INTRODUCTION TO

Micah

MICAH WAS A PREEXILIC PROPHET who ministered to both the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. He was a contemporary of the prophet Isaiah, who also prophesied during the eighth century BC (1:1; cf. Isa 1:1). The name Micah means “Who is like Yahweh?” and his message to God’s people was a play on his name—he presents the LORD as incomparable and supreme. For instance, Micah recognized his God, Yahweh, as “the Lord of all the earth” (4:13), who would one day settle international disputes and bring all wars to an end (4:3). This meant Micah’s God was worthy of the worship of the peoples of the world (4:1). He also knew God as a jealous champion of his covenant relationship with his people Israel—he would tolerate no rivals (4:4-5; 5:12-14; 6:16). Micah acknowledged God as a righteous God who hated injustice and who sided with the poor and oppressed (2:1-2, 8-9; 3:1-2). Micah’s God was one to be feared because he could both destroy the wicked and deliver the righteous (2:3; 3:12; 4:11-12; 5:15). Micah’s God delights to show his compassion and mercy to the repentant (7:18-20). Because of all this and more, Micah knew God as a unique God and could therefore ask, “Where is another God like you?” (7:18).

AUTHOR

The book is silent on the specifics of authorship, although it is generally assumed that the prophetic word formula (“The Lord gave this message to Micah,” 1:1) signifies that Micah was responsible, in some fashion, for writing down his own message. The so-called first-person “editorial suture” in 3:1 (“I said”) also suggests “that Micah had a hand in editing the book traditionally assigned to him” (Alexander, Baker, and Waltke 1988:149). The exact details of how the visions God showed Micah came to be recorded remain unknown.

As mentioned, the name Micah means “Who is like Yah[weh]?” and it is presumed that the title “Micah of Moresheth” (1:1) means he was from the village of Moresheth-Gath some 20 miles southwest of Jerusalem. Craigie’s (1985:2) observation that Micah resided as an “outsider” in Jerusalem and suggestion that the title “Micah of Moresheth” was intended to distinguish Micah the prophet from the other Micahs living in Jerusalem at the time has merit.

Little else is known about Micah since the sermons of his book contain no autobiographical information. It appears he was among the professional prophets centered in Jerusalem. As with all true prophets of God, the source of his message was the Spirit of the Lord (3:8). Micah must have been a man of some courage, as well, since he boldly challenged the false prophets of his day (cf. 2:6-11). A century later, Micah was remembered by Jeremiah as the prophet who brought revival to King Hezekiah and the people of Judah, averting (for the time) the terrible disaster of divine judgment (Jer 26:17-19). He is not to be confused with Micaiah, son of Imlah, a prophet of the northern kingdom during the reign of King Ahab (874–852 BC; cf. 1 Kgs 22:8-28).

DATE AND OCCASION OF WRITING

The message of Micah is dated generally to the reigns of three kings of Judah: Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. The reigns of these kings extended over a period of more than six decades; they ruled in Jerusalem from approximately 750 to 687 BC. The exact dates for the rule of each king vary by some eight to ten years depending upon the source consulted (see the comparative chart in Andersen and Freedman 2000:xviiii; cf. Thiele 1983:131-134, 174-176). The alternative dating schemes for the reigns of the three Judahite kings are compared below:

KING	HIGHER OT CHRONOLOGY	LOWER OT CHRONOLOGY
Jotham	759–744 BC	750–732 BC
Ahaz	743–727 BC	735–716 BC
Hezekiah	727–699 BC	716-687 BC

The biblical records of the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah are found in 2 Kings 15:32–16:20; 18–20; and 2 Chronicles 27–32. Only kings Jotham and Hezekiah receive a favorable theological review from the biblical historian (cf. 2 Kgs 15:34; 18:5-6). The exact date (or dates, assuming the book came together during the stages of Micah’s ministry) for the writing of the messages is impossible to determine.

Form-critical scholarship of the Old Testament has disputed the authenticity of several oracles in the book of Micah, especially 2:12-13; 4:1–5:9; and 7:8-20 (see the discussion in Alexander, Baker, and Waltke 1988:145-149). Dates for the contested speeches are assigned variously to the exilic or postexilic period of Hebrew history, depending upon the source. Recent study addressing the literary integrity of Micah assesses the book more favorably as showing “signs of overall integration” (Andersen and Freedman 2000:27). Hillers (1984:4) ends up rejecting the redaction-criticism of Micah due to its highly speculative character and prefers a synchronic approach that reads “the book as arising for the most part out of one situation.”

According to Waltke (Alexander, Baker, and Waltke 1988:149), if one rejects the posture of skepticism towards the superscription (1:1), then there is nothing to rule out an eighth-century provenance for the book. Andersen and Freedman (2000:112-113) concur, suggesting that the editorial headings of the four eighth-century prophets (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah) have a terminus ad quem in the reign of King Hezekiah of Judah (Hezekiah’s reign took place anywhere from 727 to 687 BC, depending upon the source cited). This being the case, it may indicate that the writings of the four prophets were assembled and published as a single corpus in the latter years of Hezekiah’s reign.

Typically, the impetus for Micah’s oracles is connected historically to the Assyrian threat that arose in the aftermath of the Syro-Ephraimite War (734 BC). For instance, Micah begins his message (1:3-7) by forecasting the fall of Samaria (this event occurred in 722 BC after a three-year siege of the city; cf. Allen 1976:241). Some have interpreted the judgment pronounced against Judah in 1:9-16 as a reference to the siege of Jerusalem in 701 BC by King Sennacherib of Assyria (2 Kgs 18:17-37). R. L. Smith (1984:5) interprets the pericope of 1:10-16 as a description of the march of Sennacherib from Lachish to Jerusalem. Yet none of the individual oracles of the book is dated (directly or indirectly). Beyond this, Micah betrays no awareness of the dramatic events associated with Sennacherib’s siege of Jerusalem in 701 BC. In fact, Andersen and Freedman (2000:113) suggest that Micah 1:10-16 refers to an earlier period when Samaria and Jerusalem were under similar threats from enemies (perhaps during the reigns of Jotham or Ahaz). It seems best to simply recognize that Micah’s oracles were prompted generally by the impending threat of the Assyrian empire to the welfare of both Samaria and Jerusalem.

In short, then, Micah prophesied sometime between 750 and 690 BC. He directed his sermons of judgment and hope to the divided Hebrew kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Micah was a contemporary of the prophets Isaiah (cf. Isa 1:1) and Hosea (cf. Hos 1:1). Micah observed what Amos had documented a generation earlier: two nations ripe for the judgment of God because of widespread corruption in the civil leadership (3:9-11), rampant social injustice (6:10-12), shameless religious apostasy (5:12-15), misplaced confidence in their own military might (5:10-11), and twisted theological thinking about God and the day of his visitation (2:6-11). (See “Theological Concerns” below.)

Micah ministered during the period of the great Assyrian crisis in Hebrew history. The nation of Assyria began to reemerge as an international “superpower” during the reign of Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC), who extended Assyrian influence along the upper Euphrates River and is credited as the founder of the Neo-Assyrian empire. His successor, Shalmaneser III (858–824 BC) expanded Assyrian rule westward in a series of military campaigns (during which time King Jehu was forced to pay tribute to Assyria and Israel was reduced to vassal status).

After half a century of decline, Assyrian imperialism once again threatened the west under the arrogant and ruthless leadership of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC). King Menahem of Israel was forced to pay tribute to Assyria as a vassal-state (2 Kgs 15:19-20), and later during the reign of Pekah, Tiglath-pileser invaded Israel and annexed the northern portion of the Israelite kingdom (2 Kgs 15:29-30). King Ahaz of Judah also paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser as payment for Assyrian intervention in the invasion of Judah by the armies of Israel and Aram (in retaliation for Judah’s refusal to join the coalition against Assyria, 2 Kgs 16:5-9). Tiglath-pileser’s son, Shalmaneser V (727–722 BC) laid siege to Samaria in a western campaign (2 Kgs 17:3-4). The capital city of Israel actually fell to Shalmaneser’s successor, Sargon II (722–704 BC), after a three-year siege (2 Kgs 17:5-6).

Sargon’s son and successor, Sennacherib (704–681 BC), continued the policy of westward expansion in a campaign that included the invasion of Judah (2 Kgs 18–19). According to the Old Testament record, the city of Jerusalem was spared when the Assyrians withdrew from Judah after the angel of the Lord mysteriously killed a large portion of the Assyrian army (2 Kgs 19:35-36). (For more on the historical background to the book of Micah, see Hillers 1984:4-8; Alexander, Baker, and Waltke 1988:138-143; and G. V. Smith 2001:421-426.)

Micah witnessed three major historical events associated with Assyrian aggression against the Hebrew kingdoms of Israel and Judah, including (1) the defeat of the Israelite and Aramean coalition by Tiglath-pileser III in the Syro-Ephraimite war (734–732 BC; cf. 2 Kgs 15:29); (2) the fall of Samaria to Sargon II and the Assyrians in 722–721 BC (2 Kgs 17:5-6); and (3) the invasion of Judah by Sennacherib in 701 BC. Out of this experience, Micah could speak firsthand both about the horrific destruction left behind in the wake of Assyrian imperialism (5:5-6) and the stunning deliverance that God was able to provide for his people if they would only trust in him (4:10; 7:15-16; cf. Jeremiah’s commentary on Hezekiah’s response to Micah’s preaching, Jer 26:18-19).

AUDIENCE

Broadly understood, Micah addresses “all the people of the world” (1:2). This represents the theological perspective of a prophet who understands God as sovereign over all the nations (4:2-3). More specifically, Micah preached to the people and the leaders of the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel (e.g., 1:16; 3:1; although Allen [1976:272] notes that at times Micah uses the names “Jacob” and “Israel” ambiguously because he speaks to the whole nation since both kingdoms are equally guilty before God). The prophet also targeted specific groups of people for indictment, including the wealthy (e.g., 2:1-2) and the political and religious establishment (e.g., 3:11). According to Jeremiah, Micah had some success in his ministry because his oracles prompted King Hezekiah and the people of Judah to turn from their sins and worship the Lord (Jer 26:17-19).

CANONICITY AND TEXTUAL HISTORY

Micah is the sixth book in the collection known as the Minor Prophets (or “Book of the Twelve” in the Hebrew Bible). The Twelve Prophets are usually grouped with the other Latter Prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel) and without exception are found in the earliest delineations of the Old Testament canon. These twelve books were always copied on one scroll in the ancient Hebrew manuscript tradition. The order of the Twelve Prophets is uniform in the Masoretic tradition of the Hebrew Bible (Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi). The order of the Twelve Prophets does vary, however, in some canon traditions. For example, Amos and Micah follow Hosea in the Septuagint (see further discussion in Andersen and Freedman 2000:6-7).

Overall, the Hebrew Masoretic Text (MT) of Micah (along with Hosea) is one of the more poorly preserved books of the Minor Prophets (so Smith, Ward, and Bewer 1911:5-6; Hillers 1984:10). A few passages pose difficulty in translation (due to the obscurity of the Hebrew preserved in the MT or the corruption of the MT in transmission), such as: 1:10-16; 2:7-10; 6:9-12; and 7:11-12 (so Simundson 1996:536). R. L. Smith (1984:9) has identified a handful of textual corruptions, including improper word divisions (2:12; 6:9), incorrect vowel pointing (1:8; 2:12; 3:10), and copying errors of various sorts (1:7; 2:6; 6:9-10; 7:12; cf. the list of MT transmission errors in Smith, Ward, and Bewer 1911:5). According to Allen (1976:253) the Greek Septuagint (LXX) is valuable in attesting the original Hebrew text in places where the Masoretic Text has suffered in transmission (e.g., 1:5; 2:9-10; 3:3). The fragments related to Micah found among the Qumran documents are important witnesses to the integrity of the Hebrew text but are of limited value for improving the Masoretic Text. The Syriac Peshitta and Latin Vulgate offer relatively little help in informing the Masoretic Text since they are largely dependent upon the Septuagint.

LITERARY STYLE

Waltke (Alexander, Baker, and Waltke 1988:144) states that “one could think of [the book of Micah] almost as a preacher’s file of sermons delivered on different occasions in the life of the [city of Jerusalem].” Micah’s drawer of sermon files contains independent oracles of judgment and salvation, lawsuit speeches, disputations, instructions, laments, prayers, and hymns. The abrupt transitions between form and theme in the book reflect the manner in which the prophet or his disciples edited the separate oracles into a prophetic corpus. Commentators, however, have identified numerous verbal links, lexical hinges, and catchwords that bind the work into a unified literary composition (cf. Allen 1976:259-260; Andersen and Freedman 2000:22-24, 27-28; and Dorsey 1999:296-298 for specific examples of this “verbal artistry”).

In addition to the variety of literary genres employed in Micah, the style of the book is considered highly poetic. Like Amos and Hosea, Micah is a blend of prose sentences and poetic elements characteristic of the eighth-century Hebrew prophets (Hillers 1984:10). For a detailed discussion of the poetic features of Micah, see Andersen and Freedman (2000), who comment on the poetry of each literary unit of the book. They meticulously note the usual features of classical Hebrew poetry, especially the parallelism between adjacent pairs of colons or lines of poetic text (cf. Andersen and Freedman 2000:133-134 on the poetry of 1:2-7 for an example).

Allen (1976:257-261) has convincingly demonstrated that the book of Micah is a structurally coherent literary composition. Based on the earlier analysis of Willis (1966), he has identified three distinct sections (or “books,” as understood by Andersen and Freedman 2000:23-24, 28) arranged in an overall A–B–A pattern. Each unit contains oracles of both doom and hope and may be outlined as follows (Allen 1976:260):

Unit One: 1:2–2:13

1:2–2:11 doom (long section)

2:12-13 hope (short section)

Unit Two: 3:1–5:15

3:1-12 doom (long section)

4:1-5 hope (short section)

4:6-8 hope with distress allusions (for remnant)

4:9–5:6 distress and hope

5:7-9 hope with distress allusions (for remnant)

5:10-14 doom (long section)

5:15 hope (short section)

Unit Three: 6:1–7:20

6:1–7:7 doom (long section)

7:8-20 hope (short section)

The structure of the book is thus a concentric arrangement, counterbalancing speeches of doom and hope in a “kaleidoscopic picture of the judgment and salvation of God’s city and God’s people” (Allen 1976:260). The focal point of Unit Two and the center of the whole book is the section 5:1-6, which announces the establishment of a secure and peaceful theocracy ruled by a Shepherd-Messiah. Like the prophet Amos, Micah’s hope for Israel rests in the Messianic rejuvenation of the Davidic dynasty (cf. Amos 9:11).

MAJOR THEMES

Allen’s (1976:257-261) analysis of the literary structure of Micah reveals that the book is essentially a foil or contrast of two theological themes: doom (or divine judgment) and hope (or divine restoration). The prophet’s oracles of doom threaten judgment, punishment, and distress leading to purification. The prophet’s oracles of hope promise deliverance, renewal, and restoration (cf. Waltke 2007:14-15). In either case, whether judgment or salvation oracle, God is the main character of Micah’s message. Andersen and Freedman (2000:28-29) summarize: “Both themes of judgment and redemption occur and recur from beginning to end. . . . God’s mercy does not arrest his justice—it operates beyond judgment. His wrath does not quench his love; his compassion does not cancel his anger. . . . It is possible to restore relationships because God himself takes up the task of salvation.”

THEOLOGICAL CONCERNS

Like Amos, Micah (and virtually all of the OT prophetic books) offers “variations” on similar theological themes. Since the prophet Micah knew God as “the Lord of all the earth” (4:13), he envisioned a day when people from all over the world would stream to Jerusalem to worship “Jacob’s God” (4:2). This same God will settle international disputes and bring peace to the nations because his word will go out from Zion and he will teach people “his ways” (4:2-4). This stands in stark contrast to the twisting of justice and “all that is right” (3:9) by corrupt rulers, priests, and prophets (3:11).

The God Micah served was the covenant God, addressed by his covenant name “Yahweh” more than 35 times in the prophet’s sermons. His use of expressions like “the LORD’s people” (2:5), “family of Israel” (2:7), “my people” (2:8; 6:3) are modifications of the adoption formula (“I will be your God and you will be my people,” cf. Jer 31:1). They are intended to recall the Exodus event and Sinai experience when God made Israel his “special possession” (7:14; cf. Exod 19:5-6).

As the covenant God, Yahweh jealously guards his relationship with his people Israel. For this reason, Yahweh will tolerate no sin or rebellion on the part of his covenant partner. Of particular concern for Micah was the infidelity of false worship—Yahweh’s people paying homage to idols (“the works of [their] own hands”; 5:12-13). A second burden for God’s prophet was the perversion of social justice—the “skinning alive” of God’s people by cheating, extortion, and violence (3:2-3; 6:10-12). The Sinai covenant created a “community of Yahweh” (2:5, NJB) that was to be characterized by love of neighbor and respect of persons (Lev 19:18; Deut 6:4-9). Micah’s response to Israel’s disloyalty has become the signature verse of the prophet’s message: “The LORD has told you what is good, and this is what he requires of you: to do what is right, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with your God” (6:8).

We also learn from Micah’s lawsuit oracles that God is a just judge and he punishes covenant violators (2:1-5; 3:8-12; 6:1-3, 13-15). Simundson (1996:537) reminds us that “the anger of God is an issue too often avoided . . . the book of Micah gives one an occasion to reflect upon God’s wrath.” As Lord of all the earth, God is free to use other nations as an instrument of his justice to accomplish his purposes of judgment and purification (5:5-6; cf. 4:11-12). “But the God who destroys is also the God who delivers” (Allen 1976:256; cf. 2:12-13; 4:6-7; 7:14-15). The agent of God’s deliverance of Israel is their royal shepherd (2:12-13)—a ruler from Bethlehem who leads with the Lord’s strength and is the source of peace (5:1-5a). Here Micah builds a “theological bridge” across seven centuries of Hebrew history, as we learn from the New Testament that on the basis of Micah 5:2, the Jews believed the Messiah would be born in Bethlehem—and “Jesus was born in Bethlehem” (Matt 2:1).

Finally, Micah knew God as a unique God—“Where is another God like you?” (7:18). Two specific actions made God unique among the gods of the ancient world for Micah: first, God’s ability to pardon the sin and guilt of his people (7:18a), and second, God’s capacity for showing his people his unfailing love (7:18b). Such actions are rooted in Yahweh’s character as a compassionate and faithful God (7:19-20). The reference to the Israelite patriarchs, Abraham and Jacob, demonstrates the continuity of God’s activity with earlier Hebrew history (7:20). As House observes, “it is significant that the book closes with a statement on the removal of sin as part of Yahweh’s promises to Abraham. Defeating sin both fulfills the purpose for which the Lord called Abraham in the first place and demonstrates God’s specific love for Abraham’s descendants” (1998:371).

OUTLINE

Superscription (1:1)

I.   The Book of Doom (1:2–3:12)

A.   Grief over Samaria and Jerusalem (1:2-16)

B.   Judgment against Wealthy Oppressors (2:1-5)

C.   True and False Prophets (2:6-11)

D.   Hope for Restoration (2:12-13)

E.   Judgment against Israel’s Leaders (3:1-12)

II.   The Book of Visions (4:1–5:15)

A.   The Lord’s Future Reign (4:1-5)

B.   Israel’s Return from Exile (4:6–5:1)

C.   A Ruler from Bethlehem (5:2-6)

D.   The Remnant Purified (5:7-15)

III.   The Book of Judgment and Pardon (6:1–7:20)

A.   The Lord’s Case against Israel (6:1-8)

B.   Israel’s Guilt and Punishment (6:9-16)

C.   Misery Turned to Hope (7:1-20)