment used their knowledge of the ship to send shocked soldiers to the upper deck. Second Engineer Officer Paul Henry was awarded a posthumous George Medal when he gave his breathing apparatus to a junior officer who had returned to the Main Control Room, and told him to abandon ship. Company Sergeant Major Brian Neck of the Welsh Guards organized the evacuation from the wreckage of the tank deck. Rigid Raider coxswain Lance Corporal Bill Skinner and Sapper Leer, of 9 Parachute Squadron RE, were taking a short break on board. Skinner staggered from the ‘heads’ and, after assisting a dazed soldier to the upper deck, used his craft to ferry troops ashore. A Royal Marine, who was watching a film in a lounge, was leaving when he was punched by another Royal Marine, minus part of his leg. The Royal Marine tried to drag the wounded man to safety, but was overcome by smoke and told a rescue party where he could be found. When the order ‘Abandon ship!’ was given, he left in a helicopter in the belief that the wounded man was dead. Such was his guilt that during the night he attempted to commit suicide. Evacuated to SS Uganda as a psychiatric casualty, he tried to overdose using his own morphine. Although he was taken to see the wounded Royal Marine, the guilt remained, however he had a long recovery process. Fortunately, he had a supportive wife.
LCU Foxtrot One, skippered by Colour Sergeant ‘Connie’ Francis, took off men, as did Sergeant Boultby with his Mexeflote. He was awarded the Military Medal for his gallantry. The Sir Tristram RCT Port Operator Detachment motored to her sister ship and reinforced fire-fighting parties. Within thirty-five minutes, most able-bodied men had been evacuated.
The anti-submarine pilots of 825 NAS (Lieutenant Commander Hugh Clark) helped the stricken ships in very different conditions from their normal – billowing smoke and flames, explosions and men in the water. Most of those evacuated from the ship were assembled on the beach. Private Curtis, recently returned to 2 Para after nearly being evacuated to England because of the state of his feet, was from the Welsh Valleys:
The Welsh Guards had always held a special place in my heart. Running to the cove, I looked across at the blazing hulks. Both transport ships had been hit; the Sir Tristram nearer the jetty, had been struck on the stern deck; from the Sir Galahad, thick, belching smoke was spiralling upwards and helicopters already buzzed around its hull. There were lift rafts in the water, trying to pull away from the ship. I never felt so helpless. I could see the boys piled into boats and hear their cries. Their accents were the same as mine and they were in distress and in pain. This, more than anything else, brought home the full horror of war. We waded into the cold, grey sea, dragging the boats to shore. There were lads in a terrible state – their hair gone and skin peeling off in charred strips; some had lost limbs. (Curtis, CQB)
Fortunately, 2 Para had a foresighted Medical Officer, Captain Steve Hughes RAMC, who had trained the paras in advanced first aid, including resuscitation and the treatment of specific wounds, including burns. Even for those who had fought at Goose Green, it was the first time that many soldiers had seen such wounds in such numbers – burns, lost limbs, the deafened, confused and blinded, and gunshot and shrapnel wounds. Corporal Kevin Moran was a 2 Para Regimental Medical Assistant on the beach:
People were being pulled off by the choppers, which were working in pairs. One tried to get to the survivors, the other was trying to fan the smoke away so that the other helicopter could come underneath to lift anyone who was there. Without them fanning the smoke away, it would have been dangerous for the other pilot. He wouldn’t have been able to see where he was flying.
The scene on the beach was quite shocking. Your training takes over, that’s how you get through it. You know what you’ve been taught, you know how to deal with certain things and you do your best. You can deal with a patient in different ways. I try to look at them as a lump of meat. You do all the ‘There, there, kid,’ and ‘you’re going to be all right, no problem.’ Then you forget about it. Hopefully you’ve got someone else there who can maybe keep talking to the patient while you deal with the injury. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Left on board were several ship’s officers and 16 Field Ambulance medics. Sergeant Peter Naya was concussed by the explosion of the first bomb and had his head and back scorched. Establishing a first aid post on the forecastle, Naya organized triage, set up infusions and arranged evacuation of the wounded, some with fearful burns and others with lost limbs. Guardsman Grimshaw:
Someone from the field surgical team who was on the ship with us put a tourniquet on my leg and injected me with morphine. He was very good. I think if he hadn’t been there, I would have been a lot worse off. He acted so quickly, stopped the flow of blood and kept me calm. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
Three days later, Naya returned to his unit’s Advance Surgical Centre in time for the attacks on Stanley. He was awarded a well-deserved Military Medal. Invited by Brigadier Wilson to film the build-up of his Brigade at Fitzroy were several journalists, including a television crew. Guardsman Grimwood:
I was taken by helicopter to the beach. When it landed I was in the stretcher and was supporting my left leg in the air. There were bits hanging off it, so, I suppose, it look very horrific. I looked around and there was a film crew there. They seemed to jump at me. I was a bit annoyed at that. They were filming because of my leg. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
While visiting their para sappers erecting a water point in the BMA, Major Davies and Squadron Sergeant Major Pete Walker heard the bombing. By the time they reached their command post, a black pall of smoke was billowing from Sir Galahad. Davies:
I called the Defence Section to grab a stretcher, summoned the Second-in-Command and sent someone to warn the medical centre, which was close to our position. The first man we took off the helicopter was Chinese. He was crying with pain and burned flesh hung off him. I assumed the bomb must have hit the galley. Then another helicopter appeared with more suffering Chinese crewmen. The third helicopter brought blacked and singed men in Army uniforms. It was only after a couple of loads that the enormity of the tragedy began to dawn on me; there had been soldiers on the ships, after all. I lost count of the men we took from the helicopters to the medical centre, which rapidly filled to overflowing. We had to take screaming, bleeding, badly burned men off stretchers and put them on the floor to free more stretchers for yet more wounded. The sights, sounds and smell of burning flesh were horrific. Thankfully the brain can delay the realization of such horror and we ran with our smouldering loads, doused with water and fitted intravenous drips with a vague oblivion. Before long the medical centre overflowed. Those who had walked up from the shore stood around outside shocked and dazed. Many who had burns on the hands stood with them in drums of cold water; others walked around in silent pain with arms raised like prisoners. Some soldiers I took off the helicopters spoke to me as if they knew me. They were so blackened I did not recognize them. It was only when I saw their Royal Engineer stable belts that I realized 4 Troop must have been on board. Inevitably some people found it all too much. I found a medical officer in an agitated state just when the activity around the Medical Centre was at its height. He was saying how terrible it was, how the Second-in-Command had been killed and most of the medical stores lost. Since a RAMC staff sergeant was getting on with the task, I led the officer outside and told him to keep out of the way until he could do something useful. (Davies, ‘A Memoir of 9 Parachute Squadron RE’)
Lieutenant Colonel Rickett was visiting Number 2 Company (Major Christopher Drewry) with Regimental Sergeant Major Tony Davies when a radio operator told him that he was required urgently at Battalion HQ. His assumption that his two companies were on board the worst-hit ship was confirmed. Rickett:
I remember well seeing two ships in the distance coming into Fitzroy harbour but nobody thought very much about this, what the Navy did was none of our business! Although it seemed somewhat strange to see them in the clear light of day. None of us had any idea that the balance of the battalion was on board one of these ships, certainly nobody at Brigade HQ told us anything … Together with the RSM and the Padre, Peter Brook, we set off for Fitzroy where a scene of indescribable chaos awaited us. We were still of course under constant air attack and there were groups of kit-less Welsh Guardsmen everywhere. I remember saying ‘Stick close to me as I am lucky’ and we took cover as best we could. Soon afterwards I can remember the Company Sergeant Majors calling the roll in a sheep shed, but it was impossible at that moment to ascertain who had been killed and who, amongst the wounded, had been taken off direct from the stricken RFA Galahad by helicopter. With a heavy heart I returned to Battalion HQ, assuring Guy Sayle and Charles Bremner that I would get back to see them all as soon as I was able. I remember clearly that neither of them wanted me to leave them but we had to get on with the war. From that moment I was determined that none of us would look backwards on these tragic events but instead concentrate our minds on the tasks before us.
At the Land Forces Main Dressing Station at Ajax Bay, Surgeon Commander Rick Jolly was treating other wounded when a helicopter crewman rushed in with the message: ‘Galahad hit before surgical teams unloaded. Many burn casualties’. The immediate priority was to triage those who needed immediate treatment from those who could be transferred to ships’ sick bays for further treatment. He was struck by the Welsh Valley stoicism of the Welsh Guards as each man seemed to know someone who was worse off and should be treated first. The wounded were assembled in the Fitzroy Community Centre. Many would suffer years of painful treatment and permanent disabilities.
The Rapier Troop quickly came in for criticism. A Parachute Regiment major threatened to send Bombardier McMartin’s detachment back to the United Kingdom. Told of the systems failure, he said he would have a replacement component within two hours. It never arrived. The Rapiers were not the only air defence – there were the 0.50-inch Brownings, a Blowpipe section from 43 Air Defence Battery and countless general purpose machine guns. Sir Galahad had a 40mm Bofors.
HQ Southern Air Force Command was elated with Cachon’s attack and planned two more sorties before night fell, the first, an anti-shipping strike by 5th Fighter Group and an anti-personnel raid by 4th Fighter Group with top cover again provided by Mirages of 8th Fighter Group. So far, the war of 4th Fighter Group had been when, on 30 May, its pilots claimed to have sunk HMS Invincible. Using the pall of smoke over Port Pleasant as his beacon, First Lieutenant Bolzan, the 5th Fighter Group Mazo Flight commander, attacked from the south-west at about 2.30 pm. In spite of Southern Air Force Command predictions, he found that the British were not demoralized. Sergeant Pearson’s Rapier had been tested and the flight was met with a blistering barrage, nevertheless the Skyhawks escaped serious damage. The Scots Guards air defence profile fired over 18,000 rounds. Major C. Jordan of 97 (Lawson’s Company) Field Battery: ‘My second memory was of SSgt McLean’s black mug filled with steaming tea in one hand and SMG crooked in his elbow in the other deliberately firing and drinking as the planes hurtled over our position’ (‘4th Field Regiment in the Falkland Islands’).
Captain John Russell, the 4th Field Regiment Adjutant, was not so canny. Strolling to his trench with a cup of cocoa, as the Skyhawks screamed overhead, he dived into a trench occupied by Bombardier Nicholson, spilling most of his precious drink. ‘What service, Bombardier, chocolate served in an air raid!’ With stolid humour, Nicholson replied ‘But, sir, you’ve drunk most of it!’ Clearing Port Pleasant, Bolzan searched for other targets and saw, at the mouth of Choiseul Sound, a landing craft loaded with vehicles.
LCU Foxtrot Four had arrived at Goose Green at about 4.00 am and loaded nine soldiers and six Land Rovers of Brigade HQ and the Signal Squadron, commanded by Captain Carel Bouwens, a Royal Engineer staff officer; two of the vehicles were fitted with cryptographic equipment for secure communications. Aware of the importance of the load, Colour Sergeant Johnson ignored Southby-Tailyour’s instructions not to sail in daylight. ‘Bugger the orders. I’ve been frightened by a Royal Navy frigate when I was returning to Salvador Waters and I’m not going to risk that again in the dark. The Brigade needs these vehicles forward now. We’ll sail.’ At about 2.35 pm, about one mile south of Johnson Island, the alarm was raised as Bolzan and his wingman, Lieutenant Vasquez dived, leaving First Lieutenant Hector Sanchez and his wingman, Lieutenant Arraras, as top cover. Vasquez bracketed the landing craft with one 5001b bomb falling about 20 metres astern and his second landing on the stern, wrecking the wheelhouse and killing Colour Sergeant Johnson, three other Royal Marines and two Royal Navy engine room artificers, and fatally wounding Marine ‘Griff’ Griffiths. Marine Jim Quigley, on the wheel, climbed back on board after being blown into the sea. Marine ‘Tich’ Cruden, temporarily blinded, was crawling through a hole from the accommodation with his clothes and hair on fire: ‘The Army put me out with a fire extinguisher.’ On the tank deck, Airtrooper Mark Price, the Australian driver of the Commanding Officer of 656 Squadron, was also temporarily blinded when he was blown over a trailer.
The attack was spotted by two 800 Squadron Sea Harriers practising dusk deck-landing training conducted by Lieutenant Dave Smith for a recently arrived RAF pilot, Flight Lieutenant Dave Morgan. They shot down two of the Skyhawks and then watched Bolzan’s Skyhawk career into sand dunes at Rain Cove. Sanchez escaped by ditching all his stores and spare fuel. He was fortunate to meet up with the KC-130H tanker.
Meanwhile, 4th Fighter Group’s Yunque Flight left Military Air Base St Julian at 3.00 pm for the third attack. With dusk approaching, Captain Mario Cafaratti was guided by the orange glows and spiral of black smoke, however the four Skyhawks were met with a hail of ground fire. Ensign Codrington, passing over Mount Kent, ran into fire from 42 Commando. The Harrier pilots reported the position of the LCU.
Near the mouth of Choiseul Sound, the crippled Foxtrot Four was wallowing in ocean currents with the soldiers tackling the fires. The Land Rovers and trailers were shuffled for’ard to lift the shattered stern. With one life raft damaged beyond repair, the second one was thrown over the side in case the landing craft had to be abandoned but this punctured on jagged metal. After Sergeant Alec Turner and Corporal Bob Taylor had disposed of the cryptographic material, Taylor improvised a raft from inflated lifejackets and a tarpaulin. Shortly before the attack, Colour Sergeant Johnson had fortuitously shown their position to Captain Bouwens and when Lance Corporals Mair and Davison persuaded a radio to work, a Mayday was sent to Brigade HQ. Two 656 Squadron helicopters failed to find the LCU, however a Sea King commanded by Lieutenant Miller, fresh from the rescues off Fitzroy, found it and everyone was winched on board.
During the late afternoon at Goose Green, a mixed bag of 180 Gurkhas and other soldiers, all under the command of Major Bill Dawson, the Gurkha Second-in-Command, embarked on the Monsunen to be ferried to Fitzroy. Concerned about the cryptographic material on aboard the LCU, Brigadier Wilson instructed Dawson to find it and tow it to Fitzroy. Lieutenant McLaren, in command of the Monsunen, arrived with a completely different set of orders from Commodore Clapp and confusion reigned until it was agreed that the landing craft must be found. After a several hours, she was found drifting south-east of Lively Island and a tow-rope was passed. However, a trailing rope snagged Monsunen’s propeller and when attempts by Gurkhas to untangle it failed, Dawson reported to HQ LFFI that he had found the LCU but that the Monsunen was immobilized; no one knew about the attempt to recover the cipher. HMS Yarmouth then found the two vessels and after her divers had freed the propeller, Dawson instructed McLean to return to Goose Green. The Gurkhas were flown to join their Battalion at Fitzroy by Chinook. LCU Foxtrot Four eventually sank, taking with her the valuable radio vehicles. For Brigadier Wilson, the loss of the radios was a serious setback – he was now reliant upon his lighter manpack Tac HQ.
Many of those who had dealt with the casualties from the two ships were strengthened by the quiet discipline of the survivors. The ability to equip those who had lost weapons, equipment and clothing was restricted by the loss of the Atlantic Conveyor. Davies took stock:
4 Troop had effectively been written off, with Corporal Andrew McIlvenna and Sapper Wayne Tarbard killed and eight wounded, Staff Sergeant Grant with shrapnel and Lance Corporal Thew and Sappers Dodds, Ennis, Richards, Wallis and Williams, all with burns. As we reflected on the day’s events, we recalled the horror, the excitement and, incredibly, the humour. For example the diminutive figure of Lieutenant John Mullins, who commanded Support Troop, came stomping up the track. He was shocked and could only speak in a whisper and kept saying ‘It was terrible, terrible, David Foxley’s dead, 4 Troop’s gone …’ I sat him down and asked someone to make him a brew. Shortly afterward Foxley appeared, a bit singed but otherwise unhurt. He had obviously been deafened for when he spoke, he yelled. He was all right and he was going to look after his Troop – and the whole world could hear him. (Davies, ‘A Memoir of 9 Parachute Squadron RE’)
4 Field Squadron joined HMS Intrepid as its embarked Sapper Troop and cleared West Falkland settlements of mines and booby traps. On 25 June, RFA Sir Galahad was torpedoed south-west of Stanley by the submarine HMS Onyx, the only diesel-electric British submarine to go south. RFA Sir Tristram was refloated and towed to Stanley where she was used for accommodation until 1984 when she was brought back to England and reconstructed.
The amphibious nature of the war presented both sides problems in the management of the wounded. The Uganda was a P&O liner that had been on an educational cruise in the Mediterranean, but was converted to a hospital ship and, in spite of the Junta’s protests that she was delivering war stores, she collected wounded directly from Ajax Bay. Staff Nurse Marion Stock was a member of Queen Alexandra’s Royal Naval Nursing Service:
We were told to go to the officers’ mess, which had been turned into another ward to receive these casualties. Just before we got to the door, there was this awful stench of burning. We opened the doors and there were about forty beds of black faces. It was a feeling of horror. You wanted to close the doors and run. Then you thought; God, you’ve to hide this horror you have on your face because of the patients … Some had had nightmares about when they had been trapped. Others had seen their colleagues being badly burned and had tried to help or couldn’t help. Their frustration came out and the only thing you could really do was sit and listen. You wanted to go back to your room and cry your eyes out because you felt desperately sorry for these people … Some of the patients wondered how their wives and girlfriends might react … How are my children going to react when they see me looking like this? But they never complained. They were very brave men – they were marvellous. (Bilton and Kominsky, Speaking Out)
HMS Hydra, Hecla and Herald and the logistic support ships, British Test and British Trent, were used as ambulance ships to take casualties from SS Uganda to Montevideo from where they were flown to England in aeromedic VC-10s for treatment at the naval and military hospitals.
Argentina used naval transports for her wounded. When Bahia Paraiso arrived off the Falklands, painted white and displaying a large Red Cross on her flight deck hangar, the British, knowing she had been used at South Georgia in April, insisted on her being searched. She collected casualties, delivered medical supplies to Stanley and then met with the Uganda, in the ‘Red Cross Box’ to the north of Falkland Sound to collect prisoners wounded at Goose Green.
The attacks cost the Welsh Guards thirty-two non-commissioned officers and guardsmen; the REME, a corporal and a craftsman; and the Army Catering Corps, a lance corporal and three privates, all killed. 16 Field Ambulance lost much of their equipment and suffered three fatalities, including Major Roger Nutbeem, the Second-in-Command; it was fortunate that most of the unit had landed early. 4 Field Troop RE lost two killed and eight wounded. RFA Sir Galahad had three officers and three Chinese killed, and RFA Sir Tristram, two Chinese killed. Forty-six men were evacuated to Ajax Bay with serious wounds.
For the British public, reading the longest casualty list on a single day since the Korean War, and watching those dramatic pictures, was a shock. Wilson’s bold move to Port Pleasant was full of risks, however it was significantly increased when 2 Para hijacked the landing craft meant to rendezvous with HMS Fearless. In a radio conversation next day, Admiral Fieldhouse and Rear Admiral Woodward distanced themselves from responsibility by agreeing that Major General Moore bore ultimate responsibility. Writing in his diary, Rear Admiral Woodward ‘could strangle’ Commodore Clapp after he’d been told not to put HMS Intrepid into Fitzroy, which Clapp had not. He wished that he had told Moore and Clapp not to land at Fitzroy and Bluff Cove; as the Carrier Battle Group commander, it was not his decision. A naval Board of Inquiry concluded that Commodore Clapp had taken a justifiable risk by sending the two LSLs to Port Pleasant – nevertheless, within a few years, he left the Royal Navy, still as a Commodore. He was never debriefed and has not been given sufficient credit for his major contribution to victory.
Menendez had sufficient troops to carry out a destabilizing attack on 5 Infantry Brigade. During the evening, Lieutenant Colonel Soria, whose 4th Infantry Regiment was defending Two Sisters and Mount Harriet, found Brigadier General Jofre in a fighting mood. ‘New Commando units are waiting for the Air Force Chinooks and are ready for deployment to the British rear.’ All he needed was for Menendez’s Chief-of-Staff, Brigadier General Daher, to return from Argentina with confirmation that a general counter-attack was feasible. In an interview for the New York Times the following day, he said that the conscripts ‘remained in excellent condition, physically and spiritually’, and remained prepared to ‘confront and rout the colonial invaders’. He no doubt hoped that the word ‘colonial’ would strike a cord of sympathy for him with his American audience.
Military blunders usually follow personality weaknesses, technology and equipment failures, intelligence miscalculations and poor organization. There were mistakes and misjudgements during ‘the bold move’ and five Skyhawks were lost on that clear day.