Notes

Notes to Introduction

2    “proposed to give” and allow “the weak to grow”: Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, Fragment on Slavery, 2:222.

3    the uniquely American “right to rise”: Gabor S. Boritt, Lincoln and the Economics of the American Dream (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press, 1978), 1.

3    “Whatever is calculated to advance the condition”: Speech to Germans at Cincinnati, Ohio, February 12, 1861, CW, 4:203.

4    “a fair chance, in the race of life”: Message to Special Session of Congress, July 4, 1861, CW, 4:438.

4    Lincoln believed the unique purpose: Fragment on the Constitution and the Union, ca. January 1863, CW, 4:168–169.

4    He called it the “laudable pursuit”: Message to Special Session of Congress, July 4, 1861, CW, 4:438.

6    “The prudent, penniless beginner”: Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861, CW, 5:52.

Notes to Chapter One

11    frequently attributed to the nineteenth-century French writer: Robert Hendrickson, The Facts on File Encyclopedia of Word and Phrase Origins (New York: Checkmark, 2000), 22. In reality, the phrase was first popularized a full century after Tocqueville by historian James Truslow Adams, in a best-selling book called The Epic of America (1932).

11    “Amongst the novel objects”: Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (originally published 1835–1839), translated by Henry Reeve, revised by Frances Bowen, edited by Phillip Bradley, 2 vols. (New York: Vintage, 1945), 1:3.

12    Tocqueville witnessed a land alive: Ibid., 2:165–166.

12    the country was ideally suited: Ibid., 1:53.

12    struck by the level of social mobility: Ibid., 2:36–37.

12    “I never met in America”: Ibid., 2:137–138.

12    “Between these two extremes”: Ibid., 2:266.

12    born . . . to parents from “undistinguished families”: Jesse Fell autobiography, December 20, 1859, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 3:511.

13    “picked up from time to time”: Ibid.

14    Neighbors whispered that he became sterile: See Charles Friend (a relative) to William H. Herndon (Lincoln’s law partner and future biographer), July 31, 1889, Douglas L. Wilson and Rodney O. Davis, Herndon’s Informants: Letters, Interviews, and Statements About Abraham Lincoln (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 674.

15    “It is a great folly”: John L. Scripps’s recollection in ibid., 57.

16    “gratitude to our fathers”: Address to the Springfield Young Men’s Lyceum, January 27, 1838, CW, 1:108.

16    “toil up from poverty”: From Lincoln’s Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861, CW, 5:52–53.

17    may have converted Abe: Michael Burlingame, The Inner World of Abraham Lincoln (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), esp. 20–56.

17    “wild animals still in the woods”: Autobiographical sketch, December 20, 1859, CW, 3:511.

17    “One night,” he later reported: Scripps autobiography, CW, 4:62.

18    “A gentleman had purchased”: Lincoln to Mary Speed, CW, 1:260.

18    “toiling under the weight of poverty”: Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1860.

19    “bunglingly sign his own name”: Autobiography written for John L. Scripps, ca. June 1860, CW, 4:61.

20    The enterprise eventually “winked out”: Scripps autobiography, CW, 4:65.

20    he began jokingly referring to his obligations: John T. Morse, Abraham Lincoln, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1896), 1:40.

21    he had not “since had any success”: Scripps autobiography, CW, 4:64.

22    Lawyer Lincoln routinely handled: Two of the best new books on the subject are Allen D. Spiegel, A. Lincoln, Esquire: A Shrewd, Sophisticated Lawyer in His Time (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2002); and Mark E. Steiner, An Honest Calling: The Law Practice of Abraham Lincoln (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006). The standard documentary reference work now is Daniel W. Stowell et al., eds., The Papers of Abraham Lincoln: Legal Documents and Cases, 4 vols. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2008).

24    “[W]e hope the author of it”: Scientific American, December 1, 1860, 356.

24    Clay’s American System featured: Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 210–233.

24    “My politics are short and sweet”: Gabor S. Boritt, Lincoln and the Economics of the American Dream (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press, 1978), 93.

25    As Lincoln surely knew: Ibid., 2.

26    As Lincoln saw matters, “The true rule”: Speech to House of Representatives, June 20, 1848, CW, 1:484.

30    “Mr. Clay’s predominant sentiment”: Eulogy to Henry Clay, July 6, 1852, CW, 2:126.

Notes to Chapter Two

35    Lincoln was “full of wit, facts, dates”: Harold Holzer, Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President (New York: Simon and Schuster Paperbacks, 2004), 5.

35    “The whole nation is interested”: Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 2:268.

36    “When southern people tell us”: Lincoln’s Peoria, Illinois, speech, October 16, 1854, CW, 2:255–256.

36    “Let it not be said”: CW, 266.

37    his way to achieve the ultimate goal: A groundbreaking exploration of this theory can be found in James Oakes, The Scorpion’s Sting: Antislavery and the Coming of the Civil War (New York: W. W. Norton, 2014).

37    Lincoln decried “the spread of slavery”: CW, 3:14.

38    “Under the operation of the policy of compromise”: CW, 2:461–462. Lincoln took the “house divided” language from the Bible, Mark 3:25: “And if a house be divided against itself, that house cannot stand.”

39    “Have we no tendency to the latter condition?”: CW, 2:514.

40    “greedy chase to make profit of the negro”: CW, 2:276.

41    He reiterated this position: CW, 3:249.

41    “But in the right to eat the bread”: CW, 3:16.

42    who foresaw “an ‘irrepressible conflict’”: CW, 4:451.

42    he described them as equally guilty: Holzer, Lincoln at Cooper Union, 36–37.

42    “Did you ever hear a Republican that dissented”: Justin G. Turner and Linda Levitt Turner, eds., Mary Todd Lincoln: Her Life and Letters (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), 59; “Speech of Senator Douglas at Cincinnati,” New York Times, September 12, 1859.

42    “We want, and must have, a national policy”: CW, 3:435.

43    Ohio had gone Republican in 1859: Illinois State Journal, November 18, 1859.

44    “I love Mr. Lincoln dearly”: William Herndon to Edward McPherson, clerk of the US House of Representatives, February 4, 1866.

45    expressed his personal conviction: George Washington to Robert Morris, April 12, 1786, W. W. Abbott, ed., The Papers of George Washington, Confederation Series, 6 vols. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992–1997), 4:15–17.

45    With no researchers to assist him: Leonard W. Volk, “The Lincoln Life-Mask and How It Was Made,” Century Magazine, December 1881, 223–228.

45    “[B]ut he has no right,” Lincoln wrote: Holzer, Lincoln at Cooper Union, 53.

46    “Such is Abraham Lincoln”: New York Tribune, February 24, 1860.

46    he quoted the words used by Douglas: CW, 3:522.

48    “Neither let us be slandered”: CW, 3:550.

49    “yielding and accommodating”: Francis Fisher Browne, The Every-Day Life of Abraham Lincoln (New York: N. D. Thompson, 1886), 737.

49    Greeley’s Tribune agreed: New York Tribune, February 28, 1860.

49    Bryant’s antislavery New York Evening Post: New York Evening Post, February 28, 1860.

49    “Right makes might”: CW, 3:541.

50    The “‘equality of man’ principle”: Speech at Hartford, Connecticut, March 5, 1860, CW, 4:3.

50    he offered his most direct synthesis: Speech at New Haven, Connecticut, March 6, 1860, CW, 4:24–25.

50    As the New York Tribune reported: New York Tribune, February 28, 1860.

51    the “wildest enthusiasm” erupted: J. G. Holland, The Life of Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, IL: Gurdon Bill, 1866), 223.

52    He would not “write, or speak”: CW, 4:93.

52    his “positions were well known”: CW, 4:60.

52    Lincoln was already on record: Speech at Chicago, March 1, 1859, CW, 3:366, 370. Voters could find Lincoln’s views on these questions in the best-selling editions in circulation of both the Lincoln-Douglas debates and the Cooper Union address.

52    Lincoln remained willing to “tolerate” it: Lincoln’s address at Chicago, July 10, 1858, CW, 2:488, 491.

52    slavery could be destroyed by simply hemming it in: See Oakes, Scorpion’s Sting, esp. Chapter 1, “‘Like a Scorpion Girt by Fire.’”

53    slavery would not completely disappear: See Lincoln’s Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862, in which he admits that full freedom—extended to border states through a system of gradual compensated emancipation—might require another thirty-seven years, until 1900. CW, 5:531.

53    “This is the same old trick”: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History, 10 vols. (New York: Century, 1890), 3:280–281.

53    As for “those who will not read, or heed”: Lincoln to William S. Speer, October 23, 1860, CW, 4:130.

53    “What is it I could say”: Lincoln to George T. M. Davis, October 27, 1860, CW, 4:132–133.

Notes to Chapter Three

58    Lincoln’s logic-driven conviction: As recently as 2007, historian William C. Harris argued in an excellent new study that Lincoln took “a sanguine view of the impact of his election on Southerners.” See Harris, Lincoln’s Rise to the Presidency (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2007), 248. Richard Carwardine similarly wrote of “Lincoln’s larger misreading of the southern surge toward secession,” though he conceded that “Lincoln’s general policy of silence was not unwise.” See Carwardine, Lincoln: A Life of Purpose and Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006), 140–141.

59    “I could say nothing”: Lincoln to Truman Smith, November 10, 1860, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 4:138.

59    “Every newspaper he opened”: Harold G. Villard and Oswald Garrison Villard, Lincoln on the Eve of ’61: A Journalist’s Story by Henry Villard (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941), 23.

59    “I want the slaveholders”: Philip S. Foner and Yuval Taylor, eds., Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings, Library of Black America Series (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2000); Douglass’ Monthly, January 1861.

60    “Mr. Lincoln is not pledged”: Lincoln to Henry J. Raymond, December 18, 1860, CW, 4:156.

61    “I am for no compromise”: Lincoln to William H. Seward, February 1, 1861, CW, 4:183.

62    he made his views clear: Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 167.

62    “Let there be no compromise”: Lincoln to Lyman Trumbull, December 10, 1860, CW, 4:149–150.

62    Lincoln employed the same emphatic phrase: William Kellogg to Lincoln, December 6, 1860, Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress.

62    “The tug has to come”: Lincoln to Kellogg, December 11, 1860, CW, 4:150. Unbeknownst to Lincoln, who did not meet him until after writing these letters, Edward Bates had expressed the same view (privately, to his diary) a few weeks earlier, on November 22: “If we must have civil war, perhaps it is better now than at a future date.” It is reasonable to assume the two men discussed the potential for war when they conferred in Springfield. Howard K. Beale, ed., The Diary of Edward Bates, 1859–1866 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1933), 158.

62    “Prevent, as far as possible”: CW, 4:151.

62    “My opinion is that no state”: Lincoln to Thurlow Weed, December 17, 1860, CW, 4:154.

63    “resume a separate, equal rank”: New York Times, December 22, 1860.

63    Secession fever had grown incurable: David M. Potter and Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 491–496. Based on a study by Michael P. Johnson, “A New Look at the Popular Vote for Delegates to the Georgia Secession Convention,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 56 (1972): 259–275. Potter and Fehrenbacher estimate that popular support for secession amounted to only 50 to 51 percent.

63    Lincoln had achieved his objectives: William H. Seward, An Autobiography (New York: Derby and Miller, 1891), 479.

63    “Compromise has gone up the spout”: Springfield (MA) Daily Republican, December 28, 1860, quoted in Carroll C. Arnold, “The Senate Committee of Thirteen, December 6–31, 1860,” J. Jeffery Auer, ed., Antislavery and Disunion, 1858–1861: Studies in the Rhetoric of Compromise and Conflict (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), 327.

64    “Without the Constitution and the Union”: Fragment on the Constitution and the Union, January 1861, CW, 4:168–169.

65    “This middle-class country”: Ralph Waldo Emerson, remarks at the funeral services of the president, Concord, Massachusetts, April 19, 1865, The Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Fireside Edition, 12 vols. (Boston and New York, 1909), 11:312, http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1961#Emerson_1236–11_328.

65    “adherence to the Union and the Constitution”: Speech at Trenton, New Jersey, February 21, 1861, CW, 4:26.

66    “a task before me”: Farewell address to Springfield, Illinois, “A” version (rewritten by Lincoln on the train), February 11, 1861, CW, 4:190.

66    “[A]way back in my childhood”: Speech to the New Jersey state senate, February 21, 1861, CW, 4:235–236.

67    Lincoln planned to use this message: All these and subsequent quotes from the first printed draft of the Inaugural Address, Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress, reprinted in CW, 4:249–262.

67    “Having been so elected”: Draft for the Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, CW, 4:250.

68    “One section of our country”: Lincoln’s Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, CW, 4:268–270. President Obama quoted this phrase—perhaps equally in vain, some might say—when he declared victory in Grant Park, Chicago, after his first race for the presidency.

68    “to shift the ground”: CW, 4:200–201.

68    “Fellow citizens of the United States”: Rufus Rockwell Wilson, Intimate Memories of Lincoln (Elmira, NY: Primavera Press, 1945), 366.

69    Lincoln delivered a stern warning: Wilson, Lincoln’s Sword (New York: Vintage, 2007), 50.

69    “In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen”: CW, 4:261.

69    “We are not enemies”: First Inaugural Address, CW, 4:249–271.

70    commander in chief responded within hours: Proclamation 15, 1861, CW, 4:332.

70    denounced Lincoln as a “military dictator”: New Orleans Daily Picayune, April 17, 1861.

70    likened his threat to “save the Union”: New York Evening Day-Book, April 16, 1861.

71    “maintain its own existence”: Special Message to Congress, July 4, 1861, CW, 4:426.

71    In one particularly sublime passage: Message to Congress, July 4, 1861, CW, 4:438.

72    “the day when slavery can no longer extend itself”: John Stuart Mill, “The Contest in America,” Fraser’s Magazine, February 1862.

Notes to Chapter Four

75    “The legitimate object of government”: Fragment on government, July 1, 1854[?], Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 2:220–221.

77    “I have never had a feeling politically”: Speech at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, February 22, 1861, CW, 4:240.

77    Republicans assumed large majorities in both houses: David Donald, Lincoln (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1955), 304–305.

78    “a blueprint for modern America”: Leonard P. Curry, Blueprint for Modern America: Nonmilitary Legislation of the First Civil War Congress (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1968).

79    “Mr. Lincoln listened with earnest attention”: Frederick Douglass in Allen Thorndike Rice, ed., Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by Distinguished Men of His Time (New York: North American Reviews, 1886), 187–188.

81    “It is not needed, nor fitting here”; “Again”: Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861, CW, 5:51–53.

83    “Fellow-citizens,” he declared: Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862, CW, 5:537.

84    They were originally scheduled to remain: New York State, Annual Report of the Adjutant General (Albany, January 15, 1862).

85    “In no other way”: CW, 7:522.

85    By 1864 the gross national product: American Railroad Journal 37 (October 8, 1864): 486, 989. For a detailed discussion of the economic boom in the Northern states during the Civil War, see Allan Nevins, The War for the Union (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons), 3:212–270.

86    Thanksgiving Day Proclamation of 1863: CW, 6:496.

87    “It is easy to see”: Annual Message to Congress, December 8, 1863, CW, 7:10.

87    A year later he reported: CW, 7:40.

87    “We do not approach exhaustion”: CW, 8:146, 150–151.

87    The total number of new immigrants: Thomas Brinley, Migration and Economic Growth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 93.

87    1 out of 10 immigrants in 1864: Maldwyn Allen Jones, American Immigration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 173.

87    wages in the US Northern states: American Railroad Journal 37 (August 13, 1864): 1478.

88    “Agriculture,” as he lamented in December 1861: Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861, CW, 5:46.

89    “peculiarly the people’s Department”: Annual Messages to Congress, December 1, 1862, December 6, 1864, CW, 5:526–527; 8:147–148. See also Wayne D. Rasmussen, “Lincoln’s Agricultural Legacy,” US Department of Agriculture National Agricultural Library, http://www.nal.usda.gov/lincolns-agricultural-legacy.

89    The Department of Agriculture reported: Monthly report of the US Department of Agriculture, February 1865, 31.

89    resulted in raising the national income: Nevins, War for the Union, 3:212–270; Annual Message to Congress, December 6, 1864, CW, 8:146.

89    750,000 Union and Confederate soldiers: See David Hacker, “A Census-Based Count of the Civil War Dead,” Civil War History 57 (December 2011).

90    “Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity”: First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, CW, 4:271.

90    “Let us diligently apply the means”: Speech to a Union rally at Springfield, Illinois, written as a letter to James C. Conkling, August 26, 1863, CW, 6:410.

Notes to Chapter Five

91    “I am naturally anti-slavery”: Lincoln to Albert G. Hodges, April 4, 1864, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 7:281.

92    “Fair play is a jewell”: Lincoln to Simon Cameron, August 10, 1861, CW, 4:480.

92    “I have always hated slavery”: Speech at Chicago, July 10, 1858, CW, 2:492.

92    used the phrase ultimate extinction: See “house divided” address, June 16, 1858, and speech at Chicago, July 10, 1858, CW, 2:461, 490–493.

93    “That is the issue that will continue”: Lincoln at Alton, Illinois, October 15, 1858, CW, 3:315.

93    there should be “no war, no violence”: CW, 3:316.

94    “founded on both injustice and bad policy”: Protest (with Dan Stone) to the Illinois Legislature, March 3, 1837, CW, 1:75.

94    Lincoln’s speech reveals the limits: Lyceum address, January 27, 1838, CW, 1:109.

95    Lincoln chose not “to recount the horrors”: CW, 1:109–110.

95    the “mobocratic spirit”: CW, 1:111.

95    Those happening in the State of Mississippi: CW, 1:109–110.

96    “that offers them no protection”: CW, 1:111.

96    “Let reverence for the laws”: CW, 1:112.

97    “Whenever the vicious portion”: CW, 1:111.

98    quick to answer in the affirmative: Lincoln to Usher F. Linder, March 22, 1848, CW, 1:458.

98    its being “unnecessary and unconstitutional”: CW, 1:458.

100    “So you are the little woman”: Annie Fields, ed., Life and Letters of Harriet Beecher Stowe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1897), 268–269.

101    Lincoln was “boldly” avowing: Illinois State Register report of Lincoln’s Springfield speech of June 10, 1856, CW, 2:345.

101    “extreme northern part of Illinois”: Stephen A. Douglas, opening speech at Galesburg debate, October 7, 1858, CW, 3:213.

101    Lincoln denied such charges: Lincoln’s remarks at Charleston, September 18, 1858, CW, 3:145.

102    “Did old Giddings”: Douglas at Quincy, Illinois, October 13, 1858, CW, 3:263.

102    “He believed the attack of Brown wrong”: Speech at Elwood, Kansas, December 1 [November 30?], 1859, CW, 3:496.

103    “You charge that we stir up insurrections”: Speech at Cooper Union, February 27, 1860, CW, 3:538.

103    “John Brown’s effort was peculiar”: CW, 3:541.

104    He distanced himself from Brown: Speech at New Haven, Connecticut, March 6, 1860, CW, 4:23.

104    Lincoln distanced himself from Brown yet again: Speech at Bloomington, Illinois, April 10, CW, 4:23, 42.

105    political cartoons of the day: See, for example, Currier & Ives, “Uncle Sam” Making New Arrangements and, conversely, “The Nigger” in the Woodpile, both published in 1860, Bernard F. Reilly Jr., American Political Prints, 1766–1876: A Catalog of the Collections in the Library of Congress (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1991), 441, 451.

106    “If Mr. Lincoln were really an Abolitionist President”: Philip S. Foner and Yuval Taylor, eds., Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings, Library of Black America Series (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2000); Douglass’ Monthly, December 1860.

107    struck Douglass as “weak,” “revolting,” and “horrible”: Douglass’ Monthly, April 1861.

107    “I have never understood that the presidency”: Lincoln to Hodges, April 4, 1864, CW, 7:281.

Notes to Chapter Six

111    the administration gave little guidance: Adam Goodheart, “How Slavery Really Ended in America,” New York Times, April 1, 2011.

112    “then, thenceforward, and forever free”: Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, September 22, 1862, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 5:434.

112    “We are waging war”: Craig L. Symonds, Stonewall of the West: Patrick Cleburne and the Civil War (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997) 181–201.

113    Lincoln’s reputation as an antislavery leader: See, for example, Lerone Bennett, Forced into Glory: Abraham Lincoln’s White Dream (Chicago: Johnson, 1999).

113    revisionists have been debating: A good recent story that encompasses this phenomenon is John McKee Barr, Loathing Lincoln: An American Tradition from the Civil War to the Present (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014), esp. Chapter 5.

113    “My paramount object in this struggle”: Lincoln to Greeley, August 22, 1862, CW, 5:388–389.

113    “our government rests in public opinion”: Speech at Chicago, December 10, 1856, CW, 2:385.

114    “[W]ith public sentiment, nothing can fail”: From Lincoln’s reply at the first Lincoln-Douglas debate, Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, 1858, CW, 3:27.

115    Blair “deprecated the policy”: F[rancis]. B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House with Abraham Lincoln: The Story of a Picture (New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1867), 21.

116    fretted that paying for compensated emancipation: New York Times, March 7, 1862.

116    “Have you noticed the facts”: Lincoln to Henry J. Raymond, March 9, 1862, CW, 5:153.

116    “I do not speak of emancipation”: Appeal to Border State Representatives on Compensated Emancipation, July 12, 1862, CW, 5:318.

116    His appeal fell on profoundly deaf ears: “Stormy meeting” reported in Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005), 109.

117    “I would do it if I were not afraid”: Edward L. Pierce, Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner, 4 vols. (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1894), 4:185.

117    peremptory, almost insubordinate letter: George B. McClellan to Lincoln, July 7, 1862, and to Mary Ellen McClellan, July 10, 1862, Stephen W. Sears, ed., The Civil War Papers of George B. McClellan: Selected Correspondence, 1860–1865 (New York: Ticknor and Fields, 1889), 344–345, 348.

117    It was then, Welles remembered: Gideon Welles, Diary, 3 vols. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911), 1:70–71.

118    “weary, care-worn and troubled”: Theodore Calvin Pease, ed., The Diary of Orville Hickman Browning, 2 vols. (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Library), 1:559.

118    “it was a violation of the Constitution”: Ibid.

119    what he called the “startling” idea: Message to Congress, July 17, 1862, CW, 5:328–331.

119    He would “not conserve slavery much longer”: John Hay to Mary Jay (daughter of John Jay), July 20, 1862, Michael Burlingame, ed., At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), 23.

119    The draft ended with the clear promise: Lincoln later entitled this draft “Emancipation Proclamation as first sketched and shown to the Cabinet in July 1862,” CW, 5:336–337.

119    “I said to the Cabinet”: Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, 21.

120    he also brought up the political risk: Ibid.

120    “organize and arm the slaves” themselves: John Niven, ed., The Salmon P. Chase Papers, 5 vols. (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1993), 1:351.

120    “I put the draft of the proclamation aside”: Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, 22.

121    “to curb and restrain the impatience”: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History, 10 vols. (New York: Century, 1890), 6:148–149.

121    “with public sentiment, nothing can fail”: From Lincoln’s reply at the first Lincoln-Douglas debate, Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, 1858, CW, 3:27.

121    Lincoln launched into a frosty, patronizing lecture: For a modern reinterpretation of the meeting, the delegation, and their status, see Kate Masur, “The African American Delegation to Abraham Lincoln: A Reappraisal,” Civil War History 56 (June 2010): 117–144, esp. 131; CW, 5:372.

122    “sacrifice something of your present comfort”: Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Free African Americans, August 14, 1862, CW, 5:373.

122    Douglass had told an Independence Day audience: Philip S. Foner and Yuval Taylor, eds., Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings, Library of Black America Series (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2000); Frederick Douglass, “The Slaveholders’ Rebellion,” speech at Himrods Corner, New York, July 4, 1862, and “The President and His Speeches,” Douglass’ Monthly, September 1862.

123    Historian Eric Foner has aptly pointed out: Eric Foner, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), 225–226.

123    “How much better would be a manly protest”: David Donald, ed., Inside Lincoln’s Cabinet: The Civil War Diaries of Salmon P. Chase (New York: Long, Green, 1954), 112–113.

123    Differences in social status: Social psychologist Jonathan Haidt argues that the majority of any group has an intuitive tendency to assume that people should be treated differently according to social role or status. See Haidt, The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion (New York: Pantheon Books, 2012).

124    “all attempts to put down the Rebellion”: Horace Greeley, “Prayer of Twenty Millions,” New York Tribune, August 20, 1862.

125    “My paramount object in this struggle”: Lincoln to Greeley, August 22, 1862, CW, 5:388.

125    “His mind was fixed”: Welles, Diary, 1:143. For a riveting account of the historic cabinet meeting, see John Hope Franklin, The Emancipation Proclamation (1963; reprint, Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson, 1995), 42–45.

126    “I cannot make it better known”: Abraham Lincoln, Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862, CW, 5:534–535.

126    Records show that they suffered: William F. Fox, Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861–1865 (Albany, NY: Albany Publishing, 1889), cited in the New York Times, April 3, 2012.

127    “It is true that the President”: Douglass speech at Rochester, New York, March 25, 1862, Foner and Taylor, Frederick Douglass, 491.

127    “Read the proclamation,” he urged: Ibid.; Douglass’ Monthly, October 1862.

128    Douglass replied with a detailed memorandum: Douglass to Lincoln, August 29, 1864, Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress.

128    “In giving freedom to the slave”: Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862, CW, 5:537.

129    “a group of negro men, women and children”: William Lloyd Garrison to Lincoln, January 21, 1865, Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress.

129    “I’m not an abolitionist”: Lucy N. Coleman recollection quoted in Don E. Fehrenbacher and Virginia Fehrenbacher, Recollected Words of Lincoln (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 116.

129    “the spirited and admirable painting”: Lincoln to William Lloyd Garrison, February 7, 1865, CW, 8:265–266.

130    “O symbol of God’s will on earth”: Reprinted in Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford, and Frank J. Williams, The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006), 83.

132    “I account partially for his kindness to me”: Frederick Douglass in Allen Thorndike Rice, ed., Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by Distinguished Men of His Time (New York: Century, 1888), 193.

132    “Viewed from the genuine abolition ground”: Speech at the dedication of the Freedom Memorial statue by Thomas Ball, Washington, DC, April 14, 1876, Philip S. Foner and Yuval Taylor, eds., Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings, Library of Black America Series (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2000), 621.

Notes to Chapter Seven

133    “he who moulds public sentiment”: From the first Lincoln-Douglas debate at Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, 1858, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 3:27.

134    “a struggle for maintaining in the world”: Special Message to Congress, July 4, 1861, CW, 4:438.

134    “War at the best, is terrible”: Remarks at the Great Central Sanitary Fair, Philadelphia, June 16, 1864, CW, 7:394.

135    he was an unrelenting warrior: Two important, and excellent, 2008 books shed considerable light on Lincoln’s military leadership. See James M. McPherson, Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln as Commander in Chief (New York: Penguin, 2009); and Craig L. Symonds, Lincoln and His Admirals: Abraham Lincoln, the U. S. Navy, and the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).

135    “advancement of the noblest of cause”: Lyceum address, CW, 1:114.

135    he operated largely by instinct and energy: For Clausewitz, see McPherson, Tried by War, 6. For Lincoln’s book borrowing, see Earl Schenk Miers, ed., Lincoln Day by Day: A Chronology, 1809–1865, 3 vols. (Washington, DC: Lincoln Sesquicentennial Commission, 1960), 3:88.

136    officers who were “zealous & efficient”: Lincoln to Secretary of War Simon Cameron, August 7, 1861, CW, 4:475.

136    “a remarkable, superior mind”: On War, quoted in T. Harry Williams, Lincoln and His Generals (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952), 7.

136    to “condole,” as once put it: Lincoln actually used the word condole to acknowledge the loss of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase’s sister in 1865. See Lincoln to Chase, January 2, 1865, CW, 8:195.

136    “We accepted this war for an object”: Remarks at the Great Central Sanitary Fair, Philadelphia, June 16, 1864, CW, 7:395.

136    “This government must be preserved”: Speech to the 148th Ohio Regiment, August 31, 1864, CW, 7:528; letter to the New York Workingmen’s Democratic Republican Association, March 21, 1864, CW, 7:259.

137    “Four score and seven years ago”: Gettysburg Address, CW, 7:23.

140    abundant evidence that Lincoln well understood: Edward Everett copy of the Gettysburg Address, CW, 7:21; Bancroft copy, CW, 7:22; and revised Bancroft copy (now in the White House), CW, 7:23.

141    “The nation’s condition is not what either party”: Lincoln to Hodges, April 14, 1864, CW, 7:282.

142    “prophetic interpretation of American history”: Elton True­blood, Abraham Lincoln: Theologian of American Anguish (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), 118.

142    “One-eighth of the whole population”: Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865, CW, 8:332–333.

143    Lincoln ended his Second Inaugural Address: Ibid., 333.

144    “He answered all the objections”: Ibid.; Douglass quoted in Rice, Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, 191.

145    “The world has never had a good definition”: Address at Sanitary Fair, Baltimore, April 18, 1864, CW, 7:301–302.

145    they saw nothing incompatible in the founding vision: For the conflicting notions of liberty, North and South, during the secession crisis and beyond, see the excellent book by James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), esp. Chapters 7–8.

146    “Are you not over-cautious”: Lincoln to General George B. McClellan, October 13, 1862, CW, 5:460.

146    “I have just read your dispatch”: Lincoln to McClellan, October 24 [25], 1862, CW, 5:474.

146    In a memorandum to his generals: Memorandum on furloughs, November 1862, CW, 5:484.

147    “I state my general idea of this war”: Lincoln to Brigadier General Don C. Buell, January 13, 1862, CW, 5:98.

147    “Lee’s Army, and not Richmond”: Lincoln to General Joseph Hooker, June 10, 1863, CW, 6:257.

147    “I do not believe you appreciate”: Lincoln to General George G. Meade, July 14, 1863, CW, 6:328.

148    “A self-taught strategist with no combat experience”: James McPherson, “Commander in Chief,” Smithsonian Magazine, January 2009, 38.

149    “[T]he judgments of the Lord”: CW, 8:333.

151    “all provisions and stock should be removed”: Ulysses S. Grant to Halleck, July 15, 1864, http://gathkinsons.net/sesqui/?p=6646.

152    “Give the enemy no rest”: Philip Sheridan, Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan, 2 vols. (London: Chatto & Windus, 1888), 1:486.

152    “With great pleasure I tender to you”: Lincoln to Grant, October 22, 1864, CW, 8:73.

152    “God alone can claim it”: Lincoln to Hodges, April 14, 1864, CW, 7:282.

152    he could describe himself as God’s agent: Ibid.

154    “General Sheridan says ‘if the thing is pressed’”: Lincoln to Grant, April 7, 1865, CW, 392.

154    God was responsible for continuing the war: See Lucas Morel, Lincoln’s Sacred Effort: Defining Religion’s Role in American Self-Government (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2000), esp. Chapter 5, “The Political Limits of Reason and Religion: An Interpretation of the Second Inaugural Address.”

154    “Fondly do we hope”: Second Inaugural Address, CW, 8:333.

154    “Mine eyes have seen the glory”: The latest book on Julia Ward Howe’s song is John Stauffer and Benjamin Soskis, The Battle Hymn of the Republic: A Biography of the Song That Marches On (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013). Howe’s meeting with Lincoln is described on page 82.

155    “With malice toward none”: Second Inaugural Address, CW, 8:333.

156    The funeral train traveled: http://www.history.com/topics/president-lincolns-funeral-train.

156    For this moment in time: James L. Swanson, Bloody Crimes (New York: Harper and Collins, 2011), 293.

Notes to Chapter Eight

162    “The revolt of a State”: Washington National Republican, February 11, 1862.

162    “The action of the government”: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History, 10 vols. (New York: Century, 1890), 6:47–48.

163    “henceforth faithfully protect and defend”: Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 7:53–56.

164    “There were men in Congress”: Gideon Welles quoted in Edmund G. Ross, History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States (Project Gutenberg ebook, December 2000), http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2442/2442-h/2442-h.htm, Chapter 1.

165    an extraordinarily resistant white South: For a more detailed discussion of the reconstruction period, see Eric Foner, Reconstruction, America’s Unfinished Revelation, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988); and James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, Oxford History of the United States Series (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).

165    “Sir: I got your letter”: The letter appeared in the August 22, 1865, edition of the New York Daily Tribune. The newspaper suggests the letter was a collaboration between Jourdon and his friend Valentine Winters. Anderson asked his former master to send his wages to Valentine Winters, a barrister in Dayton, Ohio’s Third Ward.

169    Perhaps the clearest evidence: Walter Dean Burnham, Democracy in Peril: The American Turnout Problem and the Path to Plutocracy (Roosevelt Institute, Working Paper No. 5, December 1, 2010).

170    Literally within the span of a generation: US Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1975), 2:728–731, 693–694, 667, 1:224.

170    A major source of labor: Ibid., 1:105–106.

171    Economic life also began to be organized: Thomas C. Cochran and William Miller, The Age of Enterprise: A Social History of Industrial America (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961), 143–144, 190–191.

171    Enormous amounts of money: Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom, Norton Paperback Series (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), 117.

171    when he described a society: CW, 5:52.

171    the size of the federal government also expanded: Historical Statistics of the United States, 2:1104.

172    the middle-class ideal gave way: Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner, The Gilded Age: A Tale of To-Day (Hartford: American Publishing, 1874).

172    “The right of each man”: Foner, Story of American Freedom, 120.

174    “By the end of the 1880s”: David Montgomery, “Labor in the Industrial Era,” Richard B. Morris, ed., A History of the American Worker (originally published as The U.S. Department of Labor History of the American Worker [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983]), 96; Melvyn Dubofsky, Industrialism and the American Worker, 1865–1920 (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1975), 19.

174    the new economic doctrine insisted: John G. Sproat, Best Men (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 166.

175    “tell us what to eat, drink, avoid”: Ibid., 210–211.

175    Darwin’s new theory of evolution: Charles Darwin, The Origin of Species (New York and London: Mentor, 1958).

175    “Social Darwinism” saw human economic life: Herbert Spencer coined the term in volume 1 of his Principles of Biology, published in 1864. See Spencer, The Principles of Biology (New York: D. Appleton, 1896), 1:444. On Spencer’s influence in America, see Richard Hoftstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992), 31–50.

176    Any interference in the natural human competition: Herbert Spencer, The Principles of Sociology (New York: D. Appleton, 1908), 2:607–608.

176    some self-styled “reformers”: Foner, Story of American Freedom, 119–20.

177    laissez-faire came to reign: Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956), 3.

177    “neither party has any principles”: Louis Gould, Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans (New York: Random House, 2004), 79.

178    “Though the people support the Government”: Sproat, Best Men, 166.

178    In 1895 the US Supreme Court ruled: Robert G. McCloskey, The American Supreme Court, 2nd ed., revised by Sanford Levinson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 84.

178    In Lochner v. New York: Ibid., 102–107; Richard A. Posner, ed., The Essential Holmes: Selections from the Letters, Speeches, Judicial Opinions, and Other Writings of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 306.

Notes to Chapter Nine

182    “The tremendous and highly complex”: Theodore Roosevelt, First Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1901, http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=940.

183    “the most formidable industrial deadlock”: Walter Wellman, “The Progress of the World,” American Monthly Review of Reviews (October 1902).

183    “three parties affected by the situation”: New York World, October 4, 1902.

183    For Roosevelt and his supporters: For a detailed discussion of Roosevelt’s role, see Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Bully Pulpit (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2013), 311–319.

183    Roosevelt set forth a new agenda: Theodore Roosevelt, “State of the Union Message,” December 3, 1901, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=29542.

184    Roosevelt radically redefined the role: Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 47–53, 217–219.

186    “If our political institutions were perfect”: President Theodore Roosevelt speech’s at Osawatomie, Kansas, August 31, 1910, http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2011/12/06/archives-president-teddy-roosevelts-new-nationalism-speech.

188    They presented themselves as valiant underdogs: The story of prewar benevolence and postwar dignity under duress gained new momentum in 1936 with the publication of Margaret Mitchell’s book Gone with the Wind. The enormous success of the novel, which received the coveted Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1937, was due largely to reader sympathy for its Southern belle heroine, Scarlett O’Hara, in her on-again, off-again love affair with the handsome but imperfect blockade runner Rhett Butler. But there was no mistaking the underlying message of Southern grit, determination, and goodwill in the Civil War and reconstruction period—complete with the reinvigoration of the myth of the grateful and loyal slave. Mitchell’s story of the positive lifelong relationship between Scarlett O’Hara and her black nanny did more than anything else to support the myth of the benevolent attitude of upper-class Southern society toward the subservient black population.

     When Gone with the Wind was made into the most successful     movie of the twentieth century, the story of Southern grit and benevolence became widely accepted in the largely segregated North as well as the South. Arguably, Margaret Mitchell went a long way to help the South compete successfully in the “war of words” (and images) over the causes and consequences of the Civil War.

     Even more important, a number of important historians    took up the cudgels to describe the Civil War as an unnecessary war. Writing in 1942, David M. Potter, professor of history at Yale University, argued that Lincoln erred in wrecking the effort to forge a compromise solution to the major issues dividing the North and South in 1861. Perhaps the strongest academic criticism of Lincoln’s policies was offered by Avery Craven, professor of history at the University of Chicago and president of the Organization of American Historians. In his 1947 article entitled “The Civil War and the Democratic Process,” Craven argued that the war marked a breakdown of the democratic process of rational discussion of issues and compromise of differences. He argued that both Lincoln and the leaders of secession were responsible for believing that “the totality of right and justice was on their side” and consequently “faced each other with a willingness and determination to use violence for the achievement of their ends.” Craven and the new group of revisionist historians blamed Lincoln and his supporters for reducing the business of politics to “abstract” issues of “right and wrong” rather than “practical” tasks of finding compromise solutions. The revisionist historians provided new arguments in the continuing “war of words” over the causes of what they now described as the “War between the States.” See Norton Garfinkle, Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1958), 66–69, 77–79.

190    “a man who rose out of the ranks”: Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1961), 60.

190    “It is amazing,” he said: Ibid., 47.

190    “[F]or indeed, if you stop to think”: Ibid., 60.

190    “American industry is not free”: Ibid., 106, 125, 162, 126, 162–163.

192    First came tariff reform: Arthur S. Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era (Charleston, SC: BiblioBazaar, 2012), 36–43, 193–196; Gould, Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, 162.

194    “Not heroism, but healing”: William E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914–1932, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 289.

195    “The chief business of the American people”: Calvin Coolidge, address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, Washington, DC, January 25, 1925, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=24180.

195    “Give tax breaks to large corporations”: Andrew Mellon, Taxation: The People’s Business (New York: Macmillan, 1924).

195    Americans for the most part: William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), 1–3. For the unemployment estimate, see US Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1975), 1:135.

Notes to Chapter Ten

197    “Given later developments”: William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), 11.

198    “Financial and industrial leaders”: Lippman on fall of business leaders, see Mark H. Leff, The Limits of Symbolic Reform: The New Deal and Taxation, 1933–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 158.

198    “It is common sense”: Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., “The ‘Hundred Days’ of F.D.R.,” New York Times, April 10, 1983.

198    “I believe with Abraham Lincoln”: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, fireside chat, September 30, 1934, http://docs.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/093034.html.

198    “I can better describe”: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, address at Wilmington, Delaware, October 29, 1936, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=15215.

200    “the effort to place capital”: Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861, Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 5:51–53.

201    “The royalists of the economic order”: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, speech before the 1936 Democratic National Convention, http://www.austincc.edu/lpatrick/his2341/fdr36acceptancespeech.htm.

201    He weighed in “against dictatorship”: Ibid.

201    “Again I revert to the increase”: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, State of the Union address, January 3, 1938, http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/franklin-delano-roosevelt/state-of-the-union-1938.php.

202    Roosevelt described his prolabor and prounion policies: Ibid.

202    When Roosevelt took office in 1933: Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Labor Force, Employment, and Unemployment, 1929–39: Estimating Methods, Technical Note,” http://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/1948/article/pdf/labor-force-employment-and-unemployment-1929-39-estimating-methods.pdf. See also Maurice W. Lee, Economic Fluctuations (Homewood, IL: R. D. ­Irwin, 1955), 236.

203    Recognizing the negative consequences: Ibid.

203    The government’s stimulus expenditures: Ibid.

204    Roosevelt supported legislation: Leuchtenburg, Franklin Roosevelt, 150–152.

205    by 1940 labor union membership rose: Gerald Mayer, “Union Membership Trends in the United States” (Cornell University, August 2004), http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1176&context=key_workplace, 29.

205    The 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act: US Department of Labor, http://www.dol.gov/oasam/programs/history/flsa1938.htm.

205    Roosevelt tried to codify the gains: Franklin D. Roosevelt, State of the Union address, January 6, 1941, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=16092#axzz2fvBBNA6l.

206    The GI Bill provided: Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 2:1147.

207    Total spending for veterans: Ibid.

208    Roosevelt found a way to give tangible reality: Ibid.

208    the compromise Employment Act of 1946: G. J. Santoni, “The Employment Act of 1946: Some History Notes,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review (March 1986): 5–16.

210    bluntly confided to a journalist: Brett Zongker, “Education Center Explores Lincoln’s Life, Death,” Wisconsin State Journal, April 14, 2012.

Notes to Chapter Eleven

213    Abraham Lincoln was taken away: Eleanor Roosevelt, Yank Magazine, May 25, 1945.

216    “This party of ours”: Harvey Kaye, The Fight for the Four Freedoms (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2014), 171.

216    “Should any political party”: Ibid.

216    He did more than any president: Norton Garfinkle, The American Dream vs. the Gospel of Wealth (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 133–136.

216    The shadow of Roosevelt was so long: Ibid., 138–139.

216    Roosevelt’s economic program: A. M. Okun, “Efficient Disinflationary Policies,” American Economic Review 68 (1978): 348–352; Herbert Stein, Presidential Economics (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1995), 217–218.

217    “For the public today”: Daniel Yankelovich, “Taking Account of the Non-economic Features of Inflation,” presented to American Council of Life Insurance, February 1979, cited in Robert J. Samuelson, “Unsung Triumph,” Washington Post, June 9, 2004, A21.

218    “Government is the problem”: Ronald Reagan, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1981/12081a.htm.

218    Sharp change in present economic policy: Coordinating Committee on Economic Policy, “Economic Strategy for the Reagan Administration,” November 16, 1980, http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052970204880404577225870253766212.

219    The Heritage Foundation claims: The Heritage Foundation, http://www.heritage.org/about/our-history/35th-anniversary.

220    “whoever would understand in his heart”: Reagan, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981.

221    “It is my intention to curb”: Ibid.

221    our “most productive citizens”: See, for example, Jack F. Kemp, “New York State’s (Groan) Taxes,” New York Times, May 20, 1978, 19.

222    This new business-oriented economic philosophy: Andrew Mellon said, “Give tax breaks to large corporations, so that money can trickle down to the general public, in the form of extra jobs.” Lewis Gould, Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans (New York: Random House, 2004), 152.

222    Now with the Reagan philosophy in command: Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself (New York: Liveright, 2013), 394–398.

223    “We believe as Democrats”: New York Times, July 17, 1984.

223    The fortieth president went on to quote: Ronald Reagan, Republican National Convention speech, August 18, 1992, http://www.cnbcfix.com/ronald-reagan-1992-convention.html.

225    most popular newspaper columnist in America: Ann Landers column, Gettysburg Times, July 26, 1995.

Notes to Chapter Twelve

228    “felt, as Abraham Lincoln did”: Bill Clinton, My Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004), 62, 480.

228    Clinton loved telling the story: Harold Holzer, Why Lincoln Matters to American Presidents (Ontario: Centre for American Studies, University of Ontario, 2011), 12.

228    Clinton saw himself in the tradition: Clinton, My Life, 458–463, 490–497, 694–696, 719–721, 743–745, 754–755, 795, 842–843, 889–894, 911, 951–955.

228    Clinton insisted that government: See, for example, White House: Economic Report of the President, 1996 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1996), 18–21.

229    Clinton also rejected Reagan’s claim: Norton Garfinkle, The American Dream vs. the Gospel of Wealth (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 158–159. For a more detailed discussion of the “third way” approach to economic issues, see Norton Garfinkle, “Communitarian Economics,” Journal of Socio-Economics 26, no. 1 (1997).

229    “These are good times for America”: William Jefferson Clinton, State of the Union address, January 27, 1998, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/states/docs/sou98htm.

230    Clinton had explained his successes: Sidney Blumenthal, The Clinton Wars (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2003), 314–317, 376–378.

230    The Clinton presidency was characterized: The great economic growth during the Clinton years came to a considerable extent from the burgeoning computer hardware and software industry built on the foundation of the government-created “Internet.” By the end of the Clinton presidency in 2001, half the US population was using the Internet. The number of registered dot-com Internet domain names increased from fewer than 1,000 in 1990 to more than 20 million in 2000.

230    More than 23 million jobs were added: US Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, latest employment statistics, http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/CEU0000000001.

231    Since the end of World War II: Garfinkle, American Dream vs. the Gospel of Wealth, 201–204.

232    The goal, he argued: George W. Bush, remarks by the president to women business leaders, March 20, 2001, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/03/20010320-2.html; president’s remarks to the Latino Coalition, February 26, 2003, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/02/print/20030226-3.html.

233    By 2007 the wealthiest 20 percent: U.S. Congressional Budget Office, “Trends in the Distribution of Household Income Between 1979 and 2007,” October 2011, http:/www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/10-25-HouseholdIncome_0.pdf.

233    the wealthiest 1 percent of American taxpayers: Ibid.

234    candidly stated that the goal of the movement: Cited in William Greider, “Rolling Back the Twentieth Century,” Nation, May 12, 2003.

234    “The taxing power of the government”: Ronald Reagan, First Inaugural Address, January 12, 1981.

235    not a panacea for full employment or economic stability: For a more extensive discussion of this subject, see Garfinkle, American Dream vs. the Gospel of Wealth, 142–188.

235    when federal outlays averaged: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Unemployment Rate, http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000; White House, Office of Management and Budget, Table 1.2, http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals/.

235    The economic record: See Appendix.

237    A study by the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy: New York Times, January 14, 2015, B1, B3.

238    “Those of us who have looked”: New York Times, October 28, 2008.

238    The only segment of the population that gained: Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, “Top Incomes and the Great Recession: Recent Evolutions and Policy Implications,” paper presented at the Thirteenth Jacques Polak Annual Research Conference, Washington, DC, November 8–9, 2012. See also Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press/Harvard University Press, 2014).

238    “The change in the benefits of the American capitalist economy”: Henry Jackson Initiative for Inclusive Capitalism, “Towards a More Inclusive Capitalism” (2012), http://www.mckinsey.com/global_locations/europe_and_middleeast/united_kingdom/en/latest_thinking/renewing_capitalism.

239    “It’s not merely an issue”: New York Times, July 27, 2014.

240    capitalist society envisioned by Adam Smith: Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, Bantam Classics (New York: Random House, 2003) and The Theory of Moral Sentiments (New York: Gutenberg, 2011).

240    More and more Americans saw their leaders: Public Agenda and Kettering Foundation, “Don’t Count Us Out,” Report on Accountability and Democracy, 2011, 16.

241    “In the shadow of the Old State Capitol”: Illinois senator Barack Obama’s announcement speech, Washington Post, February 10, 2007.

242    He said he relied on the wisdom: President Theodore Roosevelt speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, August 31, 1910, http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2011/12/06/archives-president-teddy-roosevelts-new-nationalism-speech.

242    “My grandparents believed in an America”: The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, December 6, 2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov.

243    “I do share the belief”: Remarks by the president on the economy, June 14, 2012, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/06/14/remarks-president-economy-cleveland-oh.

243    “The legitimate object of government”: Lincoln fragment on government, July 1, 1854[?], Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–1955), hereafter cited as CW, 2:220.

243    “I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed”: President Obama, State of the Union address, January 24, 2012.

244    The United States must be: President Obama, Second Inaugural Address, January 1, 2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/01/21/inaugural-address-president-barack-obama.

245    “The combined trends”: President Obama, “Making Our Economy Work for Every Working American,” December 4, 2013, https://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2013/12/04/making-our-economy-work-every-working-american.

245    “I think America was very lucky”: Conversation with David Remnick, New Yorker, January 27, 2014, 61.

246    Stiglitz’s approach to increase: Joseph Stiglitz, “Rewriting the Rules of the American Economy—An Agenda for Growth and Shared Prosperity” (New York, the Roosevelt Institute, May, 2015), 23–40, 57, 73–76. The New York Times provided further details on executive compensation in New York Times, May 17, 2015, Sunday Business, 1, 4–5. Addressing the same question, Eduardo Porter reported in the New York Times, “Evidence suggests that American corporations, constantly pressured to increase the next quarter’s profits . . . are walking away from basic science . . . It’s time for a different paradigm . . . to finance the innovation that will power America’s future,” (New York Times, Innovation Lies on Weak Foundation, May 20, 2015), Business 1, 5. The Economist magazine also took note of the fact that “there has been a big change in income inequality, driven by the high rewards given to corporate executives who make up three-fifths of the top 0.1% of American earners” and “there is little correlation between executive compensation and the creation of wealth for shareholders,” Economist (June 20, 2015), 68.

247    The American middle class: Bureau of Labor Statistics. See also New America Foundation, “The American Middle Class Under Stress,” April 2011, http://growth.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/26–04–11%20Middle%20Class%20Under%20Stress.pdf.

247    With the defeat of the Democrats: Timothy Egan, “Obama Unbound,” New York Times, December 10, 2014, A21.

247    The economic news was greeted: New York Times, January 10, 2015, A1, B2, B3.

248    “This is still a buyer’s market”: Ibid.

248    “[T]here is more work to be done”: Ibid.

248    “President Obama will not be satisfied”: http://www.whitehouse.gov/economy.

248    President Obama announced “a major step”: http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/01/07/fact-sheet-making-homeownership-more-accessible-and-sustainable.

249    The president addressed these issues: Barack Obama, State of the Union address, January 20, 2015.

249    At the same time he proposed a program: Ibid.

250    They believe that the economic and political malaise: John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State (New York: Penguin Press, 2014), 174–178, 237–248.

251    “Sweden has reduced public spending”: Ibid., 264–275.

252    By contrast, in the United States: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, “Revenue Statistics—Comparative Tables,” http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=REV.

252    an effective estate tax provides “a certain corrective”: Martin J. Daunton, Just Taxes: The Politics of Taxation in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 124.

252    “I say the community fails”: “Wealth Tax Views in Notable Talks,” New York Times, December 14, 1906.

252    “Capitalism will never be genuinely popular”: Andrew Woodcock, “Cameron Sets Out Vision for ‘Popular Capitalism,’” Independent, January 19, 2012, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/cameron-sets-out-vision-for-popular-capitalism-6291768.html.

Notes to Epilogue

256    American consumer spending accounts for: US Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis, http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1#reqid=9&step=3&isuri=1&904=2014&903=5&906=a&905=1929&910=x&911=0.

259    The evidence is mounting: See Appendix.