CHAPTER 1. THE EXPLORER
1. John Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans Now Living: With Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Their Lives and Actions 4 (New York: 107 Broadway, 1854), 488–89.
2. Stephen H. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long: The Journals of 1817 and 1823 and Related Documents, Lucile M. Kane, June D. Holmquist, and Carolyn Gilman, eds. (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1978), 213; William H. Keating, Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of the St. Peter’s, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, etc., 2 vols. (London: Geo. B. Whittaker, Ave-Marie Lane, 1825), 2:113.
3. Keating, Narrative, 2:114, 124; John Tanner, A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner (U.S. Interpreter at the Saut De Ste. Marie) during Thirty Years Residence among the Indians in the Interior of North America, Edwin James, ed. (1830; reprint, Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, Inc., 1956), 276, 279.
4. John J. Bigsby, The Shoe and the Canoe, or Pictures of Travel in the Canadas (1850; reprint, New York, Paladin Press, 1969), 2: 272; George Simpson, “Character Book,” in Hudson’s Bay Miscellany 1670–1870, Glyndwer Williams, ed. (Winnipeg: Hudson’s Bay Records Society, 1975), 190; Joseph Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary: A Diary of the first survey of the Canadian Boundary Line from St. Regis to the Lake of the Woods, Robert McElroy and Thomas Riggs, eds. (New York: privately printed, 1943), 423.
5. Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 423; Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 214–16; John Phillip Reid, Patterns of Vengeance: Crosscultural Homicide in the North American Fur Trade (San Francisco: Ninth Judicial Circuit Historical Society, 1999), 45, 82–83.
6. Say quoted in Keating, Narrative, 2:125. Long referred to Say’s piece in his own journal entry of September 2.
7. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 214.
8. James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 303–4.
9. Keating, Narrative, 2:114; Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 214; “A Captive Found,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 5 (September 11, 1818), 39; “Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 27 (February 12, 1819), 215.
10. Phillips D. Carleton, “The Indian Captivity,” American Literature 15 (May 1943), 169; Roy Harvey Pearce, “The Significance of the Captivity Narrative,” American Literature 19 (March 1947), 13; Annette Kolodny, “Review Essay of Narratives of North American Indian Captivities and The North American Indian Captivity, in Early American Literature 14 (1979), 232.
11. Kathryn Zabelle Derounian-Stodola and James Arthur Levernier, The Indian Captivity Narrative, 1550–1900 (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1993), 2. The authors give a “conservative” estimate of “tens of thousands,” but this includes the whole nineteenth century.
12. C. C. Lord, Life and Times in Hopkinton, N. H. (Concord, NH: Republican Press Association, 1890), 30–32.
13. Ibid., 30–32, 414, 428.
14. Ibid., 396–97.
15. Richard G. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 1784–1864: Army Engineer, Explorer, Inventor (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1966), 22–24.
16. Reginald Horsman, The Frontier in the Formative Years, 1783–1815 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), 21–24; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 28–29.
17. Lord, Life and Times in Hopkinton, N. H., 92, 96.
18. Ibid., 80–90.
19. John R. Bell, The Journal of Captain John R. Bell, Official Journalist for the Stephen H. Long Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, 1820, Harlin M. Fuller and LeRoy R. Hafen, eds. (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1957), 134.
20. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 28.
21. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 477; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 30–34; Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 210.
22. Ne-Do-Ba, “The Abenaki of Moor’s Charity School & Dartmouth College, Chronological List of Students—With Notes” (August 2000), at www.nedoba.org/ne-do-ba/odn_ed02.html <June 4, 2010>.
23. Derounian-Stodola and Levernier, The Indian Captivity Narrative, 1550–1900, 160–61.
24. Wisconsin Historical Society, “Mohawk Indian or French Prince?” (March 2009), at www.wisconsinhistory.org/odd/archives/001202.asp <June 4, 2010>; Colin W. Calloway, Indian History of an American Institution: Native Americans and Dartmouth (Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 2010), 80.
25. Roger L. Nichols and Patrick L. Halley, Stephen Long and American Frontier Exploration (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1980), 21–26.
CHAPTER 2. THE HUNTER
1. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 413–53; Colin G. Calloway, The Shawnees and the War for America (New York: Penguin Group, 2007), 89; Colin G. Calloway, The Victory with No Name: The Native American Defeat of the First American Army (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 26–33.
2. John A. M’Clung, Sketches of Western Adventure (1832; reprint, New York: Arno Press & The New York Times, 1969), 222.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 2.
4. Ibid., 2–3.
5. Ibid., 3; “The Northwestern Indians, Communicated to Congress on the 9th of December, 1790,” American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 1:89.
6. James M. Volo and Dorothy Denneen, Family Life in Native America (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2007), 216–17; Nancy Shoemaker, A Strange Likeness: Becoming Red and White in Eighteenth-Century North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 134–37; Christina Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country: The Changing Face of Captivity in Early America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 109–12.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 3–4. Tanner states that his knowledge of this event was abetted by information he later extracted from Kish-kau-ko when he found him in Detroit in 1818, as well as his brother’s recollections. Some of the details are also found in two articles in The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 5 (September 11, 1818) and 5, no. 27 (February 12, 1819), which are based on interviews with Tanner when he was in Detroit. It is worth noting that Tanner retained a strong memory of the event through his many years among the Indians, as evidenced by details in the first article—details that could not have come either from Kish-kau-ko or from his brother Edward, with whom he had not yet reconnected in the month this article was written.
8. Tanner, Narrative, 5.
9. Ibid., 5–6.
10. Ibid., 7–8; Helen Hornbeck Tanner, “The Glaize in 1792: A Composite Indian Community,” in Rethinking the Fur Trade: Cultures of Exchange in an Atlantic World, Susan Sleeper-Smith, ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 362–63.
11. Tanner, Narrative, 8.
12. Ibid., 8–9.
13. Ibid., 9; Volo and Denneen, Family Life in Native America, 216.
14. Tanner, Narrative, 10–12; Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country, 102–5.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 13–14.
16. Ibid., 15.
17. Ibid., 15–16; J. Maurice Hodgson, “Captors and Their Captives,” The Beaver 301 (Spring 1970), 29–30.
18. Tanner, Narrative, 16, 18–20, 22, 34, 36.
19. Priscilla K. Buffalohead, “Farmers Warriors Traders: A Fresh Look at Ojibway Women,” Minnesota History 48, no. 6 (Summer 1983), 238, 244.
20. Tanner, Narrative, 16; Laura Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1994), 22.
21. Tanner, Narrative, 19; Carolyn Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World: Travelers and Traders in the North American Fur Trade (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006), 258.
22. Tanner, Narrative, 17–18.
CHAPTER 3. THE TRADER
1. T. C. Elliott, “John McLoughlin, M.D.,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (June 1935), 182–86; Jean Morrison, Superior Rendezvous-Places: Fort William in the Canadian Fur Trade (Toronto: Natural Heritage Books, 2001), 53; Tanner, Narrative, 204–5.
2. Jane Lewis Chapin, ed., “Letters of John McLoughlin, 1805–26,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 36, no. 4 (December 1935), 320–37; Burt Brown Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers: Doctor John McLoughlin, Doctor David McLoughlin, Marie Louise (Sister St. Henry) (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1959), 166.
3. Dorothy Nafus Morrison, Outpost: John McLoughlin and the Far Northwest (Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1999), 8–14.
4. George A. Wrong, A Canadian Manor and Its Seigneurs: The Story of a Hundred Years, 1761–1861 (Toronto: Bryant Press Limited, 1908), 132; Morrison, Outpost, 3–12.
5. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 61; W. Stewart Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North-West Co. (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1934), 19; W. Stewart Wallace, “Notes on the Family of Malcolm Fraser,” Bulletin des recherches historique 39 (May 1933): 269.
6. Morrison, Outpost, 15. Additional details on Simon Fraser were gleaned from the following online sources: Philippe Dubé, Charlevoix: Two Centuries at Murray Bay (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1990), 27; “L’Histoire Complète de la Seigneurie des Mille-Îles en 10 Points,” at www.shgim.ca/html/histshmi9.html <January 20, 2011>; Alexander Hislop, ed., The Book of Scottish Anecdote: Humorous, Social, Legendary, and Historical (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Publishing Co., 1874), 619. McLoughlin’s uncle Simon should not be confused with another Simon Fraser who was a wintering partner in the North West Company and who gave his name to the Fraser River in British Columbia. This uncle never belonged to the North West Company.
7. Morrison, Outpost, 16.
8. Dorothy Morrison and Jean Morrison, “John McLoughlin, Reluctant Fur Trader,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 81 (Winter 1980), 377–86.
9. Ibid. The petition for medical license and endorsements are reproduced in Elliott, “John McLoughlin, M.D.,” 182–83. The reference to the West Indies is found in Chapin, ed., “Letters of John McLoughlin, 1805–26,” 323.
10. The contract with the North West Company is reproduced in Morrison and Morrison, “John McLoughlin, Reluctant Fur Trader,” 387–89.
11. Ibid.
12. Chapin, ed., “Letters of John McLoughlin, 1805–26,” 323, 327.
13. Ibid., 327.
14. Jane Lewis Chapin, ed., “Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 37, no. 4 (December 1936), 294–95. Emphasis in the original.
15. McLoughlin’s relations with his employers are well analyzed by W. Kaye Lamb in the introduction to his edited volume, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, 1825–1838 (Toronto: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1941), xxxi–xxxvi.
CHAPTER 4. “THE ENGLISH MAKE THEM MORE PRESENTS”
1. William Crawford to S. H. Long, June 18, 1816, and July 2, 1816, National Archives (hereafter cited as NA), Record Group 107—Records of the Office of Secretary of War (hereafter cited as RG 107), Letters Sent, M6, Roll 9.
2. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 478–79.
3. Stephen H. Long to John Harris, June 10, 1811, Harris Papers, Dartmouth College Archives. See also Simon Baatz, “Philadelphia Patronage: Institutional Structure of Natural History in the New Republic, 1800–1833,” Journal of the Early Republic 8 (Summer 1988), 111–38.
4. S. H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, August 27, 1822, NA, Record Group 77—Records of the U.S. Corps of Engineers (hereafter cited as RG 77), Entry 306, Box 1.
5. General Joseph Swift quoted in Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 38.
6. The Port-Folio 2, no. 6 (December 1822), 496.
7. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 477; National Register 3, no. 13 (March 29, 1817), 196.
8. National Register 3, no. 13 (March 29, 1817), 197–98.
9. Ibid.
10. Leo E. Oliva, “The Army and the Fur Trade,” Journal of the West 26, no. 4 (October 1987), 21–22; Edgar B. Wesley, “Some Official Aspects of the Fur Trade in the Northwest, 1815–1825,” North Dakota Historical Quarterly 6 (April 1932), 201–9; R. S. Cotterill, “Federal Indian Management in the South, 1789–1825,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 20 (December 1933), 337–40.
11. Chase C. Mooney, William H. Crawford, 1772–1834 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1974), 85–89.
12. William Crawford to the Senate, March 13, 1816, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:27.
13. Ibid.; Cotterill, “Federal Indian Management in the South, 1789–1825,” 333–46; Herman J. Viola, Thomas L. McKenney: Architect of America’s Early Indian Policy, 1816–1830 (Chicago: The Swallow Press, Inc., 1974), 6–9; Edgar B. Wesley, “The Government Factory System Among the Indians, 1795–1822,” Journal of Economic and Business History 4 (1931–32), 487–511; Michael Witgen, An Infinity of Nations: How the Native New World Shaped Early North America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 332–37.
14. William Crawford to the Senate, March 13, 1816, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:28; Mooney, William H. Crawford, 87.
15. William Crawford to the Senate, March 13, 1816, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:65–66; Mooney, William H. Crawford, 88.
16. William Crawford to the Senate, March 13, 1816, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:28.
17. Mooney, William H. Crawford, 13–14, 89, 189.
18. National Register 3, no. 13 (March 29, 1817), 193.
CHAPTER 5. ENCOUNTERS WITH THE SIOUX
1. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 43.
2. Stephen H. Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff to the Falls of Saint Anthony in 1817,” 2nd ed., Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society 2 (1889), 9; Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 479; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 44.
3. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., “The Fur Trade in Wisconsin, 1812–1825,” Wisconsin Historical Collections 20 (1911), 62; Henry Putney Beers, The Western Military Frontier, 1815–1846 (Philadelphia: Times and News Publishing Co., 1935), 20, 25; Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff,” 9; Johnson quoted in Viola, Thomas L. McKenney, 17.
4. Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff,” 60–62; W. Eugene Hollon, The Lost Pathfinder: Zebulon Montgomery Pike (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1949), 63.
5. Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff,” 62.
6. Ibid., 9–10.
7. Ibid., 11–13.
8. Ibid., 18–20.
9. Ibid., 26–27, 30, 40–44, 47.
10. Ibid., 42–43, 82.
CHAPTER 6. RACE AND HISTORY
1. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 47. Long submitted the earlier report to the American Philosophical Society, but the society declined to publish it. Whatever steps he took to get this one published have not come to light. Late in his life the manuscript finally did get into print under the title Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff to the Falls of Saint Anthony in 1817, though by then it was no more than a historical artifact.
2. Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff,” 45.
3. A. Hallam, Great Geological Controversies, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 1–26.
4. Long, “Voyage in a Six-Oared Skiff,” 44, 52–53.
5. Ibid., 63–64.
6. Thomas S. Garlinghouse, “Revisiting the Mound Builder Controversy,” History Today 51, no. 9 (September 2001), 39–40.
7. Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York: Vintage Books, 1978), 34–38.
8. William Stanton, The Leopard’s Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America, 1815–59 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), 3–14.
9. Berkhofer, The White Man’s Indian, 48–49.
10. Ibid., 113.
11. James H. McCulloh, Researches on America: Being an Attempt to Settle Some Points Relative to the Aborigines of America, &c. (Baltimore: Joseph Robinson, 1817), 35, 213–17; Stanton, The Leopard’s Spots, 10.
12. The Portico, A Repository of Science & Literature 2, no. 2 (August 1, 1816), 103.
CHAPTER 7. TO CIVILIZE THE OSAGES
1. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 481.
2. Richard G. Wood, “Stephen Harriman Long at Belle Point,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 13 (Winter 1954), 338–40.
3. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 481; Stephen H. Long, “Hot Springs of the Washitaw,” American Monthly Magazine and Critical Review 3 (1818), 85–87.
4. Stephen H. Long to Thomas Smith, January 30, 1818, NA, RG 107, Letters Received, M271, Roll 2.
5. L. Bringier, “Notices of the Geology, Mineralogy, Topography, Productions, and Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Regions around the Mississippi and its confluent waters,” American Journal of Science and Arts 3 (1821), 41; Thomas Nuttall, “A Journal of Travels into the Arkansas Territory,” in Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., Early Western Travels, 1748–1846 13 (1821; reprint, Cleveland, 1904–8), 191–92.
6. Stephen H. Long to Thomas Smith, January 30, 1818, NA, RG 107, Letters Received, M271, Roll 2.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Lovely quoted in Grant Foreman, Indians and Pioneers: The Story of the American Southwest before 1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930), 39–40. The two travelers were Thomas Nuttall (Foreman, p. 164) and Henry Schoolcraft (Foreman, p. 53).
10. Stephen H. Long to Thomas Smith, January 30, 1818, NA, RG 107, Letters Received, M271, Roll 2.
11. Ibid.
CHAPTER 8. WESTWARD MIGRATION
1. Tanner, Narrative, 19–20.
2. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 14–18.
3. Jeanne Kay, “Native Americans in the Fur Trade and Wildlife Depletion,” Environmental Review 9, no. 2 (Summer 1985), 120–22.
4. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 15.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 12–13, 27.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 19–20; Christopher Vecsey, Traditional Ojibwa Religion and Its Historical Changes (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1983), 60–61.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 19–22.
8. Ibid., 20–22.
9. Ibid., 22–23.
10. Ibid., 23–24.
11. There is no surviving record of the Grand Portage trading post for the winter of 1794–95. However, the journal of Charles Jean Baptiste Chaboillez does record the frequent comings and goings of Indians at this post in 1797–98. Harold Hickerson, ed., “Journal of Charles Jean Baptiste Chaboillez, 1797–98,” Ethnohistory 6, no. 3 (Summer 1959), 265–313, and no. 4 (Autumn 1959), 363–427.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 24; Bruce M. White, “A Skilled Game of Exchange: Ojibway Fur Trade Protocol,” Minnesota History 50 (Summer 1987), 229–30.
13. Tanner, Narrative, 24–25.
14. Ibid., 15, 25. In Tanner’s first interview on his return to the United States in 1818, he gave his American name as John Taylor. See “A Captive Found,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 5 (September 11, 1818), 39. Tanner’s Ottawa name was translated as “The Falcon” by Edwin James. Recent scholarship finds the true translation to be “The Swallow.” See John T. Fierst, “A ‘Succession of Little Occurrences’: Scholarly Editing and the Organization of Time in John Tanner’s Narrative,” The Annals of the Association for Documentary Editing 33 (2012), 4.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 26.
16. Ibid., 27.
17. Ibid., 27–28.
18. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 31–32.
19. Tanner, Narrative, 26, 30.
20. Ibid., 31.
21. Ibid., 32–33.
22. Ibid., 34.
CHAPTER 9. SIX BEAVER SKINS FOR A QUART OF MIXED RUM
1. Tanner, Narrative, 27, 37–38, 44, 50–53.
2. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 29.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 34–35, 44.
4. Ibid., 35–37, 76.
5. Ibid., 35–36; Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 96.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 36–37. A similar description of these vessels is found in Elliott Coues, New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journal of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the North West Company, and of David Thompson, Official Explorer of the Same Company, 1799–1814, Exploration and Adventure Among the Indians of the Red, Saskatchewan, Missouri, and Columbia Rivers (New York: F. P. Harper, 1897), 181. Canoe making was one activity in which Ojibwa men and women combined efforts. Buffalohead, “Farmers Warriors Traders: A Fresh Look at Ojibway Women,” 238.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 31, 37–39; David H. Stewart, “Early Assiniboine Trading Posts of the Souris Mouth Group, 1785–1832: Amplification of a Paper Read Before the Society, November 1928,” Manitoba Historical Society Transactions Series 2, no. 5 (1930); Robert Goodwin, Brandon House Post Journal, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives (hereafter cited as HBCA), B.22/a/8 (entries for September 13 and December 11, 1800, and March 10 and April 30, 1801). The identification of Mouse River Fort as Brandon House is based on Tanner’s later reference to this place as the Hudson’s Bay Company establishment and to its proprietor as M’Kie, or John McKay (120).
8. Tanner, Narrative, 38.
9. Hickerson, ed., “Journal of Charles Jean Baptiste Chaboillez, 1797–98,” 277.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 38–39.
11. Ibid., 39.
12. Ibid., 39–40; John McKay, Brandon House Post Journal, HBCA, B.22/a/10 (May 29, 1803); Charles M. Gates, ed., Five Fur Traders of the Northwest (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1965), 108.
13. Tanner, Narrative, 41–44.
14. Ibid., 44–46. The matter of Sag-git-to’s paternity is conjectural. Tanner notes there was now a third small child in the group, but he does not state that Sag-git-to was the father. Considering how the group divided up at this point, it would seem to be a safe deduction. Tanner states later in the narrative (52) that all three children belonged to Net-no-kwa’s daughter, though one was given to the young widow of Taw-ga-we-ninne.
15. Ibid., 44–50. Alexander Henry (the Younger) is known for his excellent journal, which has been edited and published. Henry’s career in the fur trade started in 1791, but the journal unfortunately only begins in 1799, more than a year after this encounter.
16. Ibid., 51. There is no mention of this incident in Hickerson, ed., “Journal of Charles Jean Baptiste Chaboillez, 1797–98,” as the journal ends in May 1798, probably a few months before this incident occurred. However, the journal makes it evident that twenty-one packs was a very sizeable quantity to find in the possession of one group of Indians. Probably it was this that led the traders to take such coercive measures. The journal notes three instances of Indian women trading at the post, and in each case the traders’ conduct was apparently no different than with Indian men. See also Bruce M. White, “The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa Fur Trade,” Ethnohistory 46, no. 1 (Winter 1999), 126–27.
17. Tanner, Narrative, 51–52.
CHAPTER 10. THE TEST OF WINTER
1. Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 3.
2. Arthur J. Ray, “Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson’s Bay Company 1670–1930,” in The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adaptations, Shepard Krech III, ed. (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1984), 1–10; Charles A. Bishop, “The First Century: Adaptive Changes among the Western James Bay Cree between the Early Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries,” in ibid., 22–24, 45–46; Arthur J. Ray and Donald B. Freeman, “Give Us Good Measure”: An Economic Analysis of Relations between the Indians and the Hudson’s Bay Company before 1763 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 241–44.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 52–53.
4. Ibid., 54–58.
5. Ibid., 58–59.
6. Ibid., 60.
7. Ibid., 61.
8. Ibid., 52, 61, 66–67; Bruce M. White, Grand Portage as a Trading Post: Patterns of Trade at “the Great Carrying Place” (Grand Marais, MN: Grand Portage National Monument, National Park Service, 2005), 82. See also Carolyn Gilman, The Grand Portage Story (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1992), 87.
9. Tanner, Narrative, 64–67; Robert Goodwin, Brandon House Post Journal, HBCA, B.22/a/7 (entry for April 23) and B.22/a/8 (entry for September 13); Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 217–20. The Hudson’s Bay Company employed Indians as “Fort hunters” in the Far North, too. See Shepard Krech III, “The Trade of the Slavey and Dogrib at Fort Simpson in the Early Nineteenth Century,” in The Subarctic Fur Trade, 114.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 64–65.
11. Ibid., 65–66.
12. Ibid., 67.
13. Ibid., 68.
CHAPTER 11. RED SKY OF THE MORNING
1. Tanner, Narrative, 48.
2. Ibid., 66, 69.
3. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 47; Harold Hickerson, “The Genesis of a Trading Post Band: The Pembina Chippewa,” Ethnohistory 3, no. 4 (Fall 1956), 308.
4. Frank Raymond Secoy, Changing Military Patterns on the Great Plains (17th Century through Early 19th Century) (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1953), 1–5, 104–6.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 70, 76–77.
6. Net-no-kwa may have felt differently. The following year, Tanner put all six horses in fetters and left them in his mother’s charge with instructions to remove the fetters at the first snow. She did not do it, and the horses all died. Tanner, Narrative, 80.
7. Daniel W. Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior of North America (1922; reprint, New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1973), 51–52. The Gros Ventre were allied with the Blackfeet nation against the Assiniboine, Cree, and western Ojibwa. For a discussion of the intertribal alliance systems on the northern Great Plains, see John C. Ewers, “Intertribal Warfare as the Precursor of Indian-White Warfare on the Northern Great Plains,” Western Historical Quarterly 6, no. 4 (October 1975), 397–410.
8. Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels, 51–53.
9. Ibid.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 76. The trader was probably the proprietor of Swan Lake House. Unfortunately, the post journal for Swan Lake House for 1801–2 has not survived.
11. Ibid., 80; on Hugh McGillis, see Coues, New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, 215.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 84–85, 101.
13. Ibid., 84–85.
14. Ibid., 89–90; Roger M. Carpenter, “Womanish Men and Manlike Women: The Native American Two-spirit as Warrior,” in Gender and Sexuality in Indigenous North America 1400–1850, Sandra Slater and Fay A. Yarbrough, eds. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2011), 146–64; Walter L. Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American Indian Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986), 1–3, 21–22, 31, 41–42; Edward D. Neill, “History of the Ojibways, and their Connection with Fur Traders, based upon Official and other Records,” Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society 5 (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1885), 452–53.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 90–91; Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh, 93–94.
16. Tanner, Narrative, 100–102.
17. Ibid., 101–3.
CHAPTER 12. WARRIOR
1. On the causes of intertribal warfare on the northern Great Plains, see W. W. Newcomb, Jr., “A Re-examination of the Causes of Plains Warfare,” American Anthropologist 52, no. 3 (July–September 1950), 317–30; Secoy, Changing Military Patterns on the Great Plains; Ewers, “Intertribal Warfare as a Precursor of Indian-White Warfare on the Northern Great Plains,” 397–410; Richard White, “The Winning of the West: The Expansion of the Western Sioux in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Journal of American History 65, no. 2 (September 1978), 319–43; Gary Clayton Anderson, “Early Dakota Migration and Intertribal War: A Revision,” Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 1 (January 1980), 17–36; and Tim E. Holzkamm, “Eastern Dakota Population Movements and the European Fur Trade: One More Time,” Plains Anthropologist 28, no. 101 (1983), 225–33.
2. Harold Hickerson, The Chippewa and Their Neighbors: A Study in Ethnohistory (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), 64–88.
3. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 6–7; William W. Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation (1885; reprint, Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, 1957), 163–65, 187, 231, 235, 257, 355–56.
4. Tanner, Narrative, 108–9.
5. Ibid., 111–14.
6. Alexander Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 1799–1814, Barry M. Gough, ed. (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1988), 2:173–74; Tanner, Narrative, 124–25.
7. Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 2:174.
8. Tanner, Narrative, 125; Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation, 264.
9. Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 2:175; Tanner, Narrative, 125.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 125–27.
11. Ibid., 127–28.
12. Ibid., 126–31.
13. Ibid., 129–31; Ernest Alexander Cruikshank, “Robert Dickson, The Indian Trader,” Wisconsin State Historical Society Collections 12 (1892), 138; Louis Arthur Tohill, “Robert Dickson, British Fur Trader on the Upper Mississippi,” North Dakota Historical Quarterly 3, no. 1 (October 1928), 21–24.
14. Tanner, Narrative, 132–41.
CHAPTER 13. FORT WILLIAM
1. Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 2:144.
2. White, Grand Portage as a Trading Post, 113.
3. Victor P. Lytwyn, “The Anishinabeg and the Fur Trade,” in Jean Morrison, ed., Lake Superior to Rainy Lake: Three Centuries of Fur Trade History (Thunder Bay, ON: Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society, 2003), 34.
4. The earliest physical descriptions of McLoughlin by his contemporaries appear somewhat later in his career, so his appearance at this time must be somewhat conjectural. See, for example, Frederick Merk, ed., Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson’s Journal (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), 23.
5. Chapin, “Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin,” 293–94.
6. Grace Lee Nute, “Border Chieftain,” The Beaver 282 (March 1952), 35–39.
7. Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 203–5.
8. Harmon, A Journal of Voyages and Travels, 126, 130–31.
9. Ibid., 118–19, 130. Harmon’s wife eventually did accompany him back to Vermont, but that was not his expectation when he married her, nor was it the typical pattern. See Sylvia Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties”: Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670–1870 (Winnipeg, MB: Watson & Dwyer Publishing Ltd., 1980), 138–39.
10. Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties,” 93–94.
11. Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company, 211.
12. Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 247–49, 252–57.
13. The most reliable source on McLoughlin’s first wife is the fragmentary information provided by his son David as cited in Morrison, Outpost, 51. Her connection to Fort William is suggested by the biographical sketch of McLoughlin in US House, Report of Lieut. Neil M. Howison, United States Navy to the Commander of the Pacific Squadron, House Misc. Rept. 29, 30th Cong., 1st sess., 1848, 12–13.
CHAPTER 14. MARRIAGE à la façon du pays
1. T. C. Elliott, “Marguerite Wadin McKay McLoughlin,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 36, no. 4 (December 1935), 344–45; Marjorie Wilkins Campbell, The North West Company (Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 1957), 19, 28.
2. Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties,” 36–37; Sylvia Van Kirk, “The Role of Native Women in the Creation of Fur Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670–1830,” in The Women’s West, Susan Armitage and Elizabeth Jameson, eds. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 53–62.
3. Ibid., 51, 54–59; Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 248–49.
4. Morrison, Outpost, 58–59; Jean Morrison, “McKay, Alexander,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online at www.biographi.ca <January 30, 2011>; Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980), 157. Thomas McKay was born in 1796 at Sault Ste. Marie, according to Reuben Thwaites, ed., Early Western Travels, Vol. 21 (Cleveland: A. H. Clark, 1907), 201; or he was born in 1797 at Ile á la Crosse according to John C. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade: Forgotten Métis of the Pacific Northwest (Missoula, MT: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 1995), 70.
5. Morrison, Outpost, 58. See also Fred Lockley, Oregon Trail Blazers (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1929), 162–63. Lockley based his chapter on McLoughlin on an interview with Mrs. M. L. Myrick, a granddaughter of McLoughlin who served as his private secretary when she was a girl. Myrick stated that McLoughlin met Marguerite at Fort William.
6. Mother and son finally met again in 1824, and Thomas eventually settled in Oregon near his mother and stepfather. Morrison, Outpost, 117–18, 128; Elliott, “Marguerite Wadin McKay McLoughlin,” 344; Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade, 69–72.
7. Brown, Strangers in Blood, 96–98, 158, 170–76; Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 206–11.
8. Morrison, Outpost, 58; James Douglas quoted in Adele Perry, “ ‘Is your Garden in England, Sir’: James Douglas’s Archive and the Politics of Home,” History Workshop Journal 70 (August 2010), 75; Col. James K. Kelly, “Dr. John McLoughlin,” undated manuscript, Box 2, Oregon Historical Society Collections, McLoughlin-Fraser Family Papers, MSS 927 (hereafter OHSC, MSS 927), Box 2, Folder 2. Speaking to the couple’s relationship later in life, one Elizabeth Wilson said that the doctor treated his wife “like a princess” and assigned her a place of honor when “handing her out to dinner.” See Theressa Gay, Life and Letters of Mrs. Jason Lee: First Wife of Rev. Jason Lee of the Oregon Mission (Portland: Metropolitan Press, 1936), 155.
9. Nute, “Border Chieftain,” 35–39.
10. Jean Morrison, “Fur Trade Families in the Lake Superior–Rainy Lake Region,” in Morrison, ed., Lake Superior to Rainy Lake, 95.
11. Jean Morrison, ed., The North West Company in Rebellion: Simon McGillivray’s Fort William Notebook, 1815 (Thunder Bay, ON: Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society, 1988), 28–31.
CHAPTER 15. BAD BIRDS
1. John McLoughlin, “Description of the Indians from Fort William to Lake of the Woods,” Richard H. Dillon, ed., Amphora 8 (Spring–Summer 1971), 11.
2. Ibid., 12. McLoughlin referred to a prophet in the direction of Fond du Lac. This was probably Le Maigouis, the Trout, who was active among the Ojibwa in 1807 and 1808. He was a disciple of Tenskwatawa, the Open Door, the younger brother of Tecumseh, otherwise known as the Shawnee Prophet. See R. David Edmunds, The Shawnee Prophet (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 51–53.
3. Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930), 258–59. Innis gives year-by-year returns for the North West Company for 1804 through 1818 and comments, “The tendency toward decline was persistent. Declining returns were of serious consequence to the organization of a concern which required a heavy capital outlay for its operations.”
4. Chapin, ed., “Letters of John McLoughlin, 1805–26,” 328.
5. “Some Account of the Trade Carried on by the North West Company,” in Report of the Public Archives of Canada for the year 1928, Arthur G. Doughty, ed. (Ottawa: F. A. Ackland, 1929), 63–65.
6. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada, 261–68.
7. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B. 105/a/9 (entry for September 14, 1823).
8. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada, 269; Walter O’Meara, The Last Portage (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1962), 133.
9. Gordon Charles Davidson, The North West Company (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), 224. The volume of liquor reached another high in an earlier period of competition between the North West Company and the XY Company during the years 1798–1803. The Montreal merchants claimed that imports of liquor then soared to 50,000 gallons annually. See Samuel Hull Wilcocke, Simon McGillivray, and Edward Ellice, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America, since the Connection of the Right Hon. The Earl of Selkirk with the Hudson’s Bay Company . . . (London: B. McMillan, 1817), viii–x.
10. Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company, 268–69.
11. Daniel Francis, “Traders and Indians,” in The Prairie West: Historical Readings, R. Douglas Francis and Howard Palmer, eds. (Edmonton: Pica Pica Press, 1985), 64.
12. Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 2:405.
13. McLoughlin, “Description of the Indians from Fort William to Lake of the Woods,” 13.
14. Colin G. Calloway, Crown and Calumet: British-Indian Relations, 1783–1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 152–54.
CHAPTER 16. THE RESTIVE PARTNERSHIP
1. Douglas MacKay, The Honourable Company: A History of the Hudson’s Bay Company (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1936), 47–48; Eric W. Morse, Canoe Routes of the Voyageurs: The Geography and Logistics of the Canadian Fur Trade (Ottawa: Royal Canadian Geographical Society, 1962), 9.
2. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada, 237–38.
3. Campbell, The North West Company, 35–36, 112–14; David Thompson, Travels in Western North America, 1784–1812, Victor G. Hopwood, ed. (Toronto: MacMillan of Canada, 1971), 120.
4. Gregg A. Young, “The Organization of the Transfer of Furs at Fort William: A Study of Historical Geography,” Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society Papers and Records 2 (1974), 30–32; Joseph D. Winterburn, “Lac La Pluie Bills Lading, 1806–1809,” in Morrison, ed., Lake Superior to Rainy Lake, 59.
5. Theodore Catton, The Environment and the Fur Trade Experience in Voyageurs National Park, 1730–1870, Special History Report prepared for the National Park Service (Missoula, MT: Historical Research Associates, Inc., 2000), 74–75.
6. Francis, “Traders and Indians,” 51.
7. Louise Phelps Kellogg, The British Regime in Wisconsin and the Northwest (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1935), 103; Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North-West Co., passim.
8. Francis, “Traders and Indians,” 51.
9. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada, 258.
CHAPTER 17. THE PEMMICAN WAR
1. John A. Alwin, “Pelts, Provisions and Perceptions: The Hudson’s Bay Company Mandan Indian Trade, 1795–1812,” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 29, no. 3 (July 1979), 17–27; Catton, The Environment and the Fur Trade Experience in Voyageurs National Park, 1730–1870, 7–9.
2. Thompson, Travels in Western North America, 89.
3. George Colpitts, Pemmican Empire: Food, Trade, and the Last Bison Hunts in the North American Plains, 1780–1882 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 94–97.
4. John Morgan Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River (London: MacMillan & Co., Ltd.), 16–20, 56–66; Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State (1856, reprint, Minneapolis: Ross and Haines, Inc., 1957), 16–18.
5. Campbell, The North West Company, 202–3.
6. John Perry Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 1811–1849: A Regional Study (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942), 56–87.
7. Ibid., 79, 128–39.
8. MacKay, The Honourable Company, 135–38; Campbell, The North West Company, 205–08.
9. Wilcocke, McGillivray, and Ellice, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America, 24–28, and Appendix, 28; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 141.
10. J. M. Bumsted, Lord Selkirk, A Life (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2009), 245.
11. Quoted in Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 104.
12. Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company, 290; Morrison, ed., The North West Company in Rebellion, 36; Burt Brown Barker, “McLoughlin’s Proprietory Account with North West Company,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 45, no. 3 (September 1944), 39–40.
13. Quoted in Morrison, Outpost, 74–75. Emphasis in the original.
14. Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company, 291.
15. Quoted in Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 148.
16. Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 106; Morrison, ed., The North West Company in Rebellion, 12.
17. Chapin, ed., “Letters of John McLoughlin,” 330–31.
18. Campbell, The North West Company, 212–13; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 150–54.
19. Tanner, Narrative, 205.
20. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 1, 1823).
21. Tanner, Narrative, 205.
CHAPTER 18. THE BATTLE OF SEVEN OAKS
1. Morrison, ed., The North West Company in Rebellion, 27–29.
2. Ibid., 24.
3. Ibid., 28.
4. Ibid., 30.
5. Quoted in Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 135.
6. Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 172.
7. John Halkett, Statement Respecting the Earl of Selkirk’s Settlement upon the Red River (1817; reprint, Toronto: Coles Publishing Co., 1970), 101.
8. Quoted in B. C. Payette, The Northwest (Montreal: Printed privately for Payette Radio Limited, 1964), 442.
9. Quoted in Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 148.
10. Halkett, Statement, xxxi, xlviii, lxvi; Morrison, Outpost, 84; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 178–79.
11. Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 179.
12. Ibid., 180; “Summary of Evidence in the Controversy between the Hudson’s Bay Company and the North-West Company. Reprinted from Papers relating to the Red River Settlement, 1815–19. Ordered by House of Commons to be printed July 19, 1819.” In Collections of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, Vol. 4 (Fargo, ND: Knight Printing Co., 1913), 553.
CHAPTER 19. THE SURRENDER OF FORT WILLIAM
1. Campbell, The North West Company, 223–24; Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 153–54.
2. Halkett, Statement, 60, lxxxv; Wilcocke, McGillivray, and Ellice, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America, 63–67; Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 129, 137; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 181–85.
3. Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 155.
4. Halkett, Statement, xcii.
5. “Summary of Evidence in the Controversy between the Hudson’s Bay Company and the North-West Company,” 556–62.
6. Halkett, Statement, xcii–xciii; Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 156–57.
7. Halkett, Statement, xciii.
8. Ibid., 67.
9. Ibid., xciv; Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 163.
10. Campbell, The North West Company, 230–31.
11. Wilcocke, McGillivray, and Ellice, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America, 82.
CHAPTER 20. LORD SELKIRK’S PRISONER
1. Halkett, Statement, 179–83, lxxxvii–lxxxviii; Nicholas Garry, “Diary of Nicholas Garry,” in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 2nd Series, Vol. 6 (Ottawa: James Hope & Son, 1900), 113; Wilcocke, McGillivray, and Ellice, A Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of North America, 102–3; Morrison, Outpost, 89–90.
2. S. Marinozzi, G. Bertazzoni, and V. Gazzaniga, “Rescuing the Drowned: Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation and the Origins of Emergency Medicine in the Eighteenth Century,” Internal Emergency Medicine 6, no. 4 (August 2011), 353–56.
3. T. C. Elliott, “Documentary Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1922), 366, 370; Morrison, Outpost, 95, 97, 99, 103.
4. Halkett, Statement, lxxxix.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., lxxxviii–lxxxix; Payette, The Northwest, 414; Morrison, Outpost, 92.
7. Gray, Lord Selkirk of Red River, 240–77; Bumsted, Lord Selkirk, 331–58.
8. Morrison, Outpost, 93.
9. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 169.
10. Report of the Proceedings connected with the disputes between the Earl of Selkirk and the North West Company at the Assizes Held at York in Upper Canada, October 1818 (Montreal: Printed by James Lane and Narum Howes, 1819), passim.
11. Report of the Proceedings, 215.
1. Brown, Strangers in Blood, 107–10.
2. Halkett, Statement, cv–xcvi.
3. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 171.
4. Barker, “McLoughlin Proprietory Account with North West Company,” 44. The page from the ledger, which is reproduced in the Oregon Historical Quarterly, leaves room for various interpretations. Furthermore, McLoughlin’s letters refer to other accounts besides this one, so it would seem that the North West Company ledger book presents at best an incomplete picture of McLoughlin’s finances. For example, McLoughlin stated to his Uncle Simon in 1820 that he had sent a total of £500 to his family since 1816. But this does not necessarily contradict Barker’s assessment, and as Barker also points out, after the North West Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company amalgamated in 1821, McLoughlin remained in debt to his new employer until 1829.
5. Colin Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, September 1817 to September 1822, edited by E. E. Rich, assisted by R. Harvey Fleming (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1939), 82.
6. Statement by David McLoughlin, June 20, 1901, OHSC, MSS 927, Box 1.
7. Campbell, The North West Company, 248–49; MacKay, The Honourable Company, 151–52.
8. Quoted in Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xlii; W. Kaye Lamb, “Dr. John McLoughlin,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online at www.biographi.ca <May 15, 2016>.
9. Quoted in ibid.
10. Ibid., xliii.
11. Campbell, The North West Company, 255–56.
12. Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xliv; Campbell, The North West Company, 256; Davidson, The North West Company, 175; Morrison, Outpost, 99.
13. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 170–71.
14. Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xlv; Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, cv.
CHAPTER 22. LONDON
1. Robertson quoted in Peter C. Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness: Company of Adventurers, Vol. 2 (New York: Viking, 1987), 184.
2. Ibid., 184–86; Campbell, The North West Company, 244–45; MacKay, The Honourable Company, 150–51.
3. Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, 139.
4. Ibid., 138–39.
5. Ibid., 139.
6. “Now and Then, London,” The Beaver: Magazine of the North Outfit 300 (Spring 1970), 24; Diary of Woodfall’s Register (London), January 26, 1790.
7. Stella Margetson, Regency London (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971), 12–13.
8. G. E. Mingay, Georgian London (London: B. T. Batsford, Ltd., 1975), 86–88.
9. Margetson, Regency London, 62–65; Paul Johnson, The Birth of the Modern: World Society, 1815–1830 (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1991), 458–62.
10. Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, 142; MacKay, The Honourable Company, 158–62; Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness, 206–7.
11. Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness, 204–5.
12. Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, 142–43.
13. Ibid., 145.
14. Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xlvii; MacKay, The Honourable Company, 158.
15. John S. Galbraith, The Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 1821–1869 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), 14.
16. Robertson, Colin Robertson’s Correspondence Book, cvi.
17. Harold A. Innis, “Interrelations Between the Fur Trade of Canada and the United States,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 20, no. 3 (December 1933), 329.
18. Richard G. Montgomery, The White-Headed Eagle: John McLoughlin, Builder of an Empire (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1934), 46; Brown, Strangers in Blood, 111–12; E. E. Rich, The History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1670–1870, Vol. 2, 1763–1870 (London: The Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1959), 406–7.
19. MacKay, The Honourable Company, 160.
20. Ibid., 161–62.
21. Ibid., 158–59.
22. Morrison, Outpost, 107.
23. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 84–85.
24. Quoted in Morrison, Outpost, 100.
25. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 88–94.
26. Simpson letter reproduced in Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xliv.
27. John S. Galbraith, “British-American Competition in the Border Fur Trade of the 1820s,” Minnesota History 36 (September 1959), 241–42; Simpson letter quoted in Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xliv.
CHAPTER 23. THE WONDER OF THE STEAMBOAT
1. Stephen H. Long to James Monroe, March 13, 1817, NA, RG 107, Letters Received, M221, Roll 74.
2. After the War of 1812, the army was organized into northern and southern divisions; Jackson commanded the southern division and Major General Jacob Brown commanded the northern division. When Long explored the Illinois River, he passed out of the southern division and technically transferred from Jackson’s to Brown’s command, though he was acting under the secretary’s special orders and reported to General Smith at Fort Belle Fontaine again the next year. Jackson was also aggrieved that he only learned of Long’s expedition when he read about it in the National Register. See Andrew Jackson to George Graham, January 14, 1817, Graham to Jackson, February 1, 1817, Jackson to James Monroe, March 4, 1817, and Monroe to Jackson, December 2, 1817, The Papers of Andrew Jackson, 7 vols., Harold D. Moser, David R. Hoth, and George H. Hoemann, eds. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press), 4:85–87, 97–98, 155; John Spencer Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 2 vols. (Washington: Carnegie Institution, 1927), 2:xi–xii; Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 479; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 38; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 45.
3. Smith quoted in Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 64.
4. John C. Calhoun to Thomas A. Smith, March 18, 1818, in US House, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Vol. 2, Calhoun Correspondence, 56th Cong., 1st sess., 1900, Serial 4012, 134–35.
5. Long quoted in Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 54; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 65; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815–1860 (New York: Rinehart & Company, Inc., 1951), 63–64.
6. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 64; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 60–61.
7. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 60–61; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 64–67.
CHAPTER 24. A CHRISTIAN MARRIAGE
1. The deaths of Martha’s father and two siblings were recorded at Christ Church, Philadelphia (Beverly Bode Howard personal communication, August 31, 2010). The adopted sister married John Norvell, publisher of The Gazette, and later moved to Michigan, where John Norvell was elected to the US Senate. Her obituary in the Detroit Free Press (reproduced at www.findgrave.com <August 31, 2010>) gives her name as Isabella H. Norvell. Genealogist B. B. Howard established her family origins, adoption, and marriage to Norvell (which occurred in 1822). The date of marriage of Sarah Dewees Hodgkis and her second husband, Caleb Foulke, is available in “genealogy search” at www.christchurchphila.org. Martha’s stepfather’s occupation and residences were recorded in Philadelphia city directories (1805–19) at www.archive.org and in John Thomas Scharf, History of Philadelphia, 1609–1884 Vol. 3 (Philadelphia: L. H. Everts and Co., 1884), p. 2300, also at www.archive.org.
2. William B. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1861 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), 190, 403.
3. “Topographical Engineers,” no date, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1; Rev. William Travis, comp., History of the Germantown Academy: Compiled from Minutes of the Trustees from 1760 to 1877, Horace Wemyss Smith, ed. (Philadelphia: Ferguson Bros. & Co., 1882), 48; Skelton, An American Profession of Arms, 190–92.
4. Samuel J. Watson, “Flexible Gender Roles during the Market Revolution: Family, Friendship, Marriage, and Masculinity among U.S. Army Officers, 1815–1846,” Journal of Social History 29, no. 1 (Fall 1995), 83.
5. Ibid., 91.
6. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms, 206–7.
7. Roger L. Nichols, ed., The Missouri Expedition, 1818–1820: The Journal of Surgeon John Gale with Related Documents (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969), 61.
8. Democratic Free Press (Philadelphia), March 5, 1819. The marriage of Stephen Long and Martha Hodgkis, together with other Hodgkis and Dewees marriages and baptisms performed in the church, are found in “genealogical search” at www.christchurchphila.org.
9. Carl N. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 10–14.
10. Anya Jabour, Marriage in the Early Republic: Elizabeth and William Wirt and the Companionate Ideal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 9; Degler, At Odds, 26–29. Stephen and Martha Long named their four sons after distinguished men whose association with the family alternately reflected well on one or the other marriage partner. They named their firstborn son William Dewees after Martha’s uncle, the prominent Philadelphia physician. The next son they named Henry Clay after the Kentucky statesman and presidential hopeful—obviously an expression of Long’s own political convictions at the time. The third son was named Richard Harlan after another Philadelphia physician and friend of the Dewees family. The fourth son was named Edwin James after the young physician and naturalist who accompanied Long on his expedition to the Rockies. (This man was the same Edwin James who helped John Tanner write his autobiography.) They did not follow this pattern in naming their two daughters, the fourth and sixth children in birth order, whom they named Mary and Lucy. Thus, they placed their sons and daughters in separate spheres as soon as they christened them. The sons’ names showed a public face; the daughters’ names did not. “Long Family Genealogy” lists the children as follows: William Dewees Long b. Philadelphia, October 11, 1820, Henry Clay Long b. February 18, 1822, Richard Harlan Long b. Philadelphia, October 3, 1824, Mary Long b. Philadelphia, 1828, Edwin James Long b. Baltimore, June 11, 1829, d. 1830, Lucy Leonis Long b. Philadelphia, October 13, 1832.
11. Tanner, Narrative, 277. The characterization of Stephen Long in Tanner’s Narrative is complicated by the fact that Tanner’s translator and editor, Edwin James, knew Long himself very well from the expedition to the Rocky Mountains and their subsequent collaboration in writing and publishing Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains. Letters that Edwin James sent to his family before and after the expedition were quite negative about Long; however, James was admiring of Long in his public writings and the two remained lifelong friends. Stephen and Martha named one of their children after Edwin James. See Carlo Rotella, “Travels in a Subjective West: The Letters of Edwin James and Major Stephen Long’s Scientific Expedition of 1819–1820,” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 41, no. 4 (Autumn 1991), 20–35.
12. Volo and Denneen, Family Life in Native America, 43–47. For an example of whites’ selective perception, see the description of marriage among the Omaha in James, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, 240–44.
13. Nancy F. Cott, Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 26.
14. William R. Swagerty, “Marriage and Settlement Patterns of Rocky Mountain Trappers and Traders,” Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 2 (April 1980), 164–68, 176–77. See also White, “The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa Fur Trade,” 109–47.
15. Quotations from J. H. Johnston, “Documentary Evidence of the Relations of Negroes and Indians,” Journal of Negro History 14, no. 1 (January 1929), 25.
16. Jedediah Morse, A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs (New Haven, 1822), 64, 73–74, 78–79.
17. Stephen H. Long, “Report of the Western River Expedition,” February 20, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 292A, Bulky File 107, p. 101.
CHAPTER 25. UP THE MISSOURI
1. Philip Drennen Thomas, “The United States Army as the Early Patron of Naturalists in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1803–1820,” Chronicles of Oklahoma 56, no. 2 (Summer 1978), 187.
2. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 67–70.
3. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, April 20, 1819, The Papers of John C. Calhoun Vol. 4, W. Edwin Hemphill, ed. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1967), 33; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 71–75.
4. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, April 20, 1819, The Papers of John C. Calhoun 4:33–32.
5. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 71–72; Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 78.
6. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 72–73; William Darlington, comp., Reliquiae Baldwinianae: Selections from the Correspondence of the Late William Baldwin, M.D. (New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1969), 306.
7. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 66; Louis C. Hunter, “The Invention of the Western Steamboat,” Journal of Economic History 3, no. 2 (November 1943), 217.
8. Niles Weekly Register 16, no. 412 (July 24, 1819), 368.
9. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 81.
10. Ibid., 82–87.
11. American State Papers: Military Affairs, 2:324; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 85–86; Cardinal Goodwin, “A Larger View of the Yellowstone Expedition, 1819–1820,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 4, no. 3 (December 1917), 307; Charles M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: Nationalist, 1782–1828 (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1944), 182–85.
12. Stephen H. Long to R. M. Johnson, January 20, 1820, in US House, Documents in relation to the claim of James Johnson for transportation on the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers, 16th Cong., 2d sess., H.Doc. 110, March 1, 1821, 73–75; Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 483; A. O. Weese, ed., “The Journal of Titian Ramsay Peale, Pioneer Naturalist,” Missouri Historical Review 41 (January 1947), 162–63.
13. Roger L. Nichols, “Stephen H. Long,” in Soldier’s West: Biographies from the Military Frontier, Paul Andrew Hutton, ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 31.
14. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 95.
15. Ibid., 102.
16. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, October 28, 1819, The Papers of John C. Calhoun 4:388–89.
17. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, January 3, 1820, The Papers of John C. Calhoun 4:542–47.
18. Goodwin, “A Larger View of the Yellowstone Expedition, 1819–1820,” 309; Nichols, “Stephen H. Long,” 32.
19. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 111.
20. John C. Calhoun to Stephen H. Long, February 29, 1820, NA, RG 107, Letters Sent, M6, R011 11.
21. Nichols, “Stephen H. Long,” 32–33.
CHAPTER 26. TO THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS
1. Robert J. Miller, Native America, Discovered and Conquered: Thomas Jefferson, Lewis & Clark, and Manifest Destiny (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2006), 1–8, passim.
2. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, December 24, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
3. James P. Ronda, “ ‘To Acquire What Knolege You Can’: Thomas Jefferson as Exploration Patron and Planner,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 150, no. 3 (September 2006), 409–13.
4. Stephen E. Ambrose, Undaunted Courage: Meriwether Lewis, Thomas Jefferson, and the Opening of the American West (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), 76–77, 93–95, quotation on 81.
5. Jerome O. Steffen, “William Clark,” in Soldiers West: Biographies from the Military Frontier, Paul Andrew Hutton, ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 16.
6. Ibid., 15.
7. Ambrose, Undaunted Courage, 95.
8. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 15. See also Thomas, “The United States Army as the Early Patron of Naturalists in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1803–1820,” 171–93.
9. Bell, The Journal of Captain John R. Bell, 58.
10. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 166–70, 176–78. See also Richard H. Dillon, “Stephen Long’s Great American Desert,” Montana: The Magazine of Western History 18, no. 3 (July 1968), 58–74.
11. Nichols, “Stephen H. Long,” 34–35; Thomas, “The United States Army as the Early Patron of Naturalists in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1803–1820,” 191.
12. Nichols, “Stephen H. Long,” 33–35; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 106–8; Bell, The Journal of Captain John R. Bell, 103; Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 485.
13. Maxine Benson, ed., From Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains: Major Stephen Long’s Expedition, 1819–1820 (Golden, CO: Fulcrum, Inc., 1988), 152, 187–88.
14. Ibid., 237–38, 273.
15. Ibid., 283.
16. Thomas, “The United States Army as the Early Patron of Naturalists in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1803–1820,” 191.
17. Stephen H. Long, “Report of the Western River Expedition,” February 20, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 292A, Bulky File 107, pp. 87, 90–91.
18. Ibid.
19. William B. Skelton, “Army Officers’ Attitudes Toward Indians, 1830–1860,” The Pacific Northwest Quarterly 67, no. 3 (July 1976), 115–16.
20. Stephen H. Long, “Report of the Western River Expedition,” February 20, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 292A, Bulky File 107, p. 92.
21. Ibid., 101.
22. Skelton, “Army Officers’ Attitudes Toward Indians, 1830–1860,” 113–24.
CHAPTER 27. MAPMAKER
1. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, December 12, 1820, The Papers of John C. Calhoun 5:478–80.
2. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: Nationalist, 1782–1828, 198–224.
3. Stephen H. Long to Alexander Macomb, June 22, 1822, NA, RG 77, Entry 14, Box 7; Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, September 13, 1822, September 15, 1822, and October 26, 1822, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
4. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 485; Bell, The Journal of Captain John R. Bell, 281–82, 306.
5. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, July 18, 1821, Long to Isaac Roberdeau, August 24, 1821, October 7, 1821, and December 24, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
6. Stephen H. Long to John C. Calhoun, June 15, 1821, James Duncan Graham to Calhoun, July 24, 1821, and Calhoun to Long, July 31, 1821, The Papers of John C. Calhoun 6:192, 278, 306; Long to Calhoun, July 18, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
7. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 485.
8. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 112–13.
9. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, August 24, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
10. Stephen H. Long to Christopher Van Deventer, February 8, 1821, NA, RG 107, Letters Received, M221, Roll 90.
11. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, October 7, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1; John C. Calhoun to Long, November 8, 1821, NA, RG 107, Letters Sent, M6, Roll 11; The Philadelphia Index or Directory for 1823 (Philadelphia: Robert Desilver, 1823), 230.
12. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 161–63; Edwin James, compiler, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the years 1819 and ’20, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: H. C. Carey and I. Lea, 1823).
13. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, October 7, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
14. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, May 3, 1822, and June 10, 1822, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1; Long to Alexander Macomb, March 2, 1823, and April 2, 1823, NA, RG 77, Entry 264, Box 2. See also Herman R. Friis, “Stephen H. Long’s Unpublished Manuscript Map of the United States Compiled in 1820–1822(?),” The California Geographer 8 (1967), 75–87, especially 85–87.
15. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, December 24, 1821, January 29, 1822, and January 30, 1822, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
16. Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, December 24, 1821, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
17. American State Papers: Military Affairs, 3:502; Stephen H. Long to Isaac Roberdeau, June 10, 1822, September 15, 1822, and October 26, 1822, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1.
18. Under Pennsylvania’s “Act for the gradual Abolition of Slavery” (1780), all persons born of slave mothers were free; however, young slaves could be brought into the state and manumitted in exchange for an indenture, which bound their labor until they were twenty-eight years old. Whites, on the other hand, were indentured in the state for a maximum of four years. The loophole in Pennsylvania’s antislavery law encouraged many Philadelphians to acquire young black servants who had been born into slavery in nearby Delaware, Maryland, or Virginia. These persons could be bought and sold and compelled to work on the master’s terms just like a slave. They were entitled to leave the master’s premises or marry only with the master’s permission. Sometimes the master paid for the servants to obtain a certain amount of schooling or instruction to prepare them for their eventual freedom. At a minimum the master was expected to provide “freedom dues” on the servant’s twenty-eighth birthday amounting to two suits of clothes. See Edward Raymond Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania: Slavery—Servitude—Freedom, 1639–1861 (1911; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 78, 93, 96–99.
19. Stephen H. Long to Alexander Macomb, March 11, 1823, NA, RG 77, Entry 14, Box 9.
20. Ibid.
21. Wyndham D. Miles, “A Versatile Explorer: A Sketch of William H. Keating,” Minnesota History 36 (December 1959), 297–98.
22. Keating, Narrative, 1:143, 327.
23. Ibid., 1:2.
24. Innis, “Interrelations between the Fur Trade of Canada and the United States,” 329–32.
25. Keating, Narrative, 1:2.
26. Stephen H. Long to Alexander Macomb, May 23, 1823, NA, RG 77, Entry 14, Box 10; Keating, Narrative, 2:56–57.
27. Keating, Narrative, 1:5.
CHAPTER 28. THE NORTHERN EXPEDITION
1. Keating, Narrative, 1:76.
2. Ibid., 149–52, and 2:242–43.
3. Ibid., 123–25, 228–29, and 2:39.
4. Ibid., 442–45.
5. Nichols and Halley, Stephen Long, 191–97; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 125–27; Keating, Narrative, 1:350, 445.
6. Keating, Narrative, 1:445–47.
7. Clair Jacobson, “A History of the Yanktonai and Hunkpatina Sioux,” North Dakota History 47, no. 1 (1980), 6, 10.
8. Keating, Narrative, 2:5–8. The sketch of Wanatan is reproduced as the frontispiece. See also Gwen Westerman and Bruce White, Mna Sota Makoce: The Land of the Dakota (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2012), 120.
9. Keating, Narrative, 2:5–8.
10. Ibid., 12–14.
11. Ibid., 14–15.
12. Ibid., 16–17.
13. Ibid., 19–20, 32.
14. Ibid., 37, 39, 42, 44.
15. Ibid., 42–43.
16. Gerhard J. Ens, Homeland to Hinterland: The Changing Worlds of the Red River Metis in the Nineteenth Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 20.
17. Keating, Narrative, 2:39–40.
18. Ibid., 40–41. The origin of Métis culture is complicated and lies somewhere in the late seventeenth to mid-eighteenth centuries in the Great Lakes region of Canada, when mixed-blood offspring of French fur traders began to carve out a distinct role for themselves as middlemen in the trade relations between Europeans and Indians. The development of a large and distinct Métis community in the Red River valley commenced in the early 1800s and stemmed mainly from the policies and practices of the North West Company. Ens, Homeland to Hinterland, 14–17.
19. Keating, Narrative, 2:54–55.
20. Ibid., 55, 72.
21. Ibid., 72–74.
22. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 191–207.
CHAPTER 29. THE COMING OF THE PROPHET
1. Tanner, Narrative, 98; Alwin, “Pelts, Provisions and Perceptions,” 22.
2. Edmunds, The Shawnee Prophet, 33–41.
3. Ibid., 38. For analysis of evolving Indian ideas about race, and Indian cultural responses to white Americans in particular, see Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country, especially 158–62.
4. Ibid., 70–71; John Sugden, Tecumseh: A Life (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1997), 166, 170–73.
5. Edmunds, The Shawnee Prophet, 40; Sugden, Tecumseh, 146–47; John T. Fierst, “Strange Eloquence: Another Look at The Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner,” in Reading Beyond Words: Contexts in Native History, Jennifer Brown and Elizabeth Vibert, eds. (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 1996), 226–27.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 144–45.
7. Ibid., 145–47.
8. Ibid., 146.
9. Ibid., 146–47. For another, similar account of the Ojibwa response to the Shawnee Prophet, see Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation, 320–23.
10. On the orphans, see Tanner, Narrative, 121, 148. On being denied due respect for his hunting prowess, see pages 120–23.
11. Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 1:182–84; Tanner, Narrative, 147, 157.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 147.
13. Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 63–64; Hickerson, “The Genesis of a Trading Post Band,” 232–24; Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 1:195, 294.
14. Dan Flores, “Bison Ecology and Bison Diplomacy: The Southern Plains from 1800 to 1850,” Journal of American History 78, no. 2 (September 1991), 475–76; Charles R. Watrall, “Virginia Deer and the Buffer Zone in the Late Prehistoric–Early Protohistoric Periods in Minnesota,” Plains Anthropologist 13, no. 40 (May 1968), 81–86.
15. Hickerson, The Chippewa and Their Neighbors, 106–119.
16. Tanner, Narrative, 74–75, 146, 158–61, 168; Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation, 354; Henry, The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 1:300.
17. Tanner, Narrative, 161–62; Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country, 172–75.
18. Tanner, Narrative, 151–52.
19. Ibid., 157, 166–67.
20. Reginald Horsman, The Causes of the War of 1812 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1962), 158–71; Calloway, Crown and Calumet, 228.
21. Edmunds, The Shawnee Prophet, 50–53, 76; Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation, 323–24; Sugden, Tecumseh, 174.
22. Warren, History of the Ojibway Nation, 324; Tanner, Narrative, 168–69, 185–90.
23. Tanner, Narrative, 168–69, 184–85, 252; Vecsey, Traditional Ojibwa Religion and Its Historical Changes, 76, 88–91.
CHAPTER 30. A LOATHSOME MAN
1. Tanner, Narrative, 172; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 89; George Bryce, “The Five Forts of Winnipeg,” in Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for the year 1885, Vol. 3 (Montreal: Dawson Brothers Publishers, 1886), 138.
2. Tanner, Narrative, 172.
3. Ibid., 172–73.
4. Ibid., 173.
5. Ibid., 174.
6. Ibid., 174–75.
7. Ibid., 120, 176–77. This entire incident was described in brief in a letter of John Allan of Montreal dated November 1818, as reproduced in Keating, Narrative, 2:121–22. The document was among the reference letters Tanner carried with him in 1823 and was written as an attest to his honorable relations with the traders.
CHAPTER 31. SORCERY AND SICKNESS
1. Tanner, Narrative, 203–4.
2. Ibid., 167, 171, 187; D. Wayne Moodie and Barry Kaye, “Indian Agriculture in the Fur Trade Northwest,” Prairie Forum 11, no. 2 (Fall 1986), 173–74.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 206–7, 252; Elizabeth T. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” Wisconsin Historical Collections 14 (1898), 47–55.
4. Tanner, Narrative, 185–86; John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony and Frequent Excursions Among the North-West American Indians, in the Years 1820, 1821, 1822, 1823 (1824; reprint, Project Gutenberg eBook, 2007), 27; Shawn Smallman, “Spirit Beings, Mental Illness, and Murder: Fur Traders and the Windigo in Canada’s Boreal Forest, 1774–1935,” Ethnohistory 57, no. 4 (Fall 2010), 574, 578.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 186–87.
6. Ibid., 188–90.
7. Ibid., 191–92; Anastasia M. Shkilnyk, A Poison Stronger Than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibwa Community (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 95–99.
8. Tanner, Narrative, 190–91.
9. Moodie and Kaye, “Indian Agriculture in the Fur Trade Northwest,” 175; Tanner, Narrative, 190–92.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 192; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 77–79, 93–103.
11. Tanner, Narrative, 192–93; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 103.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 192–93.
13. Ibid., 193–94; Paul Hackett, A Very Remarkable Sickness: Epidemics in the Petit Nord, 1670–1846 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2002), 41, 129–36.
14. A. Irving Hallowell, The Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba: Ethnography into History, edited with preface and afterword by Jennifer S. H. Brown (Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers, 1991), 68–71; Tanner, Narrative, 193–94.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 194.
16. Ibid., 154–55, 157, 162–66, 195, 201.
17. Ibid., 200–201.
18. Ibid., 201–3.
19. Ibid., 204–5.
20. Ibid., 205–6.
21. Ibid., 207–8.
CHAPTER 32. TAKING FORT DOUGLAS
1. Tanner, Narrative, 204, 211, 213; Moodie and Kaye, “Indian Agriculture in the Fur Trade Northwest,” 178.
2. D. W. Moodie, “Agriculture and the Fur Trade,” in Rethinking the Fur Trade, 89–90, 102.
3. Halkett, Statement, xviii, xlviii; Tanner, Narrative, 209.
4. Tanner, Narrative, 209–11.
5. Ibid., 209–12; Halkett, Statement, xlvii–xlix.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 212–13.
7. Ibid., 213.
8. Ibid., 213–14; M.S. by Lord Selkirk Relating to Red River, National Archives of Canada (hereafter NAC), Selkirk Papers, Roll C-12, pp. 12769–70.
9. Tanner, Narrative; M.S. by Lord Selkirk Relating to Red River, NAC, Selkirk Papers, Roll C-12, pp. 12770–74; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 194.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 214–16.
11. Ibid., 201; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 1, 1823).
12. Tanner, Narrative, 214; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 194. On Be-gwais, see Hugh A. Dempsey, “Peguis,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online at www.biographi.ca <September 30, 2011>.
13. Tanner, Narrative, 214; George Bryce, “Sketch of the Life of John Tanner, A Famous Manitoba Scout,” Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba 30 (1888), 3.
14. Tanner, Narrative, 214–15.
15. Ibid., 215; M.S. by Lord Selkirk Relating to Red River, NAC, Selkirk Papers, Roll C-12, pp. 12778–12780; Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 194.
16. Tanner, Narrative, 216.
17. Ibid., 221; Bryce, “Sketch of the Life of John Tanner,” 3.
18. Tanner, Narrative, 221–22. Selkirk’s description of Tanner is quoted in Bryce, “Sketch of the Life of John Tanner,” 3–4.
19. Tanner, Narrative, 221. Probably another factor influencing Tanner was that Therezia gave birth to another child around this time. This child, their fourth, died of measles in the fall of 1819 (Tanner, p. 252).
20. Ibid., 221–22.
21. Bryce, “Sketch of the Life of John Tanner,” 3–4.
22. “Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 27 (February 12, 1819), 215. See also the note on Edward Tanner in Wisconsin Historical Collections 8 (1879; reprint, 1908), 475.
CHAPTER 33. ROUGH JUSTICE
1. Tanner, Narrative, 226.
2. Ibid., 229–30; Hallowell, The Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba, 87–91.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 225–29.
4. Ibid., 230–31.
5. Ibid., 231–32.
6. Ibid., 232–33.
7. Ibid., 233.
8. Ibid., 233–34.
9. Ibid., 234.
CHAPTER 34. IN SEARCH OF KIN
1. Tanner, Narrative, 234–35; Myron Momvyk, “Charles Oakes Ermatinger,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online at www.biographi.ca <October 8, 2011>.
2. Tanner, Narrative, 235–36; Frank B. Woodford, Lewis Cass: The Last Jeffersonian (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1950), 116.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 236; “A Captive Found,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 5 (August 2, 1818), 39.
4. William Carl Klunder, Lewis Cass & the Politics of Moderation (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1996), 31–33; Francis Paul Prucha and Donald F. Carmony, “A Memorandum of Lewis Cass: Concerning A System for the Regulation of Indian Affairs,” Wisconsin Magazine of History 52, no. 1 (Fall 1968), 35–50; Jay H. Buckley, William Clark: Indian Diplomat (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 116–23; Witgen, An Infinity of Nations, 338–44. Illinois gained statehood in December 1818 and was its own territory prior to statehood. Illinois governor Ninian Edwards was also involved in Indian policy, though not as much as Cass and Clark.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 236; “Abstract of expenditures by William Clark, Governor of Missouri Territory, as Superintendent of Indian Affairs, from 1st January to 31st December, 1820,” American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:290. Emphasis added.
6. “Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Weekly Recorder 5, no. 27 (February 12, 1819), 215.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 241–43.
8. Ibid., 243–44.
9. Ibid., 247–48; “The Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Philadelphia Register and National Recorder 1, no. 7 (February 13, 1819), 127.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 248; “The Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Philadelphia Register and National Recorder 1, no. 7 (February 12, 1819), 127.
11. Tanner, Narrative, 248–49; “The Devil Worshipped,” The Latter Day Luminary 1, no. 7 (May 1, 1819), 362; “Substance of the Minutes of the Board,” The Latter Day Luminary 1, no. 8 (May 2, 1819), 379.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 248, 250; “The Indian Captive Reclaimed,” The Philadelphia Register and National Recorder 1, no. 7 (February 12, 1819), 127.
13. Tanner, Narrative, 250.
14. Margaret Jacobs, White Mother to a Dark Race: Settler Colonialism, Maternalism, and the Removal of Indigenous Children in the American West and Australia, 1880–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 52–53. Also pertinent for Clark was the fact that he himself had adopted two mixed-blood children, the daughter and son of Sakakewea and Toussaint Charbonneau, following their mother’s death in 1812.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 250.
CHAPTER 35. BETWEEN TWO WORLDS
1. Tanner, Narrative, 252.
2. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 50–51.
3. Susan Sleeper-Smith, “Women, Kin, and Catholicism: New Perspectives on the Fur Trade,” in Rethinking the Fur Trade, 462–65.
4. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 51–52.
5. John Tanner to Martin Van Buren, November 10, 1837, reprinted in John T. Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization,’ John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” Minnesota History 50, no. 1 (Spring 1986), 25. Another record of Lucy Tanner, of her formal baptism performed in Detroit on August 4, 1821, is printed in Wisconsin Historical Collections 19 (1910), 134.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 253.
7. Ibid., 253–54.
8. Ibid., 254–55.
9. Buckley, William Clark, 120.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 256–57; “Abstract of expenditures by William Clark,” 2:290.
11. Tanner, Narrative, 257.
12. Carl O. Sauer, “Homestead and Community on the Middle Border,” in Land and Life: A Selection from the Writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, John Leighly, ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), 33–34; Cardinal L. Goodwin, “Early Exploration and Settlement of Missouri and Arkansas,” Missouri Historical Review 14 (April–July 1920), 400–401.
13. Tanner, Narrative, 257.
14. Ibid., 257–58. The scenario described here is an educated guess as to what actually happened. Tanner’s Narrative states: “On the ensuing spring an attempt was made to recover something for my benefit from the estate of my father; but my stepmother sent several of the negroes, which it was thought might fall to me, to the island of Cuba, where they were sold. This business is yet unsettled, and remains in the hands of the lawyers.”
15. Ibid., 259–61.
16. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 53.
17. Tanner, Narrative, 261–64.
CHAPTER 36. CHIEF FACTOR
1. Interview with Eloisa Harvey, June 20, 1878, OSHC, MSS 927, Box 2. Eloisa’s mention of separate spheres is reinforced by a later description of Dr. and Mrs. McLoughlin in US House, Report of Lieut. Neil M. Howison, United States Navy to the Commander of the Pacific Squadron, House Misc. Rept. 29, 30th Cong., 1st sess., 1848, 12–13.
2. Morrison, Outpost, 343.
3. Simpson, “Character Book,” 190. The character sketch was written in 1832.
4. John Nicks, “Orkneymen in the Hudson’s Bay Company 1780–1821,” in Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 102–3; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA B.105/e/2.
5. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journals for 1822–1823 and 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/8 and 9; Lac La Pluie Account Books for 1821–1822, 1822–1823, and 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/d/4–6.
6. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2.
7. Harold Hickerson, “Land Tenure of the Rainy Lake Chippewa at the Beginning of the 19th Century,” Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 2 (1967), 54; John Cameron, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1825–1826, HBCA, B.105/a/11 (entry for May 15, 1826); John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2.
8. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for October 7, 1822).
9. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for November 2, 1822).
10. White, “A Skilled Game of Exchange,” 231; Peers, The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 34.
11. Ray and Freeman, “Give Us Good Measure,” 231–45.
12. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for November 2, 1822).
CHAPTER 37. PROVIDENCE
1. Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 211–17.
2. Hickerson, “Land Tenure of the Rainy Lake Chippewa at the Beginning of the 19th Century,” 50; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entries for September 23 and 30, 1822).
3. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8.
4. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entries for December 28, 1822, and January 4, 1823).
5. Mary Black-Rogers, “Varieties of ‘Starving’: Semantics and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade, 1750–1850,” Ethnohistory 33, no. 4 (Fall 1986), 353–70.
6. John Cameron, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1825–1826, HBCA, B.105/a/11 (entry for May 15, 1826).
7. Calloway, Crown and Calumet, 167–68.
8. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B105/a/8 (entry for September 15, 1822).
9. McLoughlin, “Description of the Indians from Fort William to Lake of the Woods,” 10.
10. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for January 23, 1824); John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entries for March 17, April 12, May 10, May 17, May 26, 1823).
CHAPTER 38. OPPOSING THE AMERICANS
1. Galbraith, “British-American Competition in the Border Fur Trade of the 1820s,” 241–42; Simpson letter quoted in Lamb, ed., McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, xliv.
2. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for September 26, 1822).
3. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2.
4. David Lavender, “Some American Characteristics of the American Fur Company,” in Aspects of the Fur Trade: Selected Papers of the 1965 North American Fur Trade Conference (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1967), 36–37.
5. Astor quoted in Galbraith, The Hudson’s Bay Company, 53.
6. Arthur J. Ray, “Some Conservation Schemes of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1821–1850: An Examination of the Problems of Resource Management in the Fur Trade,” Journal of Historical Geography 1 (1975), 50; R. Harvey Fleming, ed., Minutes of Council Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821–31 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1940), 314–15; Galbraith, The Hudson’s Bay Company, 54.
7. Galbraith, “British-American Competition in the Border Fur Trade of the 1820s,” 245.
8. Quoted in Galbraith, “British-American Competition in the Border Fur Trade of the 1820s,” 244.
9. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8.
10. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for April 17, 1823).
11. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/3; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 15, 1823).
CHAPTER 39. WORKING FOR WAGES
1. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/a/8 (entry for October 5, 1822).
2. Tanner, Narrative, 261; Frederick Jackson Turner, Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin: A Study of the Trading Post as an Institution (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1891), 64–65. Employing French Canadians was a touchy matter, because American traders had long sought legislation to bar the British from trading with Indians on US soil. Congress finally passed such a law in 1816, prohibiting all foreigners from engaging in the Indian trade. But traders in the Great Lakes region, particularly John Jacob Astor, found the measure too stringent, for it deprived them of the French Canadian labor pool. Largely at Astor’s urging, the policy was relaxed to allow American companies to hire French Canadians as voyageurs and interpreters.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 261–62; Donald MacPherson, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1817–1818, HBCA, B.105/a/5 (entry for October 10, 1817); Roderick McKenzie, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1819–1820, HBCA, B.105/a/7 (entry for October 8, 1819); Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 238–39.
4. Tanner, Narrative, 262; Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 201–3, 220–25; American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 2:67; Gates, ed., Five Fur Traders of the Northwest, 144.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 262.
6. Ibid., 262–63.
7. Ibid., 263.
8. Ibid., 263–64. The quantity of furs may be off the mark. According to Tanner’s account, he was directly involved in trading for 600 pounds of furs the first time and more than 1,200 pounds the second time, and these figures do not include furs traded at the post. John McLoughlin reported that Cȏté’s outfit departed at the end of the season with just twelve packs weighing a little more than 1,000 pounds. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2. How McLoughlin came by his figure is not clear. The return for Rainy Lake House that year was closer to what Tanner indicated for his outfit.
9. Lewis Cass to Henry R. Schoolcraft, June 10, 1823, printed in Wisconsin Historical Collections 20 (1911), 306–7. Also see Cass’s speeches and letters at 248–53.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 264.
11. Ibid., 264–65.
CHAPTER 40. CHILDREN OF THE FUR TRADE
1. Brown, Strangers in Blood, 177, 199–204; quotation on 200. See also Tina Loo, Making Law, Order, and Authority in British Columbia, 1821–1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994).
2. John E. Foster, “Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy 1820–1826,” Histoire Social/Social History 2, no. 4 (November 1969), 49–50.
3. Foster, “Program for the Red River Mission,” 62–68; J. R. Miller, Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), 130–31.
4. West, The Substance of a Journal, 118–19.
5. Fleming, ed., Minutes of Council Northern Department of Rupert Land, 1821–31, 314–15.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 265. The quarrel between the factor and the governor was over the right of the settlers to trade furs. The colonists supplemented their meager farm produce by trading furs south of the border with the Americans. The factor insisted this was illegal and wanted the governor’s assistance in stopping it. On the quarrel, see Robert S. Allen and Carol M. Judd, “Bulger, Andrew H.,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online at www.biographi.ca <October 25, 2011>. On the smuggling, see Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 250–71.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 265.
8. Keating, Narrative, 2:116; Tanner, Narrative, 265..
9. Tanner, Narrative, 203–4, 265–66.
10. Ibid., 266–67.
11. Ibid., 267.
12. Ibid., 267–68.
13. For a generalized depiction of Indians’ changing racial attitudes in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, see Snyder, Slavery in Indian Country, 158–62.
CHAPTER 41. THE AMBUSH
1. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for April 26, 1824); John D. Cameron, Lac La Pluie Journal for 1825–1826, HBCA, B.105/a/11 (entry for October 2, 1825).
2. Bigsby, The Shoe and the Canoe, 2:266.
3. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2; Hickerson, “Land Tenure of the Rainy Lake Chippewa at the Beginning of the 19th Century,” 53–54.
4. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1822–1823, HBCA, B.105/e/2. For Wah-wish-e-gah-bo’s debt, see Robert Logan, Lac La Pluie Account Book for 1818–1819, HBCA, B.105/d/1.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 268.
6. Ibid.; Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 421.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 268.
8. Ibid., 268–70.
9. Ibid., 270; Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 423.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 270–71.
11. Ibid., 271; Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 423.
12. Tanner, Narrative, 271–72.
13. Ibid., 272–74.
14. Ibid., 275; Reid, Patterns of Vengeance, 42–45.
15. Tanner, Narrative, 275.
CHAPTER 42. THE PARDON
1. Tanner, Narrative, 276.
2. Ibid., 275–76; Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 423.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 276.
4. Ibid.
5. Tanner, Narrative, 276–77; Delafield, The Unfortified Boundary, 424; Tom Thiessen research notes on Vincent Roy, Sr. shared with author, 1999; Christi Corbin, personal communication with author, August 15, 2004; Wayne A. Jones, personal communication with author, August 16, 2004; Wayne A. Jones, “Keeping Up with the Joneses” (2011) at http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=AHN& <November 3, 2011>.
6. Tanner, Narrative, 277.
CHAPTER 43. “WE MET WITH AN AMERICAN”
1. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 213–14.
2. Tanner, Narrative, 277.
3. The relationship between captivity and rights of citizenship were hotly debated in two other important contexts in Long’s day: impressment by the British navy and hostage-taking by the Barbary pirates. See Lawrence A. Peskin, Captives and Countrymen: Barbary Slavery and the American Public, 1785–1816 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009).
4. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 215; Keating, Narrative, 2:115; Tanner, Narrative, 277; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal, September 1, 1823, HBCA, B. 105/a/9, 1. For additional perspective on sexual relations between voyageurs and native women in the trading posts, see Podruchny, Making the Voyageur World, 260–67.
5. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 215.
6. Ibid., 216; Keating, Narrative, 2:115–16. As the chief factor was willing to make this offer without ever having met the teenage girls for himself, it would seem almost certain that Marguerite McLoughlin was behind it, and that she was the kindly mixed-blood woman in the fort whom the girls had gotten their father’s permission to go see shortly before they ran away.
7. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 216–17; Keating, Narrative, 2:117.
8. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 217; Keating, Narrative, 2:116, 123.
CHAPTER 44. THE ONUS OF REVENGE
1. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 1, 1823); Tanner, Narrative, 204–5, 245.
2. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 215.
3. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 1, 1823).
4. John Phillip Reid, “Restraints on Vengeance: Retaliation-in-Kind and the Use of Indian Law in the Old Oregon Country,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 95, no. 1 (Spring 1994), 49–52.
5. The best evidence of this is found in McLoughlin’s response to the slaying of one company officer and four employees in Oregon in 1825. McLoughlin sent an expedition to retaliate, and the result was one Indian killed and two villages burned. Justifying the expedition beforehand, he wrote, “To pass over such an outrage would lower us in the opinion of the Indians, induce them to act in the same way, and when the opportunity offered kill any of our people, & when it is considered the Natives are at least an hundred Men to one of us it will be conceived how absolutely necessary it is for our personal security that we should be respected by them, & nothing could make us more contemptible in their eyes than allowing such a cold blooded assassination of our People to pass unpunished.” Justifying it after the fact, he wrote, “It is certainly most unfortunate to be obliged to have recourse to hostile measures against our fellow beings but it is a duty we owed our murdered Countrymen & I may say we were forced by necessity, as had we passed over the atrocious conduct of their murderers, others by seeing them unpunished would have imitated their example.” John McLoughlin, The Letters of John McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver to the Governor and Committee, E. E. Rich, ed. (London: The Champlain Society for the Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1941), 57–58, 65.
6. Quoted in Morrison, Outpost, 174–75.
7. McLoughlin, “Description of the Indians from Fort William to Lake of the Woods,” 15.
8. Jane Lewis Chapin, ed., “Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 37, no. 1 (March 1936), 255.
9. Reid, “Restraints on Vengeance,” 50.
10. Keating, Narrative, 2:115–16; Tanner, Narrative, 278; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entries for September 4 and 8, 1823).
11. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for September 4, 1823); Tanner, Narrative, 278.
12. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for October 2, 1823).
13. Tanner, Narrative, 279.
14. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entry for October 5, 1823); Tanner, Narrative, 279.
CHAPTER 45. JOURNEYS HOME
1. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 487–88; Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 229.
2. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 487–88; “Major Long’s Expedition,” Daily National Intelligencer, November 3, 1823.
3. Keating, Narrative, 2:238–39.
4. Ibid., 240–41.
5. Ibid., 123.
6. Ibid., 122–23.
7. Long, The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long, 219.
8. Tanner, Narrative, 279; John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9 (entries for November 8, 10, 22, and 27).
9. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie Post Journal for 1823–1824, HBCA, B.105/a/9.
10. Tanner, Narrative, 279.
11. John McLoughlin, Lac La Pluie District Report for 1823–1824, HBCA B.105/e/3.
12. Interview with Eloisa Harvey, June 20, 1878, OSHC, MSS 927, Box 2.
13. Elliott, “Marguerite Wadin McKay McLoughlin,” 339; Morrison, Outpost, 121–22.
14. Tanner, Narrative, 279–80.
EPILOGUE
1. Edwin O. Wood, ed., Historic Mackinac: The Historical, Picturesque and Legendary Features of the Mackinac Country (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1918), 2:59, 67, 137, 142, 144.
2. Elizabeth Thérèse Baird, “Indian Customs and Early Recollections,” Wisconsin Historical Collections 9 (1882; reprint, 1909), 316–17.
3. Gurdon S. Hubbard, “Journey of Gurdon S. Hubbard,” Michigan Pioneer Historical Collections 3 (1881), 125.
4. Quoted in Keith R. Widder, Battle for the Soul: Métis Children Encounter Evangelical Protestants at Mackinaw Mission, 1823–1837 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1999), 49, 54.
5. Widder, Battle for the Soul, 56.
6. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 53; Jean B. Russo and J. Elliott Russo, “Responsive Justices: Court Treatment of Orphans and Illegitimate Children in Colonial Maryland,” in Ruth Wallis Herndon and John E. Murray, eds., Children Bound to Labor: The Pauper Apprentice System in Early America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), 154–58.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 280; John E. McDowell, “Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade,” Wisconsin Magazine of History 61, no. 2 (Winter 1977–78), 137. Possibly the French Canadians in Mackinac had some influence in this case. In Quebec, single mothers who were too poor to care for their children would take it upon themselves to bind them to another family, employing a notary public to draw up an indenture. Gillian Hamilton, “The Stateless and the Orphaned among Montreal’s Apprentices, 1791–1842,” in Herndon and Murray, eds., Children Bound to Labor, 166.
8. John Tanner to Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, July 21, 1824, quoted in Maxine Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” Michigan History 54, no. 4 (1970), 314. See also Maxine Benson, “Edwin James: Scientist, Linguist, Humanitarian” (Phd dissertation, University of Colorado, 1968), 245.
9. George Boyd to Lewis Cass, August 23, 1824, in “Fur-Trade in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Historical Collections 20 (1911), 345; Richard B. Bremer, Indian Agent and Wilderness Scholar: The Life of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft (Mount Pleasant, MI: Clarke Historical Library, Central Michigan University, 1987), 55–56; Widder, Battle for the Soul, 59.
10. Edwin James, “Introductory Chapter,” in Tanner, Narrative, xvii.
11. Governor Cass to Henry R. Schoolcraft, October 18, 1830, in Territorial Papers of the United States 12, Territory of Michigan 1829–1837, Clarence Edward Carter, comp. and ed. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1945), 210.
12. Judge Joseph H. Steere, “Sketch of John Tanner, Known as the ‘White Indian,’ ” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections 22 (1894), 247; James V. Campbell, Outlines of the Political History of Michigan (Detroit: Schober & Co., 1876), 415.
13. Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization’: John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” 26–30.
14. Keith R. Widder, “The Persistence of French-Canadian Ways at Mackinac after 1760,” Proceedings of the Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society 16 (1990), 52; Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 46; “Sketch of the Life of Hon. Robert Stuart,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections 3 (1881), 58–59.
15. Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 53.
16. Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” 324; Tanner, Narrative, 161–62.
17. Henry R. Schoolcraft, “Sketches from Schoolcraft’s Diary at Mackinac—1835–1841,” in Wood, Historic Mackinac, 2:235.
18. Angie Bingham Gilbert, “The Story of John Tanner,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections 38 (1912), 198.
19. Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization’: John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” 34–35.
20. Gilbert, “The Story of John Tanner,” 197; “Sketch of the Life of the Rev. Abel Bingham,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections 2 (1880), 155; Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization’: John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” 34–35.
21. John Tanner to Martin Van Buren, November 10, 1837, reprinted in Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization’: John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” 25.
22. P. G. Downes, “John Tanner: Captive of the Wilderness,” Naturalist 9 (Fall 1958), 32.
23. Gilbert, “The Story of John Tanner,” 197–99.
24. Ibid.
25. Quoted in Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” 324.
26. Schoolcraft, “Sketches from Schoolcraft’s Diary,” 234.
27. Gilbert, “The Story of John Tanner,” 200.
28. Ibid. Fierst explores another possible motive for Tanner to kill James Schoolcraft. During his years of declining employment with the Sault Ste. Marie Agency, Tanner faced financial problems and incurred debts to James Schoolcraft. Tanner tried to recover back pay from the federal government and was finally denied. The paper trail may exaggerate Tanner’s attention to his financial woes. The breakup of his family mattered most to him, and those he thought responsible for it were his worst enemies. Local tradition held that he was often heard to say “as Henry R. was beyond his reach, James, the next of kin, must die in his stead.” If he did not actually make that threat, it would seem likely that that was his sentiment. “Sketch of the Life of the Rev. Abel Bingham,” 155.
29. Steere, “Sketch of John Tanner,” 248–50; Gilbert, “The Story of John Tanner,” 200; Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” 326.
30. Steere, “Sketch of John Tanner,” 250; William Cullen Bryant, “Letters of a Traveller,” in Edwin O. Wood, ed., Historic Mackinac, 2:395; Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” 325. Steere relates that a skeleton was discovered near the village many years later that some thought was Tanner’s remains. Fierst notes that Tanner was in poor health in 1846 and would have been hard put to return to the north country. Benson speculates that if Tilden shot Schoolcraft and wanted Tanner to be blamed for the murder, then he may have found and killed Tanner during the manhunt. Some sources say Tilden eagerly volunteered to lead the manhunt. All sources agree that there is no conclusive evidence who killed Schoolcraft or what finally happened to Tanner.
31. John McLoughlin, “Autobiography,” in S. A. Clarke, Pioneer Days of Oregon Country (Portland: J. K. Gill Company, 1905), 215–17; Morrison, Outpost, 174–75.
32. John McLoughlin to Edward Ermatinger, February 1, 1836, in T. C. Elliott, ed., “Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1922), 368; Gay, Life and Letters of Mrs. Jason Lee, 16; McLoughlin, “Autobiography,” 220.
33. John McLoughlin to Alexander H. H. Stuart, July 15, 1851, in Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 330–33; McLoughlin, “Autobiography,” 217.
34. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade, 62–63, 183; Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 329; Morrison, Outpost, 278, 465.
35. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade, 230; Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 107–25; Morrison, Outpost, 221–27, 278–83, 339–49, 435, 465.
36. Simon Fraser to John McLoughlin, January 12, 1836, in Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 218–20.
37. Barker, The McLoughlin Empire and its Rulers, 178, 190–91; Morrison, Outpost, 221–27, 279–83, 339–49; John McLoughlin to John McLeod, March 1, 1833, in Mrs. Eva Emery Dye, ed., “Documents,” Washington Historical Quarterly 2, no. 2 (January 1908), 166–68; John McLoughlin to Edward Ermatinger, February 1, 1836, in T. C. Elliott, ed., “Letters of Dr. McLoughlin to Edward Ermatinger,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 23 (December 1922), 365–71.
38. Carlos Arnaldo Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (rev. ed., Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), 144.
39. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade, 222–23; Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest, 114, 153.
40. Galbraith, The Hudson’s Bay Company, 226–27.
41. Morrison, Outpost, 460–61.
42. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Oregon, Vol. 2 (San Francisco: History Company, Publishers, 1888), 130–31. In 1862, the state sold the land to the heirs for a nominal sum.
43. Frank N. Schubert, ed., The Nation Builders: A Sesquicentennial History of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, 1838–1863 (Fort Belvoir, VA: Office of History, United States Army Corps of Engineers, 1988), 9–18, 23–26; Forest G. Hill, Roads, Rails and Waterways: The Army Engineers and Early Transportation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1957), 220.
44. Long’s keen interest in the changing mission of the Topographical Engineers is evidenced in his correspondence with Isaac Roberdeau, April 16, 1822, September 9, 1822, and March 28, 1823, NA, RG 77, Entry 306, Box 1. See also Schubert, ed., The Nation Builders, 8–9. Long’s support of Clay for president is disclosed in his September 9, 1822, letter to Roberdeau, as well as his naming of his second son, Henry Clay Long.
45. Long had little to say about Indian relocation in the 1830s. The governor of the state of Georgia once asked his opinion about possible resistance by the Cherokees to forced relocation. Long replied that he thought the Cherokees would submit without a struggle but if any should resist then resistance must be met with “firmness and severity tempered as much as possible with humanity, otherwise a spirit of desperation will likely be engendered in the minds of the Indians and they will be stimulated to sell their lives as dearly as possible.” Quoted in Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 197.
46. Livingston, Portraits of Eminent Americans, 478–79.
47. The five-acre lot is described in Long’s will, a copy of which is filed with Military Bounty Land Warrant 276 120/55, NA, RG 49—Records of the General Land Office. The sale price is reported in Norman L. Freeman, reporter, Reports of Cases at Law and in Chancery Argued and Determined in the Supreme Court of Illinois, vol. 117 (Springfield, IL: Printed for the Reporter, 1887), 309, and it is consistent with Chicago land values at the time of sale as described in Homer Hoyt, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago: The Relationship of the Growth of Chicago to the Rise of its Land Values, 1830–1933 (Washington: Beard Books, 1933), 108. Long’s estate included $40,000 for the Chicago property and about $48,000 for his home and property in Alton, Illinois. The top 1 percent in Illinois in 1870 had property wealth of $50,000 or greater, according to Frank Manzo IV, “The History of Economic Inequality in Illinois, 1850–2014,” March 2016, at Illinois.epi.org/countrysideonprofit/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/The-History-of-Economic-Inequality-in-Illinois-FINAL.pdf <October 11, 2016>.
48. The circumstances of Long’s children and grandchildren living with him in Alton are explained in relation to a suit brought by his heirs over his estate, as reported in Freeman, Reports of Cases at Law, vol. 117, 306–9.
49. Harvey Reid, Biographical Sketch of Enoch Long, an Illinois Pioneer (Chicago: Historical Society’s Collection, 1884), 87–105; Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 251.
50. “Seventh Debate: Alton, Illinois,” at www.nps.gov/liho/learn/historyculture/debate7.htm <June 14, 2016>; “Alton, Madison County, October 15, 1858,” at www.mrlincolnandfreedom.org <June 14, 2016>.
51. Wood, Stephen Harriman Long, 250–63; Schubert, ed., The Nation Builders, 75–76.
POSTSCRIPT
1. Louise Erdrich, “Introduction,” in The Falcon: A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner (New York: Penguin Group, 1994), xi.
2. Amplifying Coues, ethnohistorian Harold Hickerson included a short chapter on the “Tanner-Henry data” in his book, The Chippewa and Their Neighbors.
3. Tanner, Narrative, 252.
4. The most important source on Tanner’s family besides Tanner himself is Baird, “Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island,” 17–55. Although some of Baird’s statements about Tanner’s family are in error, she is a reliable source on one point: on August 4, 1820, Tanner placed his wife and their newborn daughter, Lucy, in the temporary care of Baird’s grandmother at Mackinac after which Tanner proceeded on his journey with his other three small children from this marriage. I have estimated the years of Tanner’s two marriages and ten children’s births as follows (references in parentheses): first marriage in 1804 (Tanner, Narrative, 103); first child, boy, in 1805 (Tanner, 203, 267, 280); second child, girl, in 1807 or 1808 (Tanner, 151, 269, 277, and Keating, Narrative, 2:116); third child, girl, in 1809 (Tanner, 277, Keating, 2:116); second marriage in 1809 or 1810 (Tanner, 252); fourth child, Martha, in 1812 (Tanner, 257); fifth child, Mary, in 1813 (Tanner, 207); sixth child in 1814 (Tanner, 207); seventh child in 1817 or 1818 (Tanner, 252); eighth child, Lucy, in 1820 (Baird, 52); ninth child, James, in 1822 or 1823 (Baird, 53); tenth and eleventh children in the mid-1820s (Baird, 53), and twelfth child in 1832. The sixth and seventh children died around 1819–20. Delafield (The Unfortified Boundary) confirms that Tanner had six living children when he went to work for the American Fur Company in 1822 (423n). See also John T. Fierst, “Return to ‘Civilization’: John Tanner’s Troubled Years at Sault Ste. Marie,” 27.
5. Coues, New Light on the Early History of the Great Northwest, 262–63.
6. Noel M. Loomis, “Introduction,” in Tanner, Narrative, xii; “The Northwestern Indians, Communicated to Congress on the 9th of December, 1790,” American State Papers: Indian Affairs, 1:89.
7. Tanner, Narrative, 157.
8. Loomis, “Introduction,” in Tanner, Narrative, xix.
9. L. H. Pammel, “Dr. Edwin James,” Annals of Iowa 8, no. 3 (October 1907), 179–81; Rotella, “Travels in a Subjective West,” 25–29.
10. Benson, “Schoolcraft, James, and the ‘White Indian,’ ” 316.
11. Loomis, “Introduction,” in Tanner, Narrative, xviii.
12. Fierst, “Strange Eloquence,” 229. Also see Kyhl Lyndgaard, “Landscapes of Removal and Resistance: Edwin James’s Nineteenth-Century Cross-Cultural Collaborations,” Great Plains Quarterly 30 (Winter 2010), 37–46. Their collaborative translation of the New Testament was published as Kekitchemanitomenahn Gahbemahjeinnunk Jesus Christ, Otoashke Wawweendummahgawin (Albany, NY: Packard & Van Benthuysen, 1833) without attribution to the translators. However, the British and Foreign Bible Society catalogued the work as “The earliest complete N.T. in Chippewa; translated by Edwin James, assisted by John Tanner.”
13. See also the report on John Tanner making his way to New York with his manuscript in the Daily National Journal, August 14, 1828.
14. “Art. V.—A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner,” American Quarterly Review, 8, no. 15 (September 1, 1830), 108. Further evidence that Tanner met with Carey and Lea is found in “John Tanner,” Christian Watchman, August 22, 1828, which reports that Tanner was passing through Detroit with the manuscript and hoped to find a publisher in Philadelphia or New York. For the modern view of John Dunn Hunter, see Richard Drinnon, White Savage: The Case of John Dunn Hunter (New York: Shocken Books, 1972).
15. “The Booksellers’ Trade Sales,” American Publishers’ Circular and Literary Gazette, September 26, 1857.
16. Fierst, “Strange Eloquence,” 227.
17. Ibid., 227–28.