In this ode composed for Hieron, an ailing friend, Pindar does not intend to glorify his patron for a victory, and rescue him from the darkness of anonymity, bathing him in the lustre of a substitute immortality through song.1 In such a moment of crisis, Pindar aims at submitting effective models of conduct and consolation, capitalizing on the paradigms of mythical families, who were unable to profit from their bliss, and experienced a tragic downfall despite their intimate relations with the immortals. In their folly, young girls, passing through critical phases of their life, such as coming of age, marriage and childbearing, failed to comply with the religious and social norms, and suffered fiery deaths. A similar fate is experienced by young men at the height of their powers. Their mental and moral failure and their precipitous fall reaffirm the messages addressed to Hieron: divine dispensation does not guarantee an eternal and unblemished happiness; sound judgment and discretion are key values, since immortality proves illusory. Pindar adjusts his chiaroscuro imagery to the occasion: brightness and darkness, emanating either from gold and fire,2 or metaphorically from inverted vision and intellect as well as from secrecy and guile, constitute a preeminent binary opposition3 whose function I intend to explore in the mythical paradigms of Koronis and Asklepios (1–77).
In the proemium Pindar introduces significant themes, such as mental disposition, parenthood, even if foster, and situations mediating between nature and culture; the medical technē is prominent (1–7, Snell-Maehler):
῎Ηθελον Χίρωνά κε Φιλλυρίδαν,
εἰ χρεὼν τοῦθ΄ ἁμετέρας ἀπὸ γλώσσας
κοινὸν εὔξασθαι ἔπος,
ζώειν τὸν ἀποιχόμενον,
Οὐρανίδα γόνον εὐρυμέδοντα Κρόνου,
βάσσαισί τ΄ ἄρχειν Παλίου φῆρ΄ ἀγρότερον
νόον ἔχοντ΄ ἀνδρῶν φίλον· οἷος ἐὼν θρέψεν ποτέ
τέκτονα νωδυνίας
ἥμερον γυιαρκέος Ἀσκλαπιόν,
ἥροα παντοδαπᾶν ἀλκτῆρα νούσων.
I wish that Cheiron — / if it is right for my tongue to utter / that common prayer — / were still living, the departed son of Philyra / and wide-ruling offspring of Ouranos’ son Kronos, / and still reigned in Pelion’s glades, that wild creature / who had a mind friendly to men. I would have him be / as he was when he once reared the gentle craftsman / of body-strengthening relief from pain, Asklepios, / the hero and protector from diseases of all sorts.
Cheiron is a hybrid creature different from the pack of the other hybristic and lecherous Centaurs.4 He is a guardian of legitimate marriage,5 the εὑρετής of lyric poetry and medicine, a connoisseur of herbs, named after him χειρώ- νεια,6 as well as a tutor of Greek heroes, in whose coming of age and growth (θρέψεν) he plays a significant role.7 The dynamics of the Cheironian family attenuates the polarity between nature and culture and the segregation of male and female.8 Cheiron, known both as Philyridas and Kronidas, lives in a cave with women of three generations: his wife, his daughters (hagnai kourai) and his mother, the Oceanid Philyra.9 Some of these women have suffered rape, metamorphosis and metonomasia.10 Philyra is the nymph of φιλύρα, i.e., tilia, the linden or lime tree.11 This plant is connected with the cure of ulcers and the menstrual cycle of girls (ἔμμηνα ἄγει).12 Thus Philyra affects the reproductive capacity of girls, their sexual growth and maturation, functioning as the analogue of Artemis Orthia or Lygodesma.13 Hence, mother and son are kourotrophic, medical and cultural figures. Cheiron, in particular, is a mediator, harmonizing in himself the antinomies of agroteros and hemeros, of liminality and acculturation, of life and death. Cheiron Philyridas is a suitable companion of Apollo Latoidas, figuring in stories of coming of age, teeming with female taming, critical tensions and decisions (Pyth. 3, 9).14
In the next strophe we make our first contact with Koronis whose story is ironically imbued with the sinister gleam of gold and fire.15 Her name is withheld, but she is identified in her dual capacity as daughter and mistress. She is embraced by two menacing and radiant male guardians: firstly her father, Φλε- γύας, a Lapith king in whose name and essence are encapsulated the notions of fire (φλέγειν) and arrogance (φλεγυᾶν),16 and secondly her lover in whose epithet, Φοῖβος, are embodied the contradictory qualities of radiance (<Φοίβη the Titaness; Ais. Eum.6-8) and fright (<φόβος; Il.17.118).17 In the interior of this ring of fire and ambiguous brightness, the poet narrates her death (8–15):
τὸν μὲν εὐίππου Φλεγύα θυγάτηρ
πρὶν τελέσσαι ματροπόλῳ σὺν Ἐλειθυί
ᾳ, δαμεῖσα χρυσέοις
τόξοισιν ὕπ’ Ἀρτέμιδος
εἰς Ἀΐδα δόμον ἐν θαλάμῳ κατέβα,
τέχναις Ἀπόλλωνος. χόλος δ’ οὐκ ἀλίθιος
γίνεται παίδων Διός. ἁ δ’ ἀποφλαυρίξαισά νιν
ἀμπλακίαισι φρενῶν,
ἄλλον αἴνησεν γάμον κρύβδαν πατρός,
πρόσθεν ἀκερσεκόμᾳ μιχθεῖσα Φοίβῳ,
καὶ φέροισα σπέρμα θεοῦ καθαρὸν
(οὐκ ἔμειν’ ἐλθεῖν …)
Before the daughter of the horseman Phlegyas / could bring him to term with the help of Eleithuia, / goddess of childbirth, she was overcome / by the golden arrows of Artemis / in her chamber and went down to the house of Hades / through Apollo’s designs. The anger of Zeus’ children is no vain thing. Yet she made light of it / in the folly of her mind and / unknown to her father consented to another union, / although she had previously lain with long-haired / Phoebus and was carrying the god’s pure seed.
The girl falls victim to her own impulses and the ensuing revenge of Apollo, by whose arts and wiles (τέχναις Ἀ πόλλωνος, 11)18 she is dispatched to the Underworld (9-12, 32-35) by a proxy, his sister Artemis. Apollo’s technai anticipate Loxias (28) and his contradictory (oblique/straight) character. The passage is imbued with the semantic ambiguity of δαμάζω, which means kill and tame, and is often used of defloration in scenes of erotic pursuit and rape, thus forming part of a wider imagery in which warring and hunting are metaphors for sex.19 The forms δαμεῖσα (9) and ἐδαμάσσατo (35) point to Koronis’erotic experience and death: she is subdued in the thalamos (δαμεῖσα . . . ἐν θαλάμῳ, 9–11) by the lethal golden bow of Artemis, and descends to the house of the ‘Unseen,’ εἰς Ἀΐδα δόμον,20 as a bride of Death.21 She suffers a pro partum death, πρὶν τελέσσαι, that is, before reaching the goal of delivering the divine foetus. The phrase recalls τὰ προτέλεια, the premarital sacrifices usually offered to Artemis, “with the goal of protecting the bride herself from that dangerous goddess either generally or more specifically in the dangers of childbirth.”22 Artemis may preside over coming of age, ushering young girls into adulthood and motherhood and assisting in their childbirth and growth, but also kills maidens and new mothers. Artemis’ role in this ode is vital: as Agrotera and Hemera (see Bacch.11.37-39), she is a perfect match for the Pindaric Cheiron, the “wild animal” (φῆρ’ ἀγρότερον, 4), who reared Asklepios and made him a “gentle/ civilized craftsman” (ἥμερος τέκτων, 6). She also intercepts mother-tending Eileithyia who brings children to the light (ἐςφάος),23 and kills Koronis for cheating akersekomas Apollo—the eternal ephe-bos, who stands on the threshold of manhood, and never completes his passage to full manhood24—and for contracting a furtive affair, κρύβδαν πατρός,25 with a mortal in the folly of her mind (ἀμπλακίαισι φρενῶν; cf. sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.22c, ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις τῶν φρενῶν). The words ἀμπλακίαι (φρενῶν),ἀυάτα, or ἀμπλάκιον, in conjunction with φρήν, and δαμάζειν, recur in contexts of illicit and adulterous liaisons, and secret sexual transgression as that committed by Ixion and Klytaimnestra whose stories are also enfolded in blindness of mind, hybris, guile, lies, secrecy and darkness (Pi. Pyth. 2.26–40, Pyth.11.18–30).26 Koronis defiles the sacred purity of the god’s semen (σπέρμα θεοῦ καθαρόν), which ought to be unmingled with the seed of a mortal.27 Kallimachos speaks of this pollution in terms of stain: the Thriai prophesy that the milky raven which reported Koronis’ infidelity to Apollo, will be transformed into black when Apollo μιερόν τι πύθηται.28 Kallimachos thus adopts the Hesiodic motif of the raven that Pindar has suppressed.29
In his myth, Pindar, a poet of Dorian descent, fuses the regional and literary traditions: his Artemis not only employs her bow, sending an epidemic against sinners and innocent alike, thus functioning as a doublet of her Iliadic brother, but also intervenes in a “flagrant female sexual misconduct” on the pattern of the Peloponnesian myths.30 Artemis’ golden bow promotes the contextual ambiguity. Although gold is an illustrious metal, emblematic of divinity and beatitude (cf. chrysampykōn Moisân, 89-90), is sacred to Apollo, the Sun god (Eust. Il. 1.40.31-32), and is considered the child of Zeus (Pi. fr. 222), here it qualifies an instrument of violent death. Its brightness is inverted, matching the sinister gloom of Hades.
The next strophe concentrates on Koronis’ deviating activities. She defies the religious customs on the observance of which rests the cohesion and continuity of the community. Light and darkness are subtly insinuated (16–23):31
οὐκ ἔμειν’ ἐλθεῖν τράπεζαν νυμφίαν,
οὐδὲ παμφώνων ἰαχὰν ὑμεναίων, ἅλικες
οἷα παρθένοι φιλέοισιν ἑταῖραι
ἑσπερίαις ὑποκουρίζεσθ’ ἀοιδαῖς . ἀλλά τοι
ἤρατο τῶν ἀπεόντων . οἷα καὶ πολλοὶ πάθον.
ἔστι δὲ φῦλον ἐν ἀνθρώποισι ματαιότατον,
ὅστις αἰσχύνων ἐπιχώρια παπταίνει τὰ πόρσω,
μεταμώνια θηρεύων ἀκράντοις ἐλπίσιν
But she could not wait for the marriage feast to come / or for the sound of full-voiced nuptial hymns with such / endearments as unmarried companions are wont to utter / in evening songs. No, she was in love with things remote—such longings as many others have suffered, / for there is among mankind a very foolish kind of person, / who scorns what is at hand and peers at things far away, /chasing the impossible with hopes unfulfilled.
Koronis despises the bridal feast and the evening hymeneal songs performed by coeval maidens, obviously during a pannychis conducted in the light of torches. The companionship of the coeval virgins plays a significant role in archaic choruses and rites of passage, such as weddings.32 Indulging in a series of reversals, she refuses to change her status, and “make a new appearance,”emerging as a nympha in the light of the blazing torches or upon the daylight.33 Pindar outlines a series of initiatory motifemes, a behavioral typology symptomatic of what modern anthropologists and sociologists after Arnold van Gennep would ascribe to the liminal or marginal phase in a tripartite process that begins with the phase of separation (cf. οὐκ ἔμεινε) and concludes with the individual’s successful or aborted social reintegration.34 The prenuptial rituals are summarized in ὑποκουρίζεσθαι,35 the transitive form of which, κουρίζειν, occurs in Homer and Hesiod in initiatory contexts.36 Graf lists this form among the “many local terms for rites that concern the introduction of pubescent young men and women into the adult world.”37 In her delusion, Koronis fails to comply with the customs that regulate the passage from ephebic virginity to adult sexuality and motherhood. She loves what she does not have (ἤρατο τῶν ἀπεόντων),38 and looks (παπταίνει) for remote things, hunting (cf. θηρεύων)39 things vain. In early poetry, παπταίνω accompanies bloodshed, frantic searching and glaring; it signifies the vision of a disturbed soul and menacing or wild looks. The case of Andromache, a woman with ambiguous name and function, is instructive: she abandons her sheltered, female environment, and trespassing her gender boundaries, she rushes in a quasi-maenadic fit to a marginal locus, the wall, to look around: μαινάδι ἴση ... ἔστη παπτήνασ’ ἐπὶ τείχεϊ (Il. 22.460–63).40 Pindar uses παπταίνω of men or situations potentially dangerous and hybristic.41 In Pythian 3 the wording is engaging and betrays inversion of sound vision and gender roles; from a quarry the parthenos becomes a hunter, and intrudes into the masculine terrain of wild periphery. Being liminal, Koronis is hunted down by the virgin huntress of the wilderness.
Pindar shifts his focus onto the mental state and the sexual transgression of Koronis, making her the foil for the omniscient and all-seeing god. With a hammering emphasis on the sensual and mental capacity of Apollo (οὐδ’ἔλαθε σκοπόν, ἄϊεν, κοινᾶνι παρ’ εὐθυτάτῳ, γνώμαν πιθών, πάντα ἰσάντι νόῳ, γνούς), Pindar adumbrates the power of the oracular god at Πυθώ: Apollo relies not on information (πυνθάνομαι), but is persuaded (πιθών) by his most straight mind. The participle ἰσάντι, which derives from ἴσαμι, a formation related with εἴδω, οἶδα, fits this picture, and provides the motivation for Is- menios, another epithet of Apollo, which Plutarch associates with knowledge through a synonym, ἐπιστήμη (~ ἴσαμι = * εἴδω). The god in his mantic seats, Pytho and Ismenos, is associated with the power of knowledge.42 In this strophe fire makes a highly suggestive entrance (24–30):
ἔσχε τοι ταύταν μεγάλαν ἀυάταν
καλλιπέπλου λῆμα Κορωνίδος .ἐλθόντος
γὰρ εὐνάσθη ξένουλέκτροισιν ἀπ’ Ἀρκαδίας.
οὐδ’ ἔλαθε σκοπόν . ἐν δ’ ἄρα μηλοδόκῳ
Πυθῶνι τόσσαις ἄϊεν ναοῦ βασιλεὺς
Λοξίας, κοινᾶνι παρ’ εὐθυτάτῳ γνώμαν πιθών,
πάντα ἰσάντι νόῳ .
ψευδέων δ’ οὐχ ἅπτεται, κλέπτει τέ μιν
οὐ θεὸς οὐ βροτὸς ἔργοις οὔτε βουλαῖς.
Indeed, headstrong Koronis of the beautiful robes / fell victim to that great delusion, for she slept / in the bed of a stranger, / who came from Arcadia. / But she did not elude the watching god, for although he / was in flock—receiving Pytho as lord of his temple, / Loxias perceived it, convinced by the surest confidant, / his all-knowing mind. / He does not deal in falsehoods, and neither god /nor mortal deceives him by deeds or designs.
The poet resumes the theme of delusion (ἀυάταν, the Aeolic form of ἄτη; cf. ἀμπλακίαι, 13), and adds a significant periphrasis of wide repercussions, kallipeplou lêma Koronidos (25). Beautiful peplos may imply elegance and coquetterie,43 or the privileged status of a divine wife.44 But kallipeplos is incorporated in a story of mental and moral disarray, of betrayal, aborted childbearing and punishment. In view of this as well as Artemis’ vengeance, kallipeplos may be explained in conjunction with a cultic practice, such as the offering of peplos. Textiles and garments were dedicated to Artemis, the kourotrophic deity that protected women during their labor, “it was a common custom to dedicate clothes to her which had been worn at the time of pregnancy,” while offerings to Iphigeneia signified unhappy outcomes.45 Hence, kallipeplos may foreshadow Koronis’ transition from the circle of Artemis and Eileithyia to that of Iphigeneia, peplos being the sign of her failed childbearing and death. It is worth recalling here that Koronis’ death evokes the imagery of the Bride of Hades. As Seaford notes, wedding and death before marriage are associated with “‘equivocal’ elements common to the two rites of passage … the girl is … given special πέπλοι and a special στέφανος, among other things, and is buried in bridal attire (Eur. Tro. 1218–20).”46 Interestingly, καλλίπεπλος occurs firstly here, qualifying a girl whose name is associated with κορωνίς / κορώνη, i.e., στέφανος, as we shall see below (n. 117), and secondly in Euripides (Tro. 338), in an ominous context when Kassandra, another Apolline bride, invites the Phrygian korai to sing for her wedding; mourning and fire permeate the passage, and Hephaistos carries the marriage torches. The ambiguity of peplos embraces these inverted weddings.
The ethography of Koronis is conveyed by a bisemantic noun, λῆμα, which is derived from the verb λάω, in the sense of yearning and desiring eagerly and, perhaps ironically, in the sense of seeing.47 Its negative connotations are unmistakable for the Pindaric Koronis, who commits acts of perverted volition or vision. Pindar contraposes Apollo’s watchful eye, understanding, and straight mind to the darkness of Koronis’ lies, stealth and guile (29–30), thus making Loxias the object of a κατὰ ἀντίφρασιν manipulation.48 Apollo skopos is cheated neither by deeds nor by designs (βουλαῖς; cf. λῆμα). He emerges as the embodiment of intellect49 and as a foil for this ‘Crow-woman’ and for Ischys, the xenos who embodies sheer physical ‘Strength,’50 is the son of Elatos whose name evokes fir trees, forests and heights (cf. Aipytos Eilatidas, Pi. Ol.6.33, 36), and originates from Arkadia, a region teeming with stories of child-abuse, cannibalism, rapes of girls and coming of age.51 Pindar portrays Ischys in quasi-centauric terms as uniting in himself contempt of hospitality, lawlessness, guile, and pursuit of illegitimate sex. The manly and guileful Ischys is contraposed to akersekomas Apollo of the euthytatos noos, and to sophron and dikaiotatos Cheiron. Interestingly, the genealogies of both Ischys and Koronis are unsettled and exhibit a high degree of conflation.52
We get a glimpse of the menacing radiance of Apollo when Pytho, the site of prophecy but also of murder and putrefaction, is qualified by the adjective μηλοδόκος which evokes the Delphic ritual that was notorious for its massive and fervent slaughtering of sheep (μῆλα).53 Pytho is the receptacle of sacrificial sheep, and Arkadia, which Bacchylides calls μηλοτρόφος, ‘raiser of sheep,’54 provides one, i.e. Ischys.
The signs of brightness and darkness intensify as we move on to Apollo’s revenge through the vicarious agency of his sister. Fire makes a forceful entrance (31–37):
καὶ τότε γνοὺς Ἴσχυος Εἰλατίδα
ξεινίαν κοίταν ἄθεμίν τε δόλον, πέμψεν κασιγνήταν μένει
θυίοισαν ἀμαιμακέτῳ
ἐς Λακέρειαν, ἐπεὶ παρὰ Βοιβιάδος
κρημνοῖσιν ᾤκει παρθένος . δαίμων δ’ ἕτερος
ἐς κακὸν τρέψαις ἐδαμάσσατό νιν, καὶ γειτόνων
πολλοὶ ἐπαῦρον, ἁμᾶ
δ’ ἔφθαρεν . πολλὰν δ’ ὄρει πῦρ ἐξ ἑνὸς
σπέρματος ἐνθορὸν ἀΐστωσεν ὕλαν.
And at this time, when he knew of her sleeping with the / stranger Ischys, son of Elatos, and her impious deceit, / he sent his sister / raging with irresistible force / to Lakereia, for the maiden was living / by the banks of Lake Boibias. Αn adverse fortune / turned her to ruin and overcame her; and many neighbors /shared her fate and perished with her. / Fire that springs from one / spark onto a mountain can destroy a great forest.
Apollo sends his raging and irresistible sister (μένει θυίοισαν ἀμαιμακέτῳ, 32-33) to kill the parthenos.55 Fury and fire join forces to destroy the girl and the neighbors, alluding to the semantic ambivalence of the verb θύω. Artemis θυίοισα ‘rushes in rage’ to kill the pregnant girl, and obstructs Εἰλεί- θυια (who ‘comes in haste’), thus appropriating and resignifying the second component of her name.56 The ambiguity of θύω permeates the passage, and Artemis vacillates between sacrificing (θύω LSJ A) and raging, seething, storm- ing (θύω LSJ B), to be lexicographically correct.57
Brightness envelops Koronis’ residence as well: she lives at Lakereia (this echoes the Hesiodic lakeryza koronē), near the overhanging banks of the Thessalian lake Boibias, which owes its name to the radiance of Phoibē or Phoibos.58 The deluded and pregnant parthenos, who is “trapped between categories” and the anomaly of being not a virgin anymore but not a gynē either,59 dies in a rugged, marginal, and watery locale ironically enfolded in brightness. This is a fitting ambience for initiatory myths and rituals, and suits Artemis, who presides over ephebic initiation and is fond of marginal, marshy, damp and wooded areas. So both the mental attitude and the setting are Artemisian,60 while the deadly radiance of Phoibos Apollo looms large.
The fate of Koronis affects the community; many died with her, ἔφθαρεν (35–36),61 says the poet, employing a verb often used of seduction and defloration (LSJ s.v. φθείρω, φθορά), and providing a smooth transition to the closure, ‘fire that springs from one / spark onto a mountain can destroy a great forest.’62 Yet this phrase is integrated into a story of sexual offence and defilement, which profits from the ambiguity of sperma and enthoron. Apollo transforms his impregnating semen, σπέρμα ἐνθορόν,63 into a seed of fire that wreaks vengeance. In an oxymoron, the generative seed is visualized as an agent of death, while its purity and potency are reaffirmed and reinstated through fire. Apollo, the caustic and intelligent god who knows and sees everything, burns guilty and innocent like timberwood, making them ‘unknown’ and ‘unseen’ (ἀΐστωσεν).64
The sexual and mortifying nuances of πῦρ, σπέρμα and ἐνθορόν interlock with λάβρον σέλας in the next stanza to suggest the ambiguity inherent in fire (38–46):
ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ τείχει θέσαν ἐν ξυλίνῳ
σύγγονοι κούραν, σέλας δ’ ἀμφέδραμεν
λάβρον Ἁφαίστου, τότ’ ἔειπεν Ἀπόλλων . ‘Οὐκέτι
τλάσομαι ψυχᾷ γένος ἁμὸν ὀλέσσαι
οἰκτροτάτῳ θανάτῳ ματρὸς βαρείᾳ σὺν πάθᾳ.’
ὣς φάτο . βάματι δ’ ἐν πρώτῳ κιχὼν παῖδ’ ἐκ νεκροῦ
ἅρπασε . καιομένα δ’ αὐτῷ διέφαινε πυρά.
καί ῥά νιν Μάγνητι φέρων πόρε Κενταύρῳ διδάξαι
πολυπήμονας ἀνθρώποισιν ἰᾶσθαι νόσους.
But when her relatives had placed the girl / within the pyre’s wooden wall and the fierce blaze / of Hephaistos ran around it, then Apollo said: ‘No longer / shall I endure in my soul to destroy my own offspring / by a most pitiful death along with his mother’s heavy / suffering.’ / Thus he spoke, and with his first stride came and / snatched the child / from the corpse, while the burning flame parted for him. / He took him and gave him to the Magnesian Centaur / for instruction in healing the diseases that plague men.
On a technical device, the wooden wall of cremation, nurturing brightness is confused with deadly darkness; life and death intermingle on the pyre. Koronis is reintegrated into her family not around the torches of marriage, but around Hephaistos’ σέλας,65 whose devouring aspects are corroborated by λάβρος.66 Koronis’ death is enveloped in a corrupted nuptial imagery; eros, bridal torches and festivities collapse into the flame of her cremation. Hephaistos, whose intervention is far from accidental,67 collaborates with Apollo, another caustic and sexually frustrated god,68 to punish the daughter of Φλεγύας almost homeopathically, in a manner that befits her genealogical prescriptions.
Apollo with one stride snatches his child69 from the burning corpse of the mother, ἐκ νεκροῦ ἅρπασε; “snatching” by gods and death by lightning or fire are often precursors of heroization or apotheosis.70 Fire makes way and parts for Apollo (καιομένα δ’ αὐτῷ διέφαινε πυρά, 44; sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 78), recalling his capacity as Φαναῖος (Achae.35) or Ἀναφαῖος (Corn. Epidr. 32), as well as the pertinence of δάφνη, the symbol of our caustic and oracular god, which shares his etymology and function, standing, too, for burning, prophecy, survival and renewal.71 Koronis is killed and deprived of childbearing, while Apollo intervenes as a proxy midwife and ‘medicates’ his son’s fate through fire. Asklepios is reborn in an “extraordinary nativity”; his death coincides with his birth.72 The boundaries between brightness and darkness, between life and death are blurred. Fire becomes a medium of killing, purifying and reviving. In this strophe, the polarities of life and death, of brightness and darkness intermingle in the essence of Apollo. The god acts out his contradictory powers of healing (ἀπολύειν, Pl. Cra.405b), destroying (ἀπολλύναι: ὀλέσσαι, 41) and making unseen or unknown (ἀΐστωσεν, 37). His dynameis are narrativized in this ode, while the tale that typifies the pattern called “the girl’s tragedy,” justifies its characterization.73
Gold, fire and intermediate chromatic modalities haunt Asklepios as he takes on the power imprinted in the name of his father’s name and releases men of their pain (λύσαις : Ἀπόλλων, 50), tempering the effects of polios bronze (πολιῷ χαλκῷ, 48) and of ‘summer-like fire’ (θερινῷ πυρί, 50). Polios is an ambiguous chromatic term, fluctuating between bright and white, gray and dark; it implies salvation and death.74 With a comparable attenuation, fever, a reversible type of fire, establishes a contact with the condition of Hieron.75 Gold is also secularized and used as a monetary commodity and a means of moral corruption.76 Appearing in Asklepios’ hands (ἐν χερσὶν φανείς), it changed him (ἔτραπεν, 55),77 so as to resurrect a man seized by fate, a dead man (τῷ μοιριδίῳ ληφθέντα, sch.Pi. Pyth. 3.96) and cancel “death, the fundamental borderline between man and god.”78 Asklepios also renounces his tutelage, inverting the positive value of χείρ, which is embedded in the name and function of Cheiron, his foster father and instructor of μαλακό χειρα νόμον (Pi. Nem. 3.55). Cornutos argues that “Cheiron is said to have …. trained (ἠσκηκέναι) him [sc.Αsklepios] in the researches of healing, for they wished to suggest that the craft depends on the hands (χειρῶν) for its performance” (trans. Hays, p.116).79 Asklepios incurs a fiery death at the hands of a kinsman: Zeus, his paternal grandfather, strikes him with a blazing thunderbolt (αἴθων κεραυνός, 58).80 Asklepios’ life has drawn a full cycle: his fiery death reenacts and reverses the process of his birth. A vertical beam of burning light connects the ‘ all-shiny’ Olympos and the sullen and murky Underworld, obfuscating their boundaries. Asklepios eventually crosses the Chthonian-Olympian Boundary through his apotheosis.81
The poet once more illustrates the ambiguity of brightness in the aftermath of a contrary-to-fact wish: if wise Cheiron still lived in his cave (63), and agreed to heal Hieron, Pindar would make his own professional passage: as a poet, xenos, but also doctor, he would transform his poetry into a philtron, a token of friendship and medicine,82 and cross the deep Ionian Sea. In the semblance of a light of salvation, outshining and outdistancing the celestial stars, Pindar would bring Hieron two charites, namely golden health (ὑγείαν χρυσέαν) and the radiance of past victories (κῶμον τ’ … αἴγλαν στεφάνοις, 72–76); the connection of aglaos (splendid) and aglaia with success in athletics and with celebration by poetry is common.83 Αigla qualifies a real event, chryseos a precious but utopian gift. Golden health, not to mention immortality, is impossible.84 Death can occasionally be a relief: even Cheiron in another version exchanged his immortality with Prometheus in order to escape from a painful and ignominious life, when he was accidentally wounded by Heracles’ poisoned arrow and all his medicinal herbs failed him.85
Pythian 3 (12–24, 54–62, 80–86, 103–15) focuses on self-awareness, intelligent choices and decisions, endurance and realistic, practical options. Pindar’s advice is unequivocal: search not for immortality, but utilize the practical means at your disposal, μή, φίλα ψυχά, βίον ἀθάνατον / σπεῦδε, τὰνδ’ ἔμπρακτον ἄντλει μαχανάν (61–62). He will eventually close his ode in aring composition, with a complex tektonic imagery, appropriating the function and etymology of Asklepios (<ἀσκέω), and turning it into a professional manifesto: in an intelligent manner Pindar will honor / serve his fortune, treating it with his own resources, τὸν δ’ ἀμφέποντ’ αἰεὶ φρασίν / δαίμον’ ἀσκήσωκατ’ ἐμὰν θεραπεύων μαχανάν (108–10). He does not aspire to offer illusory hopes but substitute immortality through his poetical technē, joining his poems in the manner of the skilled craftsmen of the past, τέκτονες οἷα σοφοὶἅρμοσαν (113–14).
Τhe verb ἅρμοσαν subtly evokes Ὅμηρος, the supreme tekton whose name encapsulates the notions of ‘chariot’ (ἅρμα),86 but it seems to play, too, upon Pindar’s name. In the framework of a poetic tradition that recognizes ‘the metaphor of comparing a well-composed song to a well-crafted chariotwheel,’87 the name Πίνδ- αρος exhibits a significant phonological similarity not only with the verb ἁρμόζω, but also with two rare words that belong to the vocabulary of craftsmanship, namely πίνδηρα, ἄροτρον, οr πίνδακας, θραύματα σανίδων.88 This linguistic overlapping insinuates the tectonic-poetic capacity imprinted in Pindar’s name, although it does not necessarily invalidate its etymological attachment to Pindos (Πίνδος+ ὄρνυμαι/ αἴρομαι). Lefkowitz argues that the poet interweaves his etymology in a passage that registers Hieron’s Dorian descent and his blood connections with the Aigidai, who came from Pindos, Πινδόθεν ὀρνύμενοι (Pi. Pyth. 1. 65–66); Pindar thus ‘establishes a bond’ with the victor.89 Besides his attachment to the Homeric tradition, the skilled poet shares the poetical as well as technical and medical capacities of the tektones who parade in his ode: firstly of Asklepiοs, who heals by means of incantations (ἐπαοιδαῖς, 51); secondly of Cheiron, who is a hybrid φήρ–θήρ that partakes the adapted physique of the centaurs (ἡρμο- σμένοις),90 the inventor of medicine and song as well as the instructor of all ἄρμενα (Pi. Nem.3.58), that is, of the ἁρμόδια, προσήκοντα and ἁρμοστά, by which mental images are materialized and ‘fixed / built’ by the work of hands (cf. πήξαιτο, πεπηγυίας, sch. Pi. Nem.3.98, 101a, b); and thirdly of Apollo, the ultimate author of medicine and musical ἁρμονία. Adaptation and joining, encapsulated in ἁρμόζω and ἀραρίσκω, illuminate the function of these mediating figures, and underlie the tectonic persona of Pindar the skilled poet and doctor. As such, he will be ‘small in small things and big in big’ (107–09), and advises Hieron to adjust to the circumstances and vagaries of life, compromising with the prospect of an everlasting fame for his athletic prowess.
The poet solidifies his messages, judiciously choosing the proper paradigms: Nestor and Sarpedon (112–15) are not “perhaps deliberately random heroic names;”91 or symbols of wisdom and might, respectively;92 or “types of longevity.”93 They are models for Hieron, indeed, as Sider argues, but not necessarily or merely as quasi- divine figures enjoying poetical immortalityand exemplifying the theme of non omnis moriar.94 An indispensable link is missing here: these heroes may have touched divinity (Od.3.246; Il.12.310–28, 16.433–61), and longevity, but they function as exemplary figures for having recognized their human limitations and for acting sensibly. Nestor’s epic microstory and etymology is encapsulated in noos and synesis.95 Sarpedon, on the other hand, indulges in a contrary-to-fact argument about immortality, only to renounce it: aware of his mortality, he marches to the battlefield to meet an honorable death (Il.12.322-28).96 Both men embody and instantiate the axial values and concerns of Pythian 3, exhibiting measured aspirations and sound intelligence. For this and their heroic achievements, they have earned substitute immortality through poetry, the only venue open for mortals in general and for Hieron in particular. Thus Nestor and Sarpedon promote the ode’s paraenetic and consolatory program.
To sum up, in verses 1–77 brightness and darkness illustrate the human vicissitudes and passages, observing the rhythm of life and its crucial phases—marriage, birth and death. Gold and fire are one step away from bliss and curse, as a single stride also separates Apollo from the fire of life and death. The ode is studded with language of knowledge and suffering,97 and gives the epitome of intelligent life. Intellect, positive or negative, is a persistent and gendered theme. To the euthytatos noos of Apollo, the philote- knos biological father, and to the philos noos of Cheiron, the foster father of Asklepios and the son of wide-ruling Kronos (who embodies pure and unalloyed mind— κορός νόος—and accomplishment, κραίνειν, in his own name),98 Pindar contraposes the deluded Koronis of the unfulfilled hopes (ἀκράντοιςἐλπίσιν, 23), focusing on messages of moral and intelligent nature: people must be satisfied with what is accessible (19–23); they must know their human nature and apportionment in life (59–62); only the wise and skilled, the sophoi, understand and know how to bear decently the god-sent πήματα, turning their fate inside out (80–83) and adapting to the vagaries of life (103–109). It is worth noting that brightness, darkness and intellectual capacity constitute integral parts of the girl with the significant name Κορωνίς. Pindar almost imperceptibly exploits her linguistic, mental and ethical similarities with κο- ρώνη and κόραξ.99
Ancient authorities derive the noun κορώνη from κάρα (head), κρώζω (croak) and καῦρον or γαῦρον (vice or wickedness).100 They associate κόραξexplicitly with κορός (LSJ A), which means dark and black, and implicitly with κόρος (LSJ Α), which means satiety or insolence; this is the only plausible etymology behind the gloss, διὰ τὸ πολλὰ ἐσθίειν.101 Koronē and korax embrace Koronis with their dark color (κορός, LSJ Α) and their satiety or insolence (κόρος, LSJ Α). The combined features of these birds spill over to Koronis, and invite further association with words, such as κορωνίς, κορω- ιῶν, κορωνόν and Κορωνός, which share the same derivation and semantics. The Pindaric Koronis shares their wickedness, arrogance, satiety and insolence.102 Significantly, Κορωνός is a Lapith or resident of Dotion and a kinsman of Koronis and Kaineus, a famous Thessalian androgynous figure.103 So, Pindar may have eliminated the Hesiodic bird, but has transferred the crow/ raven imagery onto Koronis, into whose name and essence concentrate principal themes of the ode, such as brightness, darkness, sexual license and mental blindness. Here Pindar has blurred the boundaries between metamor- phosis and metonomasia, two recurrent components of initiatory myths,104 manipulating the semantics and sounds of Koronis. The Hesiodic metamor- phosis of the raven is not therefore completely evanescent: koronē and korax represent the ambiguity of the parthenos with the speaking name Koronis. These birds as also glaux and nychteris, birds of the night, notorious for their cacophony and ugliness, signify liminality, and figure in myths of coming of age and transformation of maidens.105
Modern Greek reaffirms the above interpretation of Koronis: the verb κο- ρώνω is used of the heat of fire, of the glow of burning iron, or of fervent mental and emotional states: fury and fire combine in it no differently from Pythian 3. Mental blindness and fury traverse the ode, making up a congruent template of motifs. It starts with Artemis, who seethes with mortifying rage and mania (θυίοισαν), and via the deluded Koronis, it ushers to the Mother106 and Pan,107 two divinities of the wild and marginal periphery, whose nocturnal cult has been institutionalized and naturalized into Thebes where they receive songs of praise performed by girls, kourai, at night (77–79).108 They have control over health, mental states and eroticism as well as civic order. Addressing the gods who in their city-cult neutralize perversion of intellect, illegitimate and guileful erotic indulgence, child abuse and restoration as well as manic or maenadic behavior, such recurrent themes in Pythian 3, Pindar builds a bridge between the two parts of his ode, and paves the way for the Kadmean daughters, who, seized by frenzy (εἰς μανίαν τραπεῖσαι, sch. Pi. Pyth.3.173b), hurt their children. These girls bear names related to intelligence (Autonoe), radiance (Agave), might or divine whiteness (Ino-Leukothea),109 and ecstatic movement or sacrificial fire (Semele-Thyone).110 The last two are linked with mystical cults, and bear dual names that mark off their divine and mortal natures.111 It is no accident, I believe, that Pindar pauses at Semele and employs a hapax, her most unusual name Θυώνη.112 She forms a parallel figure of Koronis as privileged with a divine lover and suffering a fiery death, while her foetus was torn from her and supplied with a surrogate womb, Zeus’ thigh. The duality of θύω (LSJ A, B) ties in well with the persistent motif of irrationality, mania, and the glow of fire that envelops the death of these divine brides and the salvation of theirchildren. The mortifying and reviving aspects of fire are reconfirmed in the case of Dionysos and Achilles (100-3), too, who is is cremated here, but in another version is deified and translated to Leuke, the bright or white island of the blessed dead, which is located in the Black Sea. The contrasts of life and death, vision and color are dissolved in the vicinity of Leuke and her connections with leukos and leussein.113
It is no coincidence that the alternative Messenian or Laconian mother of Asklepios bears the name Ἀρσινόη.114 Unlike Koronis, the dark and deluded daughter of the fiery, hybristic and ‘well-horsed,’ εὔιππος Φλεγύας, Arsinoë, the daughter of Λεύκιππος, the ‘White-horsed’ priest of the Sun, belongs to the sphere of dazzling whiteness and reverence. Arsinoë combines in her name the qualities that Koronis lacks, that is, ἄρτιος νοῦς.115
Two explicit but later attestations of metonomasia indicate that Koronis’name has been susceptible to such manipulations from antiquity on. The first comes from the Epidaurian poet Isyllos (ca. 300 BCE), and constitutes to the best of my knowledge our sole inscriptional reference to Koronis:116
Φλεγύας δ’ [ὃς]
πατρίδ’ Ἐπίδαυρον ἔναιεν, | θυγατέρα Μάλου γαμ[[ε]]εῖ, τὰν Ἐρατὼ γεί|νατο μάτηρ, Κλεοφήμα δ’ ὀνομάσθη. | ἐγ
δὲ Φλεγύα γένετο, Αἴγλα δ’ ὀνομάσθη. | τόδ’ ἐπώνυμον.
τὸ κάλλος δὲ Κορωνὶς ἐπεκλήθη. | κατιδὼν δὲ ὁ χρυσότοξος Φοῖβος ἐμ Μαλίου δόμοις παρθενίαν ὥραν
ἔλυσε
χρυσοκόμα. | σέβομαί σε. ἐν δὲ θυώδει τεμένει τέκε|τό νιν Αἴγλα, γονίμαν δ’ ἔλυσεν ὠδῖ |να Διὸς
παῖς μετὰ Μοιρᾶν Λάχεσίς τε μαῖα ἀγαυά. | ἐπίκλησιν δέ νιν Αἴγλας ματρὸς Ἀσκλαπιὸν ὠνόμαξε
Ἀπόλλων …
Phlegyas, who dwelt in Epidaurus, his fatherland, married the daughter of Malos, whom Erato bore, and her name was Kleophema. By Phlegyas then a child was begotten and she was named Aigle; this was her name, but because of her beauty she was also called Coronis. Then Phoebus of the golden bow, beholding her in the palace of Malos, ended her maidenhood. You went into her lovely bed, O golden haired son of Leto. I revere you. Then in the perfumed temple Aigle bore the child, and the son of Zeus together with the Fates and Lachesis the noble midwife eased her birth pains. Apollo named him Asclepius from his mother’s name, Aigle … (Edelstein and Edelstein 1998: 24, 330).
The daughter born to Phlegyas (a resident of Epidauros), Isyllos says, received the name Aigla; but because of her beauty, τὸ κάλλος, she was also called Koronis (43–44). The motivation behind Aigla is clear, and if her beauty is the criterion for her renomination, then her two names are close synonyms and reinforce each other. Summarily, two etymological alternatives seem to be viable here for Koronis’ name: either (a) from κορός (dark, black, LSJ A) in antiphrasis, so ‘white, illustrious,’ and perhaps from κορός (pure, LSJ B), that is, chaste, or (b) from κορώνη / κορωνίς (wreath, crown), which recalls the coronation of marriageable girls. If these conjectures have a modicum of truth, then Koronis, as shiny, brilliant or ἐστεφανωμένη, matches perfectly the imagery inherent in Aigla, who emerges as the impersonation of brilliance and beauty.117 In this poem Aigla enjoys good reputation, judging from her mother’s name.118 In a context bathed in the sheen of the divine gold, Apollo activates his associations with λύω (Pl. Cra. 405b): he loosens Aigla’s maidenhood (παρθενίαν ὥραν ἔλυσε), and her birth pangs (γονίμαν ἔλυσεν ὠδῖνα), so much like his Soodina sister, with the help of the illustrious midwife Lachesis and the Moirai (48–50). Apollo names his son Asklepios after Aigla, a detail that has aroused much disputation, since some scholars were allured to discover radiance in Asklepios’ name as well, even though αἴγλα is phonologically far from Ἀσκλαπιός.119
The second explicit metonomasia is traced back to Aristeides (a historian of the second century BCE), who claims that Arsinoë, the mother of Asklepios, was named Koronis when still a parthenos, Ἀσκληπιὸς Ἀπόλλωνος παῖς καὶ Ἀρσινόης. αὕτη δὲ παρθένος οὖσα ὠνομάζετο Κορωνίς.120 This testimony implies that upon her coming of age, the girl received an intellectual name that presumably contradicted the features of her former status: the dark, ugly, deluded and mischievous koronē or korax yield to ‘sound mind.’ The girl earns a name in which her newly acquired qualities are ingrained and make her worthy of a divine husband and a deified son.
Brightness and darkness mingle not only in the name of Koronis but also in her cult. Initiatory myths and tragic deaths by fire are often accompanied by heroization and deification, and by ritual, which is not always retrievable. In the case of Koronis we are rather lucky,121 although the nature of our evidence poses some limitations. She is venerated in the sanctuary of Athena at Titanē, a hilltop near Sikyon, in the vicinity of another sanctuary of Asklepios, which is of “considerable antiquity.”122 While sacrifices (Suovetaurilien) were offered to Asklepios, the wooden xoanon of Koronis was transferred from his temple to that of Athena (Paus. 2. 11.7–12.1), where she was honored with a heroic cult. Athena’s image was struck, too, by a thunderbolt, κεραυνωθῆναδὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἐλέγετο (Paus. 2. 12.1).123 Brightness is embedded in the names of Athena and Titanē. The former is derived from αἴθω (Ap. Soph. 55. 7–11), and the latter from Titan, the brother of Helios (Paus. 2. 11.5):
ἐνταῦθα λέγουσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Τιτᾶνα οἰκῆσαι πρῶτον· εἶναι δὲ αὐτὸν ἀδελφὸν
Ἡλίου καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου κληθῆναι Τιτάνην τὸ χωρίον. δοκεῖν δὲ ἐμοὶ δεινὸς
ἐγένετο ὁ Τιτὰν τὰς ὥρας τοῦ ἔτους φυλάξας καὶ ὁπότε ἥλιος σπέρματα καὶ
δένδρων αὔξει καὶ πεπαίνει καρπούς, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε ἀδελφὸς ἐνομίσθη τοῦ
Ἡλίου.
Here [not: where] the natives say that Titan first dwelt. They add that he was the brother of Helius (Sun), and that after him the place got the name Titane. My own view is that he proved clever at observing the seasons of the year and the times when the sun increases and ripens seeds and fruits, and for this reason was held to be the brother of Helius (trans. Jones, Loeb).
Titan and Helios are consequently associated with the season of sunshine and fertility.124 But the Sikyonian Titanē echoes Titanos, a Thessalian mountain renowned for its “white tops” (Il. 2.735), which the Homeric scholiasts associate with titanos, a white earth, probably gypsum, chalk or lime (LSJ).125 To sum up, Titanē is bathed in whiteness and radiance as a result of the interaction of Athena, Titan, a heliacal figure, and titanos, the gypsum, a substance of documented cultic associations.126
The mystical signs of the cult at Titanē intensify as we move down the hill. Pausanias (2.12.1) is eloquent:
ἐκ τούτου τοῦ λόφου καταβᾶσιν—ᾠκοδόμηται γὰρ ἐπὶ λόφῳ τὸ ἱερὸν-βωμός
ἐστιν ἀνέμων, ἐφ οὗ τοῖς ἀνέμοις ὁ ἱερεὺς μιᾷ νυκτὶ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος θύει. δρᾷ δὲ
καὶ ἄλλα ἀπόρρητα ἐς βόθρους τέσσαρας, ἡμερούμενος τῶν πνευμάτων τὸ
ἄγριον, καὶ δὴ καὶ Μηδείας ὡς λέγουσιν ἐπῳδὰς ἐπᾴδει.
At the bottom of the hill on the altar of the Winds, he says, nocturnal and secret rites were performed every year to four pits, bothroi; with these rites the priest tried to tame ‘the fierceness of the blasts,’ and chanted charms of Medea, the sorceress granddaughter of Helios and his darker side.127 In this story, brightness and darkness are distributed between the two poles of the hill; its upper part is bathed in lustre and whiteness, while its lower part is imbued with the darkness of its chthonic and mystical rituals. Koronis, a girl of onomastic and functional ambiguity, fits nicely in this locale which hosts diametrically opposite cults. In Athens, in the company of her son, Koronis enjoys a chthonic cult, too, and is offered sacrifices meant for deceased parents, et tamen Athenienses scient eiusmodi deis sacrifare. Nam Aesculapio et matri inter mortuos parentant, “the Athenians … pay honors to Asclepius and his mother amongst their dead.”128 It may be of some relevance that this girl originates from the Δώτιον πεδίον, the cult site of Demeter, the Mother Earth and giver of bountiful gifts.129
To conclude, it is obvious that such scanty evidence, deriving from two independent and much later testimonies, thwarts our aspirations of tracing the cultic status of Koronis, and of drawing a coherent and comprehensible pic-ture either at a synchronic or diachronic level. Yet, despite our uncertainties, it is clear that she embodies in her name, essence and cult the contrasting motifs that pervade the Pindaric Pythian 3. The Democritean dictum applies to a certain degree in the case of Koronis with the multiple chromatic, intellectual and cultic associations, and mutatis mutandis, “the name is the cult statue of human speech,” ἀγάλματα φωνήεντα καὶ ταῦτά ἐστι τῶν θεῶν.130
1. B. Gentili, Pindaro. Le Pitiche, a cura di B. Gentili, P. Angeli Bernardini, E. Cingano e P. Giannini, Scrittori Greci e Latini, Fondazione Lorenzo Valla (Milano, 1995a), 81 with n. 7, defines this ode as ‘encomio impuro.’ See also E. Robbins, “The Gifts of the Gods: Pindar’s Third Pythian,” CQ 40 (1990): 307. Some introductory remarks are at place here regarding my notation: with italics I mark cognate words in contexts of etymological and hermeneutic import. For Pindar I use the translation of W. H. Race (Loeb).
2. As scholars have noted, fire pervades Pythian 3: D. C.Young, Three Odes of Pindar, Mnemosyne Suppl. 9 (Leiden, 1968), 40–43, 55; J. H. Barkhuizen, “A Note on Pindar, Pyth. III, 8–60,” A Class 13 (1970): 138–39; Gentili, Pindaro, 76 with n. 2; B. Gentili, “Pindarica V. Pindaro, Pyth. 3,” in Studia classica Iohanni Tarditi oblata, ed. L. Belloni, G. Milanese, and A. Porro, 2 vols. (Biblioteca di Aevum Antiquum, 1995b), 430; B. Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes (Oxford, 2005), 344–405. The point of contact between gold and fire may be sought in A. Bresson’s observation (apud M. M. Willcock, Pindar. Victory Odes [Cambridge, 1995], 18 n. 22): gold is a symbol of the world of the gods because it “does not deteriorate with time, and has a unique brightness, caused by its not reflecting other colors, but only red.” Significantly, red is the gleam of fire. 3. In this ode there is a wide network of polarities and antinomies (Gentili, Pindaro, 81, passim) usually attested in myths of coming of age, as, e.g., physis and culture, near and far, brightness and darkness, health and disease, wisdom and folly, chastity and lust, guile and sincerity, philia and enmity, good and bad xenia, good and rotten medicine, open and hidden or secrets, reversals of fate, suffering and happiness, realistic / possible and unrealistic / impossible options.
4. Cheiron shares the features of his ‘most just’ father, Κρόνος–Χρόνος, δικαιότατος (Plut. Mor. [Quaest. Rom.] 4.266.12F), being himself δικαιότατος Κενταύρων: Il. 11.832; sch. Ap.Rh. 1.554, 48. 3 Wendel; Ov. Fasti 5. 413, iustissime Chiron. On the biformity and wild or alien (xenos) yet adapted physis of the centaurs in general see sch. bT Il. 1.268a (n. 90, below); sch. Pi. Pyth. 2. 78c, 80a, 81a, 82a–b, 85a. On the centaurs as embodiment of rudeness, lustful and animal sexuality see Soph. Tr. 1095–96; Diod. Sik. 4. 69–70; Apollod. Epit. 1.20–21; Apollod. Bibl. 2.5.4. They do not tolerate the products of technology and civilization (wine and cooked meat), see G. S. Kirk, Myth. Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient and Other Cul- tures, Sather Classical Lectures v. 40 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1970), 152–62; H. Lloyd-Jones, Mythical Beasts (London, 1980), 16; F. Zeitlin, “Configurations of Rape in Greek Myth,” in Rape, ed. S. Tomaselli and R. Porter (Oxford and New York, 1986), 131–35. On their otherness see P. duBois, Centaurs and Amazons (Ann Arbor, 1982), 25–48; M.J. Padgett, “Horse Men: Centaurs and Satyrs in early Greek Art,” in The Centaur’s Smile. The Human Animal in Early Greek Art, ed. M. J. Padgett (New Haven and London, 2003), 3–27; A. Stewart, Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge, 1997), 191–94.
5. In Pyth. 9 as a mediator and counsellor of Apollo in matters of love, Cheiron advises “the proper model of courtship in civilized society,” i.e., Peitho: so Zeitlin, “Configurations,” 139–40. Cf. his role in the union of Thetis and Peleus: Pi. Nem. 3. 56–57; Isthm. 8. 41–42; Apollod. Bibl. 3.13.5. See also H. Lloyd-Jones, Myths of the Zodiac (London, 1978), 83–84; C. Sourvinou-Inwood, “A Series of Erotic Pursuits: Images and Meanings,” JHS 107 (1987): 138 with n. 52. Stewart, Art, Desire, 168–69: Thetis’ metamorphoses ‘dramatize her rage at this humiliation and articulate the wild animality of the parthenos in narrative terms. Thetis’ forced passage from nature to culture … became a paradigm for mortal marriage.’
6. On the invention of medicine and lyric poetry by Cheiron see Hygin Fab. 138; sch. A(D) Il. 4. 219; Eust. Il. 1.733.5–7. The herbs he discovered were named after him centaurion and cheironia: Nic. Ther.500–02: ῥίζα Κενταύρου Κρονίδαο φερώνυμον. See also Pliny HN 23.27, 25.33, 34, 66; R. Buxton, Imaginary Greece. The contexts of mythology (Cambridge, 1994), 156–57; G. Guillaume-Coirier, “Chiron Phillyride,” Kernos 8 (1995): 120–21 with n. 35; M. Plastira-Valkanou, “The Praise of Eminent Physicians in the Greek Anthology,” in Δημητρίῳ στέφανος. Τιμη- τικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Δημήτρη Λυπουρλή, ed. Α. Βασιλειάδης, Π. Κοτζιά, Αι. Δ. Μαυρουδής, Δ. Α. Χρηστίδης (Θεσσαλονίκη, 2004), 447 n. 17.
7. On Cheiron the educator: Pi. Pyth. 4. 102–05, 115 (teacher of Jason); Nem. 3. 43–58 (teacher of Achilles, Jason and Asklepios). His pupils bear names suggestive of their medical expertise. E.g., Iason (<ἴασις, ἰάομαι, sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 554, 48 W.), although he ‘possesses no medical or pharmacological knowledge in the ancient literary narratives’ (so C. J. Mackie, “The Earliest Jason. What’s in a Name?”Greece & Rome 48 (2001): 1–17). On Asklepios (<ἀπὸ τοῦ ἠπίως ἰᾶσθαι καὶ ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν κατὰ τὸν θάνατον γενομένην ἀπόσκλησιν; his symbols (δράκων, βάκτρον) complement and sustain his medical properties: Corn. Epidr. c. 33. 70–71; see also sch. A(D) Il. 4. 195; sch. EQ Od. 1.68; Et.Gen. α 1280–1281.7; Et.Gud. α 213.7–8; sch. Aristoph. Plut. 407.6–415a.1. On Achilles’ tutelage by Cheiron see Eur. IA 709, 927; G. Nagy, Pindar’s Homer. The Lyric Possession of an Epic Past (Baltimore and London, 1990), 70–71; Buxton, Imaginary Greece, 90, 137. On his medical name see Et.Gen. α 1516; Mackie 2001: 6–7; E.Tsitsibakou–Vasalos, An- cient Poetic Etymology. The Pelopids: Fathers and Sons, Palingenesia – Band 89 (Stuttgart, 2007), 40–42.
8. At least in the culture of the fifth century polis, which P. Vidal-Naquet (apud duBois, Centaurs and Amazons, 37 with n. 47), characterizes as a ‘men’s club.’
9. See Pi. Pyth. 4. 83, 102–03; Nem. 3. 43; cf. Pyth. 6. 22, Philyras’ son. Cheiron is also called Kronidas: Pi. Pyth. 4. 115; Nem. 3. 47. On Philyra’s descent see Guillaume-Coirier, “Chiron,” 115–19.
10. Philyra turns into a tree, flower or mare when raped by Kronos who was also disguised as a horse: Hygin Fab. 138; Ap. Rh. 2. 1231–41; sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 554, 47–48 W.; ib. 2. 1231–41a, 210–11 W.; sch. Lyk. Alex. 1200a 16a, 345 Scheer. See Serv. (Comm. in Verg. Geo. 3. 93, 283–84, Thilo): equam, florem, arborem. See also P. M. C. Forbes Irving, Metamorphosis in Greek Myths (Oxford, 1990), 271–72; A. Room, NTC’s Classical Dictionary. The Origins of the Names of Characters in Clas- sical Mythology (Chicago, 1990), s.v. Philyra. On the transformation of Hippo, Cheiron’s daughter and her metonomasia see Eur fr. 481.12–22, TrGF vol. 5:531–32: Μελανίππη, Cheiron’s granddaughter, says that Zeus transformed her mother into a winged horse, named thereafter Ἱππώ for revealing the future; similarly Ov. Met. 2. 633–75: Okyrhoë is transformed into a mare and receives a new name for predicting the future. Ovid suppresses the new name, unlike Clem. Alex. Strom.1.15.73.4: Ἱππώ. Cf. Erat. Cat. 1.18. 8–19, Ἵππη, raped and impregnated by Aiolos, prays to be changed into a horse; Artemis transforms her into a star. On Hippo see Forbes, Meta- morphosis, 78–79, 168, 210–11; A. Michalopoulos, Ancient Etymologies in Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Leeds, 2001), 135–36, Ἱππώ/ Μελανίππη. The second divine mother figuring in our ode, Leto, turns into a wolf: Forbes, Metamorphosis, 76–77. In the Cretan Ekdysia Leto Phytiē is involved in the transformation of a girl into a boy (Nic. in Ant. Lib. Met. 17; Ov. Met. 9. 666–797).
11. Pindar probably plays upon Philyra whose sounds evoke philos– philia, a motif that runs through Pyth. 3, and justifies the composition of this ode after all (see n. 82, below). On her etymology from philyra, the plant, see Hygin Fab. 138; Room, NTC’s Classical Dictionary, s.v. Philyra. T. K. Hubbard, The Pindaric Mind. A Study of Logical Structure in Early Greek Poetry, Mnemosyne Suppl. 85 (Leiden, 1985), 42n. 89, construes her name as ‘loving the lyre.’ Guillaume-Coirier, “Chiron,” 118–119, surveys the etymological alternatives, and submits φίλος+ ὕρον [=σμῆνος], a root observed in susurrus, the buzzing of the bees; this points to tilia as loving, attracting bees, hence Philyra is associated with a form of fertility as providing honey.
12. On the medicinal properties of the plant see Theophr. (Hist. plant. 1. 12. 4. 7–10; 3. 10. 4. 1–5.15), who draws a distinction between the masculine and feminine linden: the former is sterile, ἄκαρπον, and the latter fertile, κάρπιμον. The duality of the plant extends to its texture, flower and fruit, ἰδιώτατον δὲ τὸ ἐπὶ φιλύρας: the thickness, rigidity and bitterness of the male are contraposed to the flexibility, suppleness and sweetness of the female. On the gynecological properties of linden (ἔμμηναἄγει) see Diosk. De Materia medica, 1. 96.1–8. Philyra is linked with acculturation, since the white bark of her tree is used for writing, literacy being a most civilizing accomplishment. On the nourishing, medical and prophetic powers of Philyra see Guillaume–Coirier, “Chiron,” 115–21; E. Aston, “The Absence of Chiron,” CQ 56, no. 2 (2006): 357.
13. Lygos exhibits comparable properties on which see C. Calame, Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece, trans. D. Collins and J. Orion (Lanham, Boulder, New York and London, 1997), 163–64 with nn. 225, 226: lygos or agnus castus is linked with menstruation and the reproductive cycle, lactation and motherhood. On ἄκαρπα and ἥμερα trees, growing in the vicinity of the sanctuary of Artemis Kallistēand reflecting “the dual mode of operation of plant and goddess” see H. King, “Boundto Bleed: Artemis and Greek Women.” in Images of Women in Antiquity, ed. A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt (London, 1993), 122–23; H. King, Hippocrates’ Woman. Reading the Female Body in ancient Greece (London and New York, 1998), 86–88.
14. Cf. J. Larson, Greek Nymphs. Myth, Cult, Lore (Oxford, 2001), 164: the matronymic Philyridas is used “presumably because the appellation ‘son of Kronos’ was reserved for Zeus.”
15. Buxton, Imaginary Greece, 119, notes, ‘Pindar’s poetic world is not unclouded,’ adducing Pythian 3 and the fate of Koronis as an example. See B. H. Fowler,“Constellations in Pindar,” C&M 37 (1986): 35–37 on gold, light, marriages, secrets, seeds, fire, wood, diseases, cures, song and the theme of near and far as cumulative constellations of the Pythian 3.
16. Phlegyas is the eponymous hero of the Phlegyans who burned down Apollo’s temple (sch. A(D) Il. 13.302, οὗτοι δὲ ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς ναὸν τοῦἈπόλλωνος. ἡ ἱστορία παρὰ Φερεκύδει [FGrHist. 3F 41e]), and whose name is derived from φλεγυᾶν, the Phocean word for being hybristic: sch. bT Il. 13. 302a ~Scholia-D ad loc., Φλεγύας μεγαλήτορας ... ὅθεν καὶ παρὰ Φωκεῦσι τὸ ὑβρίζεινφλεγυᾶν λέγεσθαι. Cf. EM 795.57–796.4, φλεγύας ἐστὶ ἀετὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ φλέγειν καὶλαμπρὸς εἶναι; see also A. B. Cook, Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion, 2 vols. (New York, 1914, 1925, repr. 1964–1965), 2: 1134 n. 9. Phlegyas burned Apollo’s temple upon discovering that the god had raped his daughter (Serv. Comm. in Aen. 6. 618). Phlegyas, the son of Ares and Dotis, met his death at the hands of Lykos and Nyktimos, two men of guileful and nocturnal associations (Apollod. Bibl. 3. 5.5); fire, guile and darkness mingle in Phlegyas’ name and life.
17. See Il. 22. 15, 358–62 versus 5. 344–45.
18. Technai, an accomplishment of civilization, may be constructive or destructive: sch. Pi. Pyth. 2. 58, ‘some people call the guile and evildoing technas. ’ Εt.Gen. α 1350, τέχνη γὰρ ὁ δόλος. Ὅμηρος (θ 296–297). So J. T. Hamilton, Soliciting Dark- ness. Pindar, Obscurity, and the Classical Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 2003), 55.
19. See E. Vermeule, Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry, Sather Lectures vol. 46 (Berkeley, 1979), 101–02, 235 nn. 22, 23; Zeitlin, “Configurations,” 137–43; Sourvinou-Inwood, “Erotic Pursuits,” 138 with nn. 50, 51; N. Loraux, Tragic Ways of Killing a Woman, trans. A. Forster (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1987), 34–37; R. Seaford, “The Tragic Weddings,” JHS 107 (1987): 111; Calame, Choruses, 145, 238–42 for marriage and female education as taming. See n. 39, below.
20. H. Grégoire, Asklepios Apollon Smintheus et Rudra (Bruxelles, 1950), 14 n.1, articulates Ἀΐδας as αἰ-ίδης, ‘celui de la terre’ (see Cook CR 1902: 172).
21. This imagery ties in well with myths of maidens’ prenuptial or marriage rites. The ambiguity of en thalamōi is noticed by ancient and modern scholars: sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 18a–e; sch. e. ἐχαριεντίσατο δὲ εἰπὼν θάλαμον τὸν Ἅιδην. See B. L. Gildersleeve, Pindar. The Olympian and Pythian Odes (London, 1907, repr. Amsterdam 1965), 270; Young, Three Odes of Pindar, 33 with n. 1. On tholos, thalamos, stomion and loutrophoros in funeral and wedding rituals, and the image of ‘the bride of Hades,’ see Vermeule, Aspects of Death, 51–56 with 222–24 nn. 18, 25: thalamus ~ grave (Ais. Pers. 624; Soph. Ant. 804, 806–16; 865–71; 891–94, 947, 1204–05; Eur. 50 Evanthia Tsitsibakou-Vasalos Her. 807, Suppl. 990–1030). See Loraux, Tragic Ways, 23–42, 59, 75 n. 48, 80 nn. 24, 25; H. S. Rose, “The Bride of Hades,” CPh 20 (1925): 238–42; Seaford, “Tragic Weddings,” 106–30; R. Rehm, Marriage to Death. The Conflation of Wedding and Fu- neral Rituals in Ancient Tragedy (Princeton, New Jersey, 1994/1996), 11–29, 63, 142, 182 with n. 18; Stewart, Art, Desire, 168–69; C. Calame, The Poetics of Eros in An- cient Greece, trans. J. Lloyd (Princeton, New Jersey, 1999), 143–45 with nn. 26, 27; G. Ferrari, “The ‘Anodos’ of the Bride,” in Greek Ritual Poetics, ed. D. Yatromanolakis and P. Roilos (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 2004), 245–60.
22. See C. A. Faraone, “Playing the bear and the fawn for Artemis: female initiation or substitute sacrifice?” in Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives, ed. D. B. Dodd and C. A. Faraone (London, 2003), 60 with nn. 66, 67, who adds, “there is no evidence that this proteleia rite ‘prepared’ young women for marriage in any initiatory fashion; it simply appeased a dangerous goddess.” On the proteleia as wedding and death rites: Ais. Ag. 227 with Fränkel 1962 (“ceremonies previous to the consummation of marriage”); the phrase has a ritual sacrificial element not yet faded. See W. Burkert, Homo Necans. The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, trans. P. Bing (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1983), 62–63 n. 20; Seaford, “Tragic Weddings,” 106, 108–10; Rehm, Marriage to Death, 43, 50, 121, 156 n.11, 171 n. 2.
23. Eileithyia brings children to the light (Il. 19.103–04; cf. h.Ap. 97–101); see n. 56, below. She dispenses light and the splendid-limbed Hebē, saving children from black night (ἄνευ σέθεν οὐ φάος, Pi. Nem. 7.1–5; Ol. 6. 41–44, ἐς φάος). She is often identified with Artemis on whose contradictory powers (plague / healing; virginity /childbearing) see W. Burkert, Greek Religion, trans. J. Raffan (Cambridge, Mass.1985), 51, ‘she [Artemis] merges with Eileithyia. There is no wedding without Artemis: hers is the power to send and ward off dangers before and after this decisive turning-point in a girl’s life.’ Artemis is a lion to women in labor (Il. 21. 483 with sch.). As Lochia, Eulochia, Eileithyia, Geneteira and Soodina, she presides over childbirth; as Lysizonos over the sexual experience associated with marriage: S. G. Cole, “Domesticating Artemis,” in The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece, ed. S. Blundell and M. Williamson (London and New York, 1998), 34–35; Calame, Choruses, 166with n. 235, 167. See King, Hippocrates’ Woman, 78–86, on the relation of Artemis with the reproductive cycle, defloration, menstruation, labor and parturition. These‘stages in a woman’s life … involve bleeding’ and Artemis’ ‘task can thus be identified with that of the male,’ says S. Blundell, Women in Ancient Greece (Cambridge, Mass., 1995) 44–45, adding that Artemis and Athena are capable ‘of passing over the dividing line between women and men’ (44); she observes the paradox of Artemis’destructive and creative roles (29–31). On the evidence of the Sophilos vase, T. H. Carpenter, “The Terrible Twins in Sixth-Century Attic Art,” in Apollo. Origins and Influences, ed. J. Solomon (Tucson and London, 1994), 78, links the bow of Artemis with hunting, treatment of women, wedding and childbirth; she is accompanied by the Fates and Eileithyia.
24. On akersekomas and ephebeia see W. Burkert, “Apellai und Apollo,” RhM118 (1975): 1–21; Burkert, Greek Religion, 144–45; A. Stéfos, Apollon dans Pindare (Athènes, 1975), 221–22; G. Nagy, “The Name of Apollo: Etymology and Essence,”in Apollo.Origins and Influences, ed. J. Solomon (Tucson and London, 1994), 6; D. Birge, “Sacred Groves and the Nature of Apollo,” in Apollo. Origins and Influences, ed. J. Solomon (Tucson and London, 1994), 13–14; A. Bierl, “Apollo in Greek Tragedy: Orestes and the God of Initiation,” in Apollo. Origins and Influences, ed. J. Solomon (Tucson and London, 1994), 84; Faraone, “Playing the bear,” 48–49 with n. 38: in the Aegean-Ionian regions Apollo is a killer of men, associated with the bow and plague, while in the Peloponnese with civic organization and male intitiation. On ritual hair-cutting and growing see Calame, Choruses, 106–07 with n. 51; D. D. Leitao, “Adolescent hair-growing and hair-cutting rituals in ancient Greece. A sociological approach,” in Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives, ed. D. B. Dodd and C. A. Faraone (London and New York, 2003), 109–29. See n. 30, below.
25. On the syntax of κρύβδαν πατρός see sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 22d, 25a–c. Most scholars connect it with ἄλλον αἴνησεν γάμον, in an effort to explain the harsh punishment that Koronis and her community incurred. I would rather associate the phrase with what follows it firstly because it creates a meaningful image of darkness in contrast to the diffused brightness of the strophe, and secondly because it conforms to Pindar’s fondness of the theme of first love’s secrecy and shame: in Ol. 6. 31, Pitana hid (κρύψε) her maidenly birth pangs in the folds of her robe, while her daughter, Euadna, did not escape (οὐδ’ ἔλαθ’) the notice of her stepfather Aipytos that she was hiding (κλέπτοισα) the god’s offspring (35–36); Cheiron reaffirms (Pyth. 9. 39–41), “Hidden are the keys (κρυπταὶ κλαΐδες) to sacred / lovemaking (φιλοτάτων) that belong to wise Persuasion, / Phoebus, and both gods and humans alike / shy from engaging openly for the first time / in sweet love” (Race, Loeb). See Eur. Ion 72–73, 1524 (Loxias’gamoi kryptoi); 340 (lathra patros).
26. See Ixion’s myth (Pi. Pyth. 2. 26–40, μαινομέναις φρασίν, ὕβρις εἰς ἀύάτανὦρσεν, ἀμπλακίαι, τέχνας, μεγαλοκευθέεσιν θαλάμοις, εὐναì παράτροποι, νεφέλᾳπαρελέξατο, ψεῦδος γλυκύ, ἄιδρις ἀνήρ, πῆμα), and Klytaimnestra’s (Pyth.11.18–30, ἐκ δόλου, ἑτέρῳ λέχεϊ δαμαζομέναν, ἔννυχοι κοῖται, ἀμπλάκιον, καλύψαι, ἄφαντον). Both stories teem with words attested in the story of Koronis. Ixion was the great sinner and rapist who killed his father-in-law in a pit of burning coals, and repaid Zeus’hospitality by sexually harassing his divine consort. In his mental blindness, Ixion united with Nephele, an eidolon fashioned by Zeus in the likeness of Hera (Pyth. 2. 25–48). Significantly, Ixion is Phlegyas’ son (sch. Pi. Pyth. 2. 40a; sch. Ap. Rh. 3. 62, 218 W.= Pherekydes fr. 51b, R. Fowler), hence Koronis’ brother; infatuation and sexual crimes pervade this family. For U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Der Glaube der Hellenen, 2 vols. (Darmstadt, 1890, repr. 1973), 2:119–20, amblakein and ambla- kia signify religious sin and transgression. This may be true (Ais. Ag. 345), yet the presence of atē and phrēn foreground the mental aspects of amblakiai and the failure of intellect, as Pindar makes clear in the fate of Tlepolemos (Ol. 7). Cf. F. Klingner“Über Pindars drittes Pythisches Gedicht,” in Corolla Ludwig Curtius zum sechzig- sten Geburtstag dargebracht (Stuttgart, 1937), 16, “den Gesinnungsfehler der Koronis”; B. Fowler, “Constellations,” 35, “derangement of wits;” B. S. Thornton, Eros. The Myth of Ancient Greek Sexuality (Boulder and Oxford, 1997), 18, “a great ruinous infatuation,” and 19, “sexual passion creates a mental blindness and delusion that ignores the limits.” On amblakiai and the Pindaric beds of deception see P. Bulman, 52 Evanthia Tsitsibakou-Vasalos Phthonos in Pindar (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, 1992), 40–41 with nn. 23, 24; Calame, Choruses, 35; Hamilton, Soliciting Darkness, 67. 27. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.
27, ἀνεπίμικτον θνητοῦ σπορᾶς. For the illustrious purity and whiteness of καθαρός in Pindar see J. Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète (Paris, 1955), 200, and 158–62 for its connection with rites of passage. On the social value of katharos and the fifth-century BC Athenian concern with “the purity and potency of its citizen stock” see Stewart, Art, Desire, 171.
28. Kall. Hek. fr. 260. 44–65 Pfeiffer = fr. 74. 19 Hollis. On his indebtedness to Hes. fr. 60. 4 M.-W., see R. L. Hunter, “The Hesiodic Catalogue and Hellenistic poetry,” in The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, ed. R. Hunter (Cambridge, 2005). 243–44. Dionysios, Ixeuticon sive de aucupio, ch. 1. 9. 1, makes the raven an embodiment of lust, and gives an etiology for its physical peculiarities: this of all animals does not give water to its nestlings and its chin (or throat?) is broken after mating because Apollo punished it for failing to fetch water during Koronis’ childbearing at Trikka, τοῦ κελευσθέντος ὑπεριδὼν ἐλαγνεύετο. Koronis is innocent and Apollo stands at her side.
29. On the raven motif see Hes. fr. 60 M.-W. = sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.52b = Artemon 569F5 FGrHist. et al. The transformation of the garrula cornix, the daughter of the Phocean Coroneus, into a bird of the night in answer of her prayer to Athena, and of the loquax corvus is dramatized by Ov. Met. 2. 535–50, 596–632. Forbes, Metamor- phosis, 230, considers Athena’s interference an invention of Ovid, unsupported by a historical cult relation of Athena and the crow; the crow in the hand of her statue at Koroneia (Paus. 4. 34. 6) may refer to the name of the town. On Athena (at Korone) and the crow see A. Schachter, Cults of Boiotia, BICS Suppl. 38.1 (London ICS, 1981), 122 with n. 2; R. E. Bell, Women of Classical Mythology (Oxford, 1991) s.v. Coronis (2); C. Hünemörder, “Krähe,” Der Neue Pauly 6 (1996): 786–87. On this myth see T. Gantz, Early Greek Myth. A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources, 2vols. (Baltimore and London, 1993), 1: 90–92. On Pindar’s mythical innovations in Pyth. 3, see U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Isyllos von Epidauros (Berlin, 1886), 57–61; L. R. Farnell, Critical Commentary to the Works of Pindar (London 1932, repr. Amsterdam 1961), 138–39; A. Luppino, “Divagazioni e precisazioni sulla Pitica III di Pindaro,” RFIC n.s. 37 (1959): 226–27; R. W. B. Burton, Pindar’s Pythian Odes: Essays in Interpretation (Oxford, 1962), 83–84. Young, Three Odes of Pindar, 34 with nn. 1, 2, 38, argues that the rejection of this story by Pindar enhances Apollo as a great divinity, but also fits the requirements of a short lyric poem; the raven story would be an extravagant digression irrelevant to the short Koronis-myth and the purposes of the lyric poet. See Stéfos, Apollon dans Pindare, 68–69; Gentili, “Pindarica V,” 429 n. 4, and P. Dräger, Untersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen Hesiods (Stuttgart, 1997), 69–71. Cf. G.B. D’Alessio, “Ordered from the Catalogue: Pindar, Bacchylides, and Hesiodic genealogical poetry,” in The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, ed. R. Hunter (Cambridge, 2005), 234, “Pindar’s innovations presuppose previous knowledge of the Hesiodic version in the audience.”
30. Faraone, “Playing the bear,” 48–50, cautions against fusing Artemis’ powers: in the Aegean and Ionian cultural realm she kills females in childbirth or old age by her bow (48, 62) as a “special killer of woman”; in the Peloponnese she is mistress ofanimals, huntress and interferes in “flagrant female sexual misconduct of some kind … that links these myths with girls coming of age” unlike the Attic myths which focus on sacrifice and temple service for the safety of the city. See n. 24, above.
31. Buxton, Imaginary Greece, 115–17, makes a pertinent remark, “women were felt to be, in a series of fundamental ways, responsible for the continuity of the community,” taking care of the dead, of the oikos, by means of weaving, turning the raw into cooked, engendering children and myth-telling.
32. See Calame, Choruses, 33–34; Calame, The Poetics of Eros, 116–17.
33. On the derivation of nympha see Il. 18. 492–93; Or. 107. 17, 112. 3, Sturz; Eust. Il. 2. 350. 10–11. P. Chantraine, “Le noms du mari et de la femme, du père et de la mère en Grec,” REG 59–60 (1946–1947): 228, ‘νύμφη est le terme propre pour designer la fiancée au moment de son mariage ou la jeune mariée.’
34. See A. van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M. B. Vizedom and G. L. Caffee (Chicago, 1960); Calame, Choruses, 10–15; F. Graf, “Initiation: a concept with a troubled history,” in Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives, ed. D. B. Dodd and C. A. Faraone (London and New York, 2003), 17, 19. I. Rutherford, “In a Virtual Wild Space: Pilgrimage and Rite de Passage from Delphi to Sarimalai,” in Greek Ritual Poetics, ed. D. Yatromanolakis and P. Roilos (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 2004), 328 with n. 25, notes that “there is no single formula, but rather an open-ended range of typical components.” On women as liminal, even in the Athenian law and society see Blundell, Women in Greece, 19 with n. 8, 118–19. Faraone, “Playing the bear,” 46 with n. 21, restricts this tripartite model in the male initiation, since the female initiation focuses “on enclosure and metamorphosis within the community.” This affects the meaning of οὐκ ἔμεινε: did Koronis not wait or did not stay? Does it imply impatience or elopement, emotional alienation or physical separation?On liminality in a metaphorical and non-spatial sense see I. Polinskaya, “Liminality as Metaphor. Initiation and frontiers of ancient Athens,” in Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives, ed. D. B. Dodd and C. A. Faraone (London and New York, 2003), 85–106, apropos the Athenian ephebeia.
35. LSJ s.v. ὑποκο(υ) ρίζομαι: call by endearing names, call by a soft name, call something bad by a fair name, and the reverse, gloss over, etc. The association with ὑποκοριστικόν, a diminutive, is resumed by Gildersleeve, Pindar, 271: “the bridal maids were wont to use the pet name, ‘baby name’ (ὑποκόρισμα) of the bride;” Farnell, Critical Commentary, 139, “‘mocking words of blandishment.’ gay badinage.” Cf., however, Hsch. κ 3856, κουριζόμενος . ὑμεναιούμενος, διὰ τὸ λέγειν γαμουμέναις . σὺν κούροις καὶ κόραις . ὅπερ νῦν ἐφθαρμένως ἐκκορεῖν λέγεται. The Pindaric text solidifies this interpretation; sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 32a, b, add κορώνη and εὐκορεῖ βίῳ, a hapax expression that signifies good offspring; the occasion calls for playing and dancing (ἀντὶ τοῦ παίζειν καὶ χορεύειν), on which see Calame, Choruses, 92 with n.71. The above words evoke the etymology of Koronis (nn. 99–102, below).
36. Hom. Od. 22. 185, κουρίζων; Hes. Th. 357, κουρίζουσι, on which see M. L. West, Hesiod. Theogony (Oxford, 1966), 263–64, ‘the scholiast rightly explains, ἀνατρέφουσιν. ἄνδρας is proleptic.’ West elaborates on the kourotrophic function of the nymphs and their spring-water, on hair-cutting (κουρά) upon coming of age, and the dedication of this hair to the local river or nymphs in thanksgiving for successful nurture. a Tsitsibakou-Vasalos
37. Graf, “Initiation,” 9–10, in view of the variety of terms (krupteia, ephebeia, arkteia, mallokouria, kourizein, nebrizein, agela, dromeus, apodromos, (pan)azostos and ekduomenos), gathers that “what then follows from these facts is not so much the absence of such rites in Greece, but their high level of local variation: this is what one would expect from rites so closely tied to single communities and their identity.”
38. On ἤρατο τῶν ἀπεόντων see J. H. Jr. Finley, Pindar and Aeschylus (Cambridge, Mass., 1966) 91. Cf. A. M. Buongiovanni, “Sulla Composizione della III Pitica,” Athenaeum 63 (1985): 329, Coronis’ crime “è un peccato di troppa humanità … l’ unione con Apollo era πὰρ ποδός, quindi no andava violata e disprezzata.” Robbins, “The Gifts of the Gods,” 310, argues that “acceptance of distance is … a moral obligation and failure to accept it the root of Coronis’ sin.” On the differing messages of the myths of Koronis and Asklepios see G. Arrighetti, “I miti di Coronide e Asclepio nella Pitica 3 di Pindaro,” in Studi in Onore di Edda Bresciani, ed. S. F. Bondi, S. Pernigotti, F. Serra and A.Vivian (Pisa 1985, repr. in Poeti, Eruditi e Biografi (Pisa, 1987), 130–32; Buongiovanni, “Sulla Composizione della III Pitica,” 327–30.
39. See Zeitlin, “Configurations,” 126, hunt and war are metaphors for male sexual desire. See n. 19, above.
40. On Andromache’s maenadic behavior see R. Seaford, Reciprocity and Ritual. Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-State (Oxford, 1994), 330–38. On her name and role see E. Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, “ Ἰλιάς Ζ: Ραψωδία της νοητικής ταλάντευσης - Θεματική και γλωσσική ενότητα,” in Δημητρίῳ στέφανος. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Δημήτρη Λυπουρλή, ed. Α. Βασιλειάδης, Π. Κοτζιά, Αι. Δ. Μαυρουδής, and Δ. Α. Χρηστίδης (Θεσσαλονίκη, 2004), 52.
41. On παπταίνω see Pi. Pyth. 4. 96; Ol. 1. 114; Isth. 7. 44; sch.T Il. 4.200a1. πανταχόσε ῥίπτων τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς; sch. b Il. 4. 200a2; sch. A Il. 4. 200b; sch. bT Il. 22.463. ἔστη παπτήνασ’ ἐπὶ τείχεϊ: ... ἀλλὰ ψυχῆς ταρασσομένης ἔργον τὸ αὐτόπτην ἐθέλειν γενέσθαι; the verb conveys Andromache’s emotional disturbance.
42. See Plut. (De E apud Delphos, Steph. p. 385, B.11): [ὡς] Ἰσμήνιος δέ [ἐστι]τοῖς ἔχουσι τὴν ἐπιστήμην. See Pindar Pyth. 11. 3–6, Kadmos’ daughters are urged to go “and join Melia at the treasure of the golden tripods, the sanctuary, which Loxias especially honored, and named Ismenion the true seat of seers, Ἰσμήνιον δὲ ὀνύμαξεν, ἀλαθέα μαντίων θῶκον. See also Sch. Eur. Ph. 101.2; sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 536–41b, 46 W.; Paus. 9.10. 4–6; Steph. Byz. Ethnica, p. 338. 21 Mein.; Hsch. ι 949. For the association of Ismenos with ἴσαμι see W. D. Woodhead, Etymologizing in Greek Literature from Homer to Philo Judaeus, Diss. University of Chicago (University of Toronto Press, 1928), 39. See also n. 64, below.
43. Stéfos, Apollon dans Pindare, 59, 60, 62, sees in καλλιπέπλου λῆμα Κορωνίδος ‘une jeune et belle vierge’ and ‘élégante.’ P. Kyriakou, “Images of Women in Pindar,” MD 32 (1994): 40, speaks of ‘her manly courage coupled with references to her crooked judgment and her female coquetterie.’
44. According to J. Scheid and J. Svenbro, The Craft of Zeus. Myths of Weaving and Fabric, trans. C.Volk (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1996), 80, the parallel between Koronis kallipeplos and Kyrene chrysothronos (Pi. Pyth. 9) suggests that they “married well,” and “that their vestimentary epithets symbolize their status as wives—which one ultimately betrays while the other does not.”
45. See F. T. van Straaten, “Gifts for the Gods,” in Faith, Hope and Worship, ed. H. S. Versnel (Leiden, 1981), 99 with nn. 170, 171; R. Fowler, “Greek Magic, Greek Religion,” in Oxford Readings in Greek Religion, ed. R. Buxton (Oxford, 2000), 326–29. Iphigeneia received propitiatory gifts, πέπλων … εὐπήνους ὑφάς, when women died at childbirth (Eur. IT 1462–67), while Artemis received thanksgiving for aiding birth: see S. G. Cole, “Domesticating Artemis,” in Landscapes, Gender, and Ritual Space. The Ancient Greek Experience (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 2004), 219; Calame, Choruses, 196 with nn. 234, 235. Peplos was among the offerings for Artemis. Cole, “Domesticating Artemis,” (2004), 213 with n. 94, sees a “belted peplos” on the Echinos relief. In sixth century Attic art, Artemis wears a pep- los: see Carpenter, “The Terrible Twins,” 69, 70, 78. On the ritual significance of naked and clothed as change of status and transition in the cult of Artemis Brauronia and Chitone (Kithone), see Cole, “Domesticating Artemis” (1998), 36–39; Cole, “Domesticating Artemis” (2004), 212–30; King, “Bound to Bleed,” 114–15 with n. 12; King, Hippocrates’ Woman, 75–88; B.Goff, Citizen Bacchae. Women’s Ritual Prac- tice in Ancient Greece (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 2004), 70.
46. See Seaford, “Tragic Weddings,” 106–10, 113, 120–21.
47. λῆμα is glossed as θράσος, δύναμις, τόλμημα, ἀξίωμα (ΕΜ 563.46). On its derivation from λάω = to yearn and desire eagerly, see Εt.Gen. λ 198; ΕΜ 563. 41–45. It may also derive from λάω = to see (cf. λέων, Et.Gen λ 179.1–4; R. Reitzenstein, Geschichte der griechischen Etymologika [Leipzig 1897, repr. Amsterdam 1964], 337–38), thus insinuating the girl’s distorted volition and/or vision. The latter looks possible in view of her connection with koronē, a nocturnal bird of acute vision. With the telling exceptions of Medea and Iokaste, this noun is used of warriors, stubborn and manly, and is not always complimentary: Heracles (Pi. Nem.1.57) has ἐκνόμιον λῆμα, unlawful (cf. W. J. Slater, Lexicon to Pindar (Berlin, 1969), s.v. ἐκνόμιον, ex- traordinary). Odysseus’ λῆμα (Eur. Rh. 498–500) is bold and insolent, while Pindar (Pyth. 8.44–45) makes λῆμα a hereditary quality, φυᾷ τὸ γενναῖον ἐπιπρέπει / ἐκ πατέρων παισὶ λῆμα. See also Gildersleeve, Pindar, 271, “Wilful Koronis;” Slater, Lexicon, s.v. λῆμα: will, purposefulness, and apropos Koronis: willfulness.
48. See Woodhead, Etymologizing in Greek Literature, 11, “There seems to be a hint of the conventional etymology of Loxias in Pindar Pyth. 3. 27.” On Loxias see Corn. Epidr. c. 32. 67.14–16; Et.Gud. 373. 54; EM 569. 46–51.
49. On the “seherische Wissen” or the “geistigen Blick des Sehergottes” in Pyth. 3 and9, see D. Bremer, Licht und Dunkel in der frühgriechischen Dichtung (Bonn, 1976), 296–98.
50. See Jo. Philop. De Vocabulis Quae Diversum Significatum exhibent Secun- dum Differentiam Accentus, A9 Daly: Ἴσχυς. τὸ κύριον, ὁ ἀνὴρ τῆς Κορωνίδος, παροξύνεται, ἰσχύς. τὸ προσηγορικὸν ὀξύνεται. See Gentili, Pindaro, 77 n. 3, “Nomen est omen, cfr. ἰσχύς, ‘forza’.” Wilamowitz, Isyllos, 81 n. 54, despite Cicero’s “Valens” (De nat. deorum 3. 56), sees Ischomachos behind Ischys.
51. See C. Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images of the Physician’s Existence, trans. R. Manheim, Bollingen Series 65.3 (New York, 1959), 96. On ξεινία κοίτα ἀθεμίς τε δόλος see Arrighetti, “I miti di Coronide,” 127–28; on xenos and themis see Kyriakou, “Images of Women in Pindar,” 34–35.
52. In one version Koronis is of Arkadian origin; see h.Ap. 209, Ἀτλαντίδα κούρην. Wilamowitz, Isyllos, 80 with n. 53, considers Martin’s conjecture felicitous, but not strong evidence for Koronis’ Arkadian descent. Cf. T. W. Allen, W. R. Halliday and E. E. Sikes, The Homeric Hymns, 2d ed. (Oxford, 1936, repr. Amsterdam, 1963), 231: Arsinoë is an Atlantid (Apoll. 3. 10. 3), but has nothing to do with Ischys; hence they approve Martin’s reading Ἀζανίδα, i.e., Arkadian; both this and Ἀζαντίδα, daughter or Azan, “places Coronis among the figures of early Arcadian genealogy.” E. J. Edelstein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius. Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies (Baltimore and London, 1998), 70 n. 10, also identify Azantida kourēn with Koronis. See further Dräger, Untersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen, 87–88; G. B. D’ Alessio, “Ordered from the Catalogue: Pindar, Bacchylides, and Hesiodic genealogical poetry,” in The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, ed. R. Hunter (Cambridge, 2005) 218–219. The conflation in the genealogies of the two lovers resurfaces in Apollod. Bibl. 3. 10.3: against her father’s will, Koronis lived with Ischys, the brother of Kaineus, on which see Dräger, Untersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen, 92–105. This version not only translates Ischys to Thessaly, but also posits his kinship with a famous androgynous figure, Kainis–Kaineus. The story of Ischys and Kaineus (“New Gender”: Et.Gud. κ 292.12 ~ EM 497.46–48, Καινεύς διὰ τὸ καινὸν τοῦ γένους) exhibits motifemes recurrent in initiatory myths, such as guile, stealth, illegitimate or pervert sex as well as tragic deaths and transformation (Kaineus was transformed into a bird: sch. Plato Laws, 12. 944d Greene; Ov. Met.12. 459–535, esp. 525–32). On Kainis-Kaineus see Pi. threni fr. 6 = fr. 128f = 167; sch. Ap. Rh. 1.57–64a, 12 W.; Apollod. Epit. 1.22 with n. 1; Ov. Met. 12. 219. See also W. Burkert, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual, Sather Classical Lectures v. 47 (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1979), 29–30 with n. 6; Zeitlin, “Configurations,” 133–34; L. Brisson, Sexual Ambivalence. Androgyny and Hermaphroditism in Graeco-Roman Antiquity (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 2002), 62–63 with n. 49; Padgett, “Horse Men,” 15–16; M. R. Lefkowitz, Women in Greek Myth (Baltimore, 1986), 36–37; A. H. Griffiths, “Centaurs,” in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1996), 308–09.
53. Neoptolemos was slaughtered like a sacrificial animal: see Burkert, Homo Necans, 118–20. He dwelled “there as a rightful overseer of processions honoring heroes with many sacrifices” (ἡροΐαις δὲ πομπαῖς / θεμισκόπον οἰκεῖν ἐόντα πολυθύτοις, Pi. Nem. 7. 44–47), on which see E. Suárez de la Torre, “Neoptolemos at Delphi,” Kernos 10 (1997): 153–76, esp. 168–72. Pytho ‘receives many thymata’ (sch. Pyth. 3.47). Apollo had ordained this manner of sacrificing and the reception of the tribes of men (h.Ap.535–39, δέδεχθε, 538; cf. -δόκος). On πομπά see LSJ s.v., “the flesh of sheep for sacrifice carried in procession. ”
54. See Bacch. 11. 93–95 (Campbell, Greek Lyric IV, Loeb), significantly in the myth of the Proitides, who “roamed in the shadowy forest and fled all through sheepgrazing Arcadia.”
55. Ischys is killed by Apollo (sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 59 = Pherekydes 3F3), or by Zeus (Hygin Fab. 202).
56. Eileithyia “comes or rushes in haste,” as her name tells, to assist mothers in childbirth: see Et.Gud. ε 415.15 (additam.): Εἰλείθυια. ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν εἴλησιν τῆς πορείας θύειν, ὅ ἐστι μεθ’ ὁρμῆς θύνειν. οἱ δὲ εἰς ἔλευσιν ἄγουσα τὰ βρέφη. Cf. Hsch. ε 2025; ΕΜ 298. 40: < ἐλεύθω; Εt.Gud. β 277. 20–23; ε 415. 5–8: ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν εἰςφῶς τὰ δι’ αὐτῆς τικτόμενα; sch. Pi. Pyth.3. 15b.1–3: ματροπόλον δὲ τὴν Εἰλείθυιαν διὰ τὸ περὶ τὰς μητέρας εἰλεῖσθαι ἢ πολεῖσθαι τὰς τῶν γεννωμένων. Her components, ἐλεύθω+ θύ(ν) ω, exhibit a semantic escalation. See also n. 23, above.
57. On θύω see Ais. Ag. 1235, θύουσαν Ἅιδου μητέρα; Scholia-D Il.1.342, θύει: ἐνθουσιωδῶς ὁρμᾶι, ὅ ἐστιν μαίνεται; Hsch. θ 846, θυιωθείς. μανείς, ὁρμήσας.
58. On the etymology of Boibias < Boibe, Φοίβη see Grégoire, Asklepios Apollon Smintheus, 22, and Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images, 90–92, who sees in it the Thessalian name of Phoibē the Titaness, the divine primordial woman, the moon goddess, in whose names he discerns the different phases of the moon. See Dräger, Un- tersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen, 68 n. 4.
59. See King, “Bound to Bleed,” 112–13. See G. Sissa, “Maidenhood without Maidenhead: The Female Body in Ancient Greece,” in Before Sexuality. The Con- struction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, ed. D. M. Halperin, J. J. Winkler and F. I. Zeitlin (Princeton, 1990), 342, 346, on “the application of the uncooperative and ambiguous term parthenos to both the girl innocent of love and the unmarried mother,” which “inclines historians of virginity to see in the expression nothing but a designation of social position, of ‘civil status’.” Blundell, Women in Greece, 46, “the term is social rather than biological;” she quotes Sissa (Greek Virgin- ity, 1990: 73–104, unavailable to me), “a parthenos is indeed a virgin, but in the case of the unmarried mothers the virginity is sham: there is a degree of irony … it becomes a stigma—a mark of their shame.” See M. Hirschberger, Gynaikōn Katalogos und Megalai Ēhoiai. Ein Kommentar zu den Fragmenten zweier hesiodeischer Epen (München and Leipzig, 2004), 336: social status of a girl in marriageable age. The debate over the meaning of parthenos is ancient: sch. rec. Pi. Pyth. 3. 61.1–6, Boeckh: Πῶς παρθένος ... ἡ Κορωνίς, εἴπερ ὑπ’ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐφθάρη; Ἀλλ’ ἰστέον ὅτι παρὰποιηταῖς τὸ παρθένος οὐ μόνον τὴν μίξεως ἀπείρατον σημαίνει, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν νεάνιδακαὶ κόρην, εἰ καὶ τυχὸν ἀνδρὸς πεπείραται, ὡς ἐνταῦθα ἡ Κορωνίς.
60. See Calame, Choruses, 142–45; Cole, “Domesticating Artemis” (1998), 27–29; Cole, “Domesticating Artemis” (2004), 178–97, esp. 191–94. Ap. Rh. 4. 616–17, locates Asklepios’ birth near the streams of the River Amyros whose name suggests profuse humidity. On ἄμυρος see Grégoire, Asklepios Apollon Smintheus, 21 n. 2, 22with n. 3 (< ἀ- aug.+ μύρειν). Cf. EM 87.9–10, ἀπὸ τοῦ μυρεῖν καὶ ῥεῖν.
61. Perhaps in an epidemic; Apollo and Artemis are authors of plague. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 66b, loimikon pathos; sch. rec. Pyth. 3.14, Boeckh. On Apollo, the god of plague, healing, purification and prophecy, see Burkert, Greek Religion, 146–48, who finds (146) Apollo’s functional ambiguity crystallized in the image of the bow and the lyre, whose unity is articulated by Heraklitos (22 B. F51, VS D.-K.) “as ‘a fitting together turned back on itself,’ παλίντροπος ἁρμονίη.” So Bierl, “Apollo in Greek Tragedy,” 82.
62. Apollo’s associations with forests are imprinted in his epithet Ὑλάτης, attested on Cyprus; the local people still explain this epithet from the neighboring ὕλη. See Hdn. Gramm. Rhet. 3: 864. 16; Steph. Byz. Ethnica, pp. 82.14; 281.6; 614. 13; 647.10 Mein.; Eust. Il. 2: 176. 23. On the significance of sacred groves and wooded areas in Apollo’s cult and function see Birge, “Sacred Groves,” 9–19.
63. On sperma and the agricultural metaphors for the act of engendering, see duBois, Sowing the Body. Psychoanalysis and Ancient Representations of Women (Chicago and London, 1988). On the sexual connotations of ἔνθορος, ἐνθορεῖν, θορή, θοραῖος, θορός etc., see LSJ s.v. M. R. Lefkowitz, The Victory Ode. An Introduction (New Jersey, 1976), 146, notes the sexual terminology, and translates σπέρματος ἐνθορόν as “impregnated from a single seed.” B. Fowler, “Constellations,” 36, “σπέρματος here reflects the god’s pure seed … and ἐνθορόν suggests pregnancy.” Kyriakou, “Images of Women in Pindar,” 39 with n. 21, also connects the seed with Apollo and regards enthoron “as implicit slander directed against Ischys and Coronis, whose sexual union started ‘the fire’.” Cf. the double entendre of θόρ{ν}ηι and αἰδοῖος, αἰδοῖον in the cosmogony of the P. Derveni, in which creation is described as “mating” involving the “respectful” Sun and/or his ‘genitals’; see A. Laks and G.W. Most, eds. Studies on the Derveni Papyrus (Oxford, 1997), 19 n. 53 (Tsantsanoglou); M. L. West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford, 1983), 242; T. Kouremenos, “Commentary,” in The Derveni Papyrus, ed. T. Kouremenos, G. Parássoglou and K. Tsantsanoglou (Firenze, 2006), 196–99, 243–49. On the associations of σπέρμα πυρός (Οd. 5. 490) with the symbolism of rebirth, self-generation and intelligence see A. Bergren, Weav- ing Truth. Essays on Language and the Female in Greek Thought (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 2008), 71.
64. Apollo’s name and essence hover behind the death by fire and the verb ἀΐστωσεν (37), which means ἀφανίζω, ἀναιρέω, πορθέω, ἀπόλλυμι. As a synonym of ἀπόλ- λυμι, it points to Ἀπόλλων, the author of destruction, who makes things or people unseen and unknown (cf. ἄϊστος), thus approximating Ἄιδας (11). On ἀϊστόω- ἄϊστος see: Od. 10. 259 with sch..; Eust. Od. 1: 38. 19; Hsch. α 2135; Et.Gen. α 278. 1–8 ~ ΕΜ 43. 18–22 ~ Et.Sym. vol.1: 188.17–20 (ἀ- priv.+ ἱστῶ ... τὰ γὰρ μὴ ἱστάμενα ἀφανῆ εἰσι); ΕΜ 43.10–17 ~ Et.Gud. α 55.12–15 (< ἀ- priv.+ ἴσημι, ἴσαμι, ἰστῶ τὸ γινώσκω); Photius α 663; Et.Sym. vol. 1: 188, 17–20; Lexica Segueriana α 169. 10–12. See n. 42, above
65. The noun σέλας exhibits a wide gamut of meanings and uses, ranging from the sinister light of destruction and monstrosity to the auspicious light of divinity, love and wedding. Selas is often the nocturnal and threatening light (sch. bT Il. 19. 17a; Οr. 183.17). It accompanies Phoibos Apollo, who is “the light-bringing selas of life” (sch. Aristoph. Plut. 81.1–3), and his double-crested selas on Parnassos (sch. Eur. Ph. 227. 1–9). It flanks Typho, the monster with the Gorgonic eyes of fire (sch. Ais. Pr. 351a10; 351b4; 356.2); death (Anth. Graeca b. 9, epigr. 243), and eros (Anth. Graeca b. 12, epigr. 93.7–10; b.16, epigr. 77). Selas is the marriage torch (sch. Ap. Rh. 4. 808–09, 292–93 W.); the thunderbolt (Scholia-D Il. 8.75), the fire, the light of the moon (Photius σ 505. 11 ~ Suda σ 193) and the sun (Et.Gud. η 241.13; ib. σ 498. 18–21). It is ἀεικίνητον πῦρ (ΕΜ 374. 41–43; 426. 48; 709. 20–24).
66. Barkhuizen, “A Note on Pindar,” 139, argues that the consuming flame, and the selas that runs around the fire “emphasizes the idea of a fire eager to destroy.” These qualities are inherent in the etymology of λάβρος, very heavy (< λα-+ βαρύς) and greedy or devouring (< λα-+ βορά), indeed. See also sch. Oppian Hal. 501.1–11: it qualifies the winds, the war, mental and emotional states, such as mania, erotic intoxication, lewdness (Hsch. λ 19 s.v. λαβράζει), and eros (Anth. Graeca b. 5, epigr. 268. 2, 293.4).
67. Hephaistos participates here as a metonymy for fire; or as another cheated and resentful husband and an artisan. He functions as a male-midwife in the contrary-tonature birth of aneileithyia and amātor Athena (Eur. Ion 453; Ph. 667), and is associated with troublesome or abnormal sexual relations, having failed to rape and impregnate the virgin Athena (Apollod. 3.14.6). He is linked with unnatural midwifery and aborted sex, being himself a son conceived without a father’s help (Hes. Th. 927; h. Ap. 317). On his allegorical interpretation see sch. Od. 8. 267, πρὸς παράστασιν τοῦ πολὺ τὸ πυρῶδες εἶναι ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τὰς μίξεις ὁρμαῖς πέπλασται τοῦτο; Eust. Il. 1: 381. 18.
68. See N. Loraux, The Children of Athena. Athenian Ideas about Citizenship and the Division between the Sexes, trans. C. Levine (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993) 123–31, esp. 128; N. Loraux, Born of the Earth. Myth and Politics in Athens, trans. S. Stewart (Ithaca and London, 2000), 24, 29–30. See Birge, “Sacred Groves,” 15 with n. 24, “Apollo’s standard persona is that of a male old enough to be sexually active but not yet an adult who produces children in the social and legal framework of marriage and fatherhood”; generally his sexual liaisons are unsuccessful … “and his paternity is not necessarily an advantage for his offspring.” Similarly D. Lyons, Gender and Immortality. Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult (Princeton, 1997), 92–93, “Apollo’s erotic encounters are particularly ill-starred and usually have a rather sinister outcome … Kassandra, Koronis and Daphne, to name a few.” See also F. Graf, Apollo (London and New York, 2009), 105–06.
69. Paus. 2. 26.6–7, makes Hermes the author of snatching the child ἀπὸ τῆς φλογός. On Hermes’ role see Hirschberger, Gynaikōn Katalogos und Megalai Ēhoiai, 335, 336; Dräger, Untersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen, 72–76.
70. The former is explicit in Pyth. 3. 7 (ἥροα), but not the latter. See J. S. Burgess, “Coronis Aflame: the Gender of Mortality,” CPh 96 (2001): 214–25, on immortality through fire, lightning (218, 224) and seizing (220), and in the Orphic mysteries (224 with n. 39). On fire in Pythian 3, see Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 354, 360–63, 381, 385 with n. 234. Cf. Young, Three Odes of Pindar, 40, 43, 55: fire is “an adjunct if not a symbol of death in the poem.”
71. Corn. Epidr. c. 32. 68. 11–69.1, the laurel tree (δάφνη < δαφοινή τις οὖσα , διαφαίνειν) befits Apollo, the purest and most caustic (καυστικωτάτῳ) god of prophecy. Yet δαφοινός curiously qualifies murder, bloody prey and carnivorous animals (LSJ s.v.; Pi. Nem. 3. 81). Being the symbol of the Sun god, the laurel partakes of his golden radiance (χρυσέα, Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète, 225–26), and is invested with appropriate derivations: Et.Gud. δ 335. 28–336. 20, δάφνη. τὸ φυτόν. δαοφωνή τις οὖσα, ἡ ἐν τῷ δαίεσθαι φωνοῦσα . ἠχεῖ γὰρ καιομένη. On δάφνη < δαίω (= καίω)+ φωνεῖν, see sch. Theocr. 2. 23b; Ps.-Zonaras Lex. δ 467.97. Eust. Il. 1: 40.26–29, < Daphne, the daughter of the River Ladon, or < δα- intens. + φωνεῖν; Scholia-D Il. 1. 14; sch. Lyk. Alex. 6. 19–15 S. On etymology shared by the god and his symbol see H. Peraki–Kyriakidou, “Ζεύγη διπολικά. Η Οβιδιανή Εκδοχή,” in Δημη- τρίῳ στέφανος. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Δημήτρη Λυπουρλή, ed. Α. Βασιλειάδης, Π. Κοτζιά, Αι. Δ. Μαυρουδής, Δ. Α. Χρηστίδης (Θεσσαλονίκη, 2004), 342–68; Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, Ancient Poetic Etymology, 54–57. Calame, Choruses, 101–04, argues that this plant figured in the initiatory Spring festival of the Theban Daphnepho- ria, which followed the pattern of expiation / propitiation and meant to reassure the renewal of Nature’s forces or the rebirth of the adolescents and their physical completion after the period of their initiatory death. See F. Ahl, “Apollo: Cult and Prophesy in Ovid, Lucan, and Statius,” in Apollo. Origins and Influences, ed. J. Solomon (Tucson and London, 1994), 118, on Ov. Fasti 3. 135–45: daphne “is, in Roman tradition, a symbol of renewal as well as of survival.”
72. See L. Beaumont, “Born old or never young? Femininity, childhood and the goddesses of ancient Greece,” in The Sacred and the Feminine in ancient Greece, ed. S. Blundell and M. Williamson (London and New York, 1998), 71–95. She examines the “dichotomy between male and female divine birth,” and notes (74–75) that there is only a single representation of Asklepios’ birth in Classical art, on an Attic plate (ca. 420 BC), attributed to the Meidias painter: he is the only one who presents the god in his infant, rather than his adult, form; Paus. 8.25.11, 8.32.5, refers to the Arkadian cult of the Child Asklepios, and describes a cult statue of the boy-god at Megalopolis, and in 2. 26. 5, speaks of Asklepios’ exposition and the lightning that flashed from the boy (ἀστραπήν ... ἐκλάμψασαν). On his birth see Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius, 1: 30–32; J. Larson, Greek Heroine Cults (Wisconsin, 1995), 61–64 with nn.12–35; Gentili, Pindaro, 76 ~ “Pindarica V,” 430, “Asclepio, nato nella morte.”
73. See Burkert, Structure and History, 16 with n. 11, 56–57, “the pattern called ‘girl’s tragedy’ can be interpreted as reflecting initiation rituals; but these, in turn, are demonstrative accentuations of biologically programmed crises, menstruation, defloration, pregnancy, and birth.” Lyons (apud Larson, Greek Heroine Cults, 58 n. 1) has shown that ‘the heroine’s story may illustrate any of several aspects of a woman’s life … such as the transition to adulthood, marriage, or the desire to avoid marriage.’Larson, Greek Heroine Cults, 90, sees ‘an important variation of this pattern, according which the heroine dies while the hero is still an infant’; the heroines are killed by their fathers or their divine lovers as Koronis and Semele.
74. Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, Ancient Poetic Etymology, 114–19.
75. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 83a … ἢ τῷ θερμαντικῷ πορθούμενοι καὶ κατακαιόμενοι τὸ σῶμα; ib. 87, τῷ θερμαντικῷ ἢ τῷ πυρετῷ; ib. 117, θερμᾶν νόσων, ἢ ὅτι ἐπύρεττεν ὁ Ἱέρων ... τὸ δὲ νόσημα τῶν διαπύρων φασίν. See Gildersleeve, Pindar, 273, ‘Sunstroke, perh. summer fever.’
76. See Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète, 196, even in this “valeur merchande de l’ or, la notion d’ éclat n’est jamais absente.” Bremer, “Licht und Dunkel,” 233–34, sees here the attraction and value of gold as well as its radiance.
77. Τhe verb τρέπω marks the deviating actions of mother and son. On their “sviamento” or “stravolgimento” see Buongiovanni, “Sulla Composizione della III Pitica,” 328. See also paratropos in Ixion’s story (Pi. Pyth. 2. 65).
78. F. Graf, “Asclepius,” in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1996), 188.
79. Corn. Epidr. c.33. 70–71, Ἀσκληπιὸν κἀν τοῖς ἰατρικῆς θεωρήμασιν ἠσκηκέ- ναι, τὴν διὰ τῶν χειρῶν ἐνέργειαν τῆς τέχνης ἐμφαίνειν αὐτῶν.
80. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 104, ὁ διάπυρος κεραυνός. In αἴθων κεραυνός the noun and its attribute are close synonyms and double each other’s meaning: κεραυνός, metaphorically from the animals with horns, κέρασι, is derived from κεραΐζειν καὶ τὸ αὔειν,ὅ ἐστι καίειν, or παρὰ τὸ καίειν τὴν ἔραν: see Hes. fr. 51 M.-W.; Et.Gud. κ 316. 10–14; EM 504. 39–42.
81. Burkert, Greek Religion, 208–15 (“Figures who cross the Chthonic-Olympian boundary”), discusses the duality of Asklepios (214–15), who points beyond the chthonic realm in which he is rooted. See Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 355 n. 54. Stéfos, Apollon dans Pindare, 66 with n. 179, compares Asklepios with Prometheus: both trespass the natural laws and the boundaries of human race; see also P. Angeli Bernardini, Mito e attualità nelle odi di Pindaro (Roma, 1983), 66. Arrighetti, “I miti di Coronide,” 128, draws an analogy with Tantalos. Hamilton, Soliciting Darkness, 51, sees the desire of Zeus “to reimpose the proper limits between humanity and divine,” which had been jeopardized by Apollo who had imparted to Asklepios arts too great.
82. The notions of φίλος νόος, σωφροσύνη and φίλτρον pervade the ode, bridging the gap between the mythical past and the present occasion. Friendship, kinship, medicine as well as near and far unite in Hieron, Αἰτναῖος ξένος, πραῢς ἀστοῖς, and ξείνοις θαυμαστὸς πατήρ (69–71). See n. 11, above.
83. See e.g., Hubbard, The Pindaric Mind, 142 with n. 35. B. Fowler, “Constellations, 36–37, discerns in this strophe (70–76) parts of four constellations: gold, light, health, and the near and far.
84. See Gentili, Pindaro, 71 ~ “Pindarica V,” 431. Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 389–92, 403–05, interprets this ode in the light of mystic teletai and the afterlife blessings promised to initiates, such as the hierophant Hieron; the model of immortality is the inclusive one, combining the prospect of literal immortality with that of immortality in song, while “Death may be a precursor to a glorious afterlife, and the insistence on mortality is quite compatible with both a belief in heroization and in the mysteries.” On the mystical value of gold, light and color see Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète, 193–228.
85. Pindar suppresses this tale of renounced immortality on which see: Apollod. Bibl. 2.5.4, 2.5.11; Soph. Tr. 714–15; Ov. Fasti 5. 397–414. Aston, “The Absence of Chiron,” 351–52, 362, argues that Cheiron’s fatal flaw is that he is not sufficiently different from his wild cousins, the non-divine monsters; this explains his departure and absence. Yet it is worth noting that Heracles’ arrows are technical devices imbued with the gall and blood of a monster, Hydra, so nature and culture unite to kill Cheiron, a hybrid creature. See Kirk, Myth, 161, “culture means death, and there are conditions to which death is preferable.”
86. See Or. 122.1–2 (with nn. 34, 35) s.v. ὁμηρεῦσαι. παρὰ τὸ ἀρῶ τὸ ἁρμόζω, ταῖς φωναῖς ἀλλήλαις ἡρμοσμέναι τε καὶ ἀρηρυῖαι; Or. 122.3: ὅμηροι . οἱ ἐπὶ ὁμονοίᾳ διδόμενοι. παρὰ τὸ ἀρῶ τὸ ἁρμόζω καὶ τὸ ὁμοῦ. EM 632. 47–55, Ὅμηρος: παρὰ τὸ ἀρῶ καὶ τὸ μὴ ἀπαγορευτικόν … ἢ παρὰ τὸ πηρός, ὅ σημαίνει τὸν τυφλόν … ἀπὸ τοῦ ἅμα ἀρηρέναι … εἰς τὸ ὡμήρευσεν. Ἡσίοδος … τουτἐστι ὁμοῦ εἴρουσαι. See also sch. VBHQ Od. 16. 468, and H. Frisk, Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg, 1970), s.v. ὅμηρος.
87. On the poetic traditions of the Indo-European languages and this metaphor see G. Nagy, The Best of the Achaeans (Baltimore and London, 1979), 296–300; G. Nagy, Poetry as Performance. Homer and Beyond (Cambridge, 1996a), 74 –76; G. Nagy, Homeric Questions (Austin, Texas, 1996b), 89–92.
88. Theognost. Can. 88.5, πινδηρα, ἄροτρον, Πίνδος, ὄρος Θεσσαλίας, πίνδακας θραύματα σανίδων. See also Ps.-Zonaras Lex. 1549. 7, 1549.8. Cf. Hsch. σ 1522. σπινδεῖρα. ἄροτρον. On pi-n-, ‘Holzstück,’ its relation to spei-, ‘spitzes Holstück,’ and the Greek πίναξ, see J. Pokorny, Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (Bern und München, 1959), 830; see also Frisk, GrEW, s.v. πίναξ.
89. Lefkowitz, The Victory Ode, 118 with n. 10, relying on Πινδόθεν (Pyth. 1. 66), derives Πίνδαρος from ‘the root pind-which occurs only in the names Pindos … Pindar (the poet) … Pindareios … and Pindasos (a dialectal variant of Pindarus, ‘from Pindos’)… Names deriving from geographical sites are relatively rare’ (158–59). On Pindasos see IG XII, Suppl. 125.1 (Aegean Islands).
90. Sch.bT Il. 1. 268a, θηρσίν, Αἰολικῶς . ἢ φυήρεσιν, τοῖς τὴν φύσιν ἡρμοσμένοις. See n. 4, above.
91. See Young, Three Odes of Pinda r, 62, following Farnell, Critical Commen- tary, 143.
92. See J. Duchemin, Pindare. Pythiques III, IX, IV, V (Paris, 1967), 56, “le Sage et le Vaillant.” See also D. Sider, “Sarpedon and Nestor in Pindar, Pythian 3,” RhM 134 (1991): 110 n. 3.
93. C. A. M. Fennell, Pindar: The Olympian and Pythian Odes (Cambridge, 1879), 174, 184; O. Schroeder, Pindars Pythien (Leipzig, Berlin, 1922), 31.
94. Sider, “Sarpedon and Nestor,” 110–11.
95. See D. Frame, The Myth of Return in Early Greek Epic (New Haven and London, 1978), 83–85; E.Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, “Gradations of science. Modern Etymology versus ancient. Nestor: Comparisons and Contrasts.” Glotta 74 (1997/ 1998): 117–32.
96. Gentili, Pindaro, 80–81 ~ “Pindarica V,” 434–435, makes a sound evaluation of the passage. A. M. Miller, “Nestor and Sarpedon in Pindar, Pythian 3 (Again),”RhM 137 (1994): 383–86, convincingly argues that Pindar warns Hieron “that it is useless, foolish, and impious to long for physical immortality.” Stéfos, Apollon dans Pindare, 66 with n. 180, argues that Zeus, the guardian of the universal order, refuses to allow a man (Sarpedon, Asklepios, Prometheus) to exempt himself from this law. On Sarpedon’s reflection see E. Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, “Stesichorus, Geryoneis S 11.5–26: The Dilemma of Geryon,” Ελληνικά 42 (1991–1992): 251–55.
97. Οn intelligence / knowledge: νόος, ἀμπλακίαι φρενῶν, ἀυάτα, γνώμα, γνούς, ἰσάντι νόῳ, γνόντα, σώφρων, συνέμεν, ἐπίστᾳ, μανθάνων οἶσθα, νήπιοι, ἀγαθοί, εὔβουλος (Nηρεύς), εὐφροσύνα, νόῳ, φρασίν, σοφοί. Οn suffering: πάθᾳ, πολυπήμονας, πήματα, πάθαις, εὖ πασχέμεν. The theme of self-knowledge (γνῶθι σαυτόν) has dominated scholarship ever since Wilamowitz ( Pindaros 1922): see Burton, Pindar’s Pythian Odes, 78–90; Barkhuizen, A Note on Pindar,” 137–39; Gentili, “Pindarica V,” 431. Arrighetti, “I miti di Coronide,’ 133–34, detects the true consolatory motif addressed to Hieron in verses 80–103 (συνέμεν ... νόος), in the appeal to intellect and the realistic consciousness of the limits of human joy. Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 388–92, building upon the language of knowledge, argues that secrecy on the part of the poet and understanding on the part of the addressee are typical of mystical contexts; Pindar goes beyond the metaphorical immortality offered by song to the blessings and the immortality offered by the mysteries.
98. On Κρόνος < χρόνος see Pi. Ol. 10. 50–55; so Pherekydes: see Probus on Verg. Buc. 6.31 (App. Serv. Hagen, 343); Hermias Irr. 12 D. 654 = A. 9, VS D.-K; Plut. Mor. [Quaest. Rom.] 4.266.12F. As “Pure mind,” Κρόνος derives from κορός (LSJB)+ νόος, κορόνους. See Pl. Cra. 396b: it is plausible that Zeus is the son μεγάλης τινὸς διανοίας ... κόρον γὰρ σημαίνει τὸ καθαρὸν καὶ ἀκήρατον τοῦ νοῦ. On other alternatives among which κορόνους see Procl. Ιn Plat. Cra. Comm., CV-CVIII, Pasq. 54–59. On Κρόνος the ‘Fulfiller’ < κραίνω, see Corn. Epidr. c. 7. 7–8. On Kronos as “The collision-causing Mind” (< κρούω+ νοῦς) and a cosmological force, see P. Derveni (col. 14): C. H. Kahn, “Was Euthyphro the Author of the Derveni Papyrus?” in Studies on the Derveni Papyrus, ed. A.Laks and G.W. Most (Oxford, 1997), 62; L. Brisson, “Chronos in Column XII of the Derveni Papyrus,” in Studies on the Derveni Papyrus, 159–63; Kouremenos, “Commentary,” 201–04.
99. Modern scholars associate Κορωνίς with (a) κορώνη or κόραξ; (b) ὑποκουρίζεσθαι; (c) κόρος and κόρα, and (d) with the proverb ἐκκόρει, κόρη κορώνη (Μen. Georg. 53), ‘maiden, drive away the crow,’ picturing Koronis as an embodiment of sexual license and a ‘Crow woman.’ This proverb is the opening of a wedding song and its nuances are ominous: so LSJ, the crow being a prognostic of widowhood. The primary meaning of ἐκκορέω is to deflower (cf. διακορεύω, διακορέω). Yet the implications of koronē are not necessarily ominous or promiscuous; koronē may stand for a legitimate and felicitous marriage: in a poem by Phoenix of Kolophon (Athen. 8. 359e–360b), the crow is an auspicious omen of happy marriage, procreation of κοῦρος and κούρη, prosperity and chastity of the bride. M. Dillon, Girls and Women in Classical Greek Religion (London and New York, 2001), 322 n.154, remarks: “on Rhodes the male koronistai begged for the Crow (korone); the blessing offered was of childbirth.” J.W. Donaldson, Pindar’s Epinician or Triumphal Odes (London, 1841), 119, argues that “ὑποκορίζεσθαι may refer to the repetition of the syllable κορ-as well as to the covert obscenity of the line.” Schroeder, Pindars Pythien, 28, takes ὑποκουρίζεσθαι and the proverb ἐκκόρει κόρη κορώνας, back to Koronis, “und alles dies in fadem Wortwitz mit den Namen der Koronis, der Krähenburgerin.” See Fennell, Pindar: The Olympian and Pythian Odes), 159; Woodhead, Etymologizing in Greek Literature, 39; H. W. Stoll, “Koronis,” in W. H. Roscher, Lexicon der grie- chischen und römischen Mythologie, 2.1 (Leipzig, 1890–1894, repr. Hildesheim 1965): 1390. 59–65, name and origin of Koronis; 1388. 23–27, the crow is a symbol of longevity and health. For J. H. Barkhuizen, Etimologisering by Pindaros (Pretoria, 1975), 68–69, 167, nn. 285–293, it is a symbol of marital loyalty and is used ironically here. C. Lackeit, “Koronis,” RE 11.2 (1922): 1431, Koronis < κορώνη, but the meaning of the name is ‘ganz dunkel.’ See Room, NTC’s Classical Dictionary, s.v. Coronis, “We must, however, be wary of using this handy explanation [sc. the crow] too frequently for a name that is difficult to interpret!” See n. 35, above and n. 117, below.
100. On κορώνη see Et.Gud. κ 339.23–29, 340.17–18 ~ EM 530.17–24, κορώνη . παρὰ τὸ καῦρον ὃ σημαίνει τὸ κακόν … παρὰ τὸ κρώζω. Cf. Epim.Hom. Il. 1.170 (Dyck 1983:173) ~ Et.Gud. κ 340.19–21, κορώνισιν: ὑποκοριστικὸν ἐκ τοῦ κορώνη, κορωνίς . τοῦτο ἐκ τοῦ κάρα, † δι’ ἧς ὑψοῦ ἀνέχειν†. ἔστι καὶ κορώνη ἐκ τοῦ †γαῦρον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ κορωνός, ὁ γαῦρος; see also app. crit. On κορωνίς-κορώνη < κάρα see also Ap. Soph. 102.27; EM 530.31–33. See n. 35, above.
101. On κόραξ see Et.Gud. κ 339.36–39, κόραξ, ὅτι κόρος ἐστὶ τῇ χροιᾷ. κόρον δὲ τὸ μαῦρον εἴρηται, ἢ διὰ τὸ τῆς κοινῆς ῥέξαι. ἢ διὰ τὸ κόρας ξύειν παντὸς ὀρνέου καὶ ἐσθίειν. ἢ διὰ τὸ πολλὰ ἐσθίειν [i.e. < κόρος, LSJ Α]; cf. Or. 179. 9 with n. 115, κοινῇ vel κοινῶς κράξαι. See ΕΜ 529. 30. See n. 35, above.
102. Yet another articulation of Koronis is also possible here: the insertion of νόος in this Pindaric picture of sexual incontinence and delusion seems inevitable, and Koronis acts out the double meanings blended into her name, i.e., κορός (LSJ Α), κόρος (LSJ A) + νόος.
103. On Κορωνός and his relation with κάρα, γαῦρος, ὑψαυχενῶν (γαυριάω = bear oneself proudly) see Et.Gud. κ 339.30–32; EM 530.28–38. On κορωνιῶν. γαυριῶν, κορωνόν. πονηρός see Hsch. κ 3749, 3750. On the names of Koronos and Koronis see Wilamowitz, Isyllos, 60 with n. 32; A. Fick and F. Bechtel, Die Griechischen Perso- nennamen, 2d ed. (Göttingen, 1894), 417: Koronos and Koronis < koronē, die Krähe; Frisk, GrEW, s.v. κορώνη; F.H. Weissbach, “Koronos,” RE 11. 2 (1922): 1435.19–24; K. Seeliger, “Koronos,” 1390–1391 in W. H. Roscher, Lexicon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, 2.1 (Leipzig, 1890–1894, repr. Hildesheim 1965): 1391. 12–21. On Koronos’ origin: Hdn. Peri paron. 3. 2: 893. 23–26, Δωτιεὺς Λαπίθης Κόρωνος. Kainis-Kaineus is son of Elatos (Hes. fr. 87 M.-W. = Phlegon, Mirab. V p. 74 Keller; Akusilaos FGrHist. F1a, 2 F22. 1–19; sch. A Il. 1.264); son or father of Koronos (sch. Ap. Rh. 1.57–64, 12 W.; Apollod. Bibl. 1. 9. 16); or his grandfather (Eust. Il. 1: 522.21), and brother of Ischys (Apollod. Bibl. 3.10.3).
104. Metonomasia, the renomination of an adolescent upon coming of age, can be either explicit (Ligyron/Achilles; Nannos/Odysseus; Pyrrhos/Neoptolemos, etc.) or implicit and narrativized, as that of Pelops and Iamos in Pi. Ol.1 and 6, respectively: the poet resignifies these names, exploiting their morphological and semantic potential: see Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, Ancient Poetic Etymology, 151–52; 154, 158–59.
105. In Alcm. PMGF 1.85–87, the parthenoi of the chorus make a self-deprecatory comment, likening themselves to the cacophonous owl on the beam of the roof, and contrasting themselves to Agido and Hagesichora, girls distinguished for their beauty and archegetic capacities. For the initiatory character of the story of the Koronides and the transformation into birds of the night (κορώνη, γλαύξ, νυκτερίς, βύξα) see Burkert, Homo Necans, 64 with n. 24, 174–76 with n. 28.
106. The Mother, whom the scholia identify with Rhea, is involved with healing (“increases or decreases diseases,” sch. Pi. Pyth. 3. 137a), purging from mania (sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.139b), and restoring a mangled child (Pelops: sch. Pi. Ol. 1. 40a; Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, Ancient Poetic Etymology, 137–39). W.J. Slater, “Pindar’s Pythian 3: Structure and Purpose.” QUCC 29 (1988): 56 n. 22, prefers rather a Sicilian cult of the Mother, the authoress of healing. On the religious syncretism of divinities (Kybele, Rhea, Demeter) under the title “Mother” see A. Henrichs, “Despoina Kybele: Ein Beitrag zur religiösen Namenkunde,” HSCPh 80 (1976): 253–57; L. Lehnus, L’ Inno a Pan di Pindaro (Milano,1979), 5–55; Gentili, Pindaro, 417–19 ~ “Pindarica,” 431–32 n. 9. Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 353–54, relies on this syncretism to promote his thesis about the mystical aspects of the ode.
107. Pan is the inventor of astronomy, hence a cultural figure who puts an end to the proselenoi Arkadians (see Burkert, Homo Necans, 93 n. 44), but in general standsfor manic and panic ideas as well as erotic license. Arkadia is his abode, a significant detail in an ode that builds upon the lascivious and unlawful bed of Ischys. Pan is dyserōs, unlucky in love (as Koronis and Semele), and lysoōn (Nonn. D. 36. 449) as a grandson of Lykaon. He is a god ‘whose eyesight is excellent, looks on from afar … is often represented as an aposkopos, a lookout,’ see P. Borgeaud, The Cult of Pan in ancient Greece, trans. K. Atlass and J. Redfield (Chicago and London, 1988), 99 with n. 64; this recalls Apollo skopos (Pi. Pyth. 3. 27). Pan is the author of possession (ἔνθεος; cf. ἡ τε τοῦ θεοῦ μανία, Paus. 10. 23.5–8) and consorts with magical, ecstatic and/or hunting deities (Eur. Hipp. 168, 209–12, 225–27); he induces madness or epilepsy, the hiera nosos, which folk tradition cures by purifications and incantations, καθαρμοῖσί τε χρέονται καὶ ἐπαοιδῇσιν (Ηipp. 6.361–63). See Borgeaud, The Cult of Pan, 88–116, esp. 99 and 115–16, ‘Pan’s effect on mankind … ranges from fear that repels to an intrusion that deranges … The myth suggests … that in Pan’s case there is a close relationship between insane derangement and erotic behavior.’ Zeitlin, “Configurations,” 129: Pan is “the very embodiment of sexual power.” D.Tsiafakis, “‘πέλωρα.’ Fabulous Creatures and/or Demons of Death?” in The Centaur’s Smile. The Human Animal in Early Greek Art, ed. M. J. Padgett (New Haven and London, 2003), 96–98, includes Pan among the pelora, the hybrid creatures and “mediators between worlds,” namely “between actual world and that of fantasy” (98).
108. See L. Lehnus,“Contributo a due frammenti Pindarici (fr. 37 e 168 Snell),” SCO 22 (1973): 8, the Pindaric hymns refer to Boiotian-Theban or naturalized sanctuaries and divinities. On the naturalization of the cults of Mother and Pan see Lehnus, L’ Inno a Pan di Pindaro, 5–55 passim.
109. On Ino-Leukothea, her madness, infanticide and heroic cult, as well as the pattern of a “girl’s tragedy,” see Burkert, Structure and History, 58 with n. 8; Burkert, Homo Necans, 178–79; Lyons, Gender and Immortality, 64–65, 94, 122–24. On Λευκοθέα see sch. A(D) Il. 7. 86, λέγεται ... αὐτὴν προσαγορευθῆναι διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀφρόν; sch. EV, BEPQT Od. 5. 334, Λευκοθέα ἐκλήθη ἡ Ἰνὼ ἀπὸ τοῦ θεῦσαι, ὅ ἐστι δραμεῖν [< θέω LSJ A] διὰ τοῦ Λευκοῦ λεγομένου πεδίου τῆς Μεγαρίδος. τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς διωνυμίας ἀπέδωκεν, Ἰνὼ μὲν ὅτε ἄνθρωπος ἦν, ὅτε δὲ ἀπεθεώθη, Λευκοθέα … διὰ δὲ τὴν Διονύσου τροφήν … ἰσοθέου τιμῆς ἔλαχε, καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα μετέβαλεν ἡ μὲν Λευκοθέα κληθεῖσα διὰ τὸ φυγὴν πεποιῆσθαι διὰ τοῦ Λευκοῦ πεδίου τῆς Μεγαρίδος.
110. Semele-Thyone, succumbing to the deception of Hera or her own sexual impulses (she falls in love with Aktaion, her nephew), is scorched to death by Zeus, while her baby is supplied with a surrogate ‘womb,’ his father’s thigh. On Aktaion see Kall. Hymn 5. 108–16; Akusilaos FGrHist. F1a, 2 F 33 = Apollod. Bibl. 3. 4. 4; Paus. 9. 2. 3. 5–4; see also Burkert, Homo Necans, 111–14. On Semele see Lyons, Gender and Immortality, 120–22. Burgess, “Coronis Aflame,” 214–17, discerns in the Koronis/Semele story the meditations on gender and mortality; the mortality of their infant is purged through the removal of his mother; hence there arises the homology Female: Male: Mortality: Immortality.
111. See Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images, xviii–xx.
112. Θυώνη is a significant hapax in Pindar, derived from θεῖος, θύω, ἐνθουσιάω, ἐνθεάζω, θυσία, Θυάς, θύρσος, θυηλή, θραύω: sch. Pi. Pyth.3.177a1–177b.16; sch. rec. Pi. Pyth.3.175–76. 3–6, Boeckh; sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 636a, 55 W.; sch. Lyk. Alex. 143, 67 S. θυιάδος | Βάκχης παρὰ τὸ θύω τὸ ὁρμῶ; similarly Suda θ 596. See Diod. Sik. Bibl. 3. 62. 9–10; ib. 4. 25.4, καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον [sc. Διόνυσον] μυθολογοῦσιν ἀναγαγεῖν τὴν μητέρα Σεμέλην ἐξ ᾅδου, καὶ μεταδόντα τῆς ἀθανασίας Θυώνην μετονομάσαι. Charax 103 F14 FGrHist., Ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν … θείας μοίρας λαχεῖν ᾠήθησαν καὶ Θυώνην ὠνόμασαν. Apollod. Bibl. 3. 5. 3, ὁ δὲ [sc. Διόνυσος] ἀναγαγὼν ἐξ Ἅιδου τὴν μητέρα, καὶ προσαγορεύσας Θυώνην, μετ’ αὐτῆς εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀνῆλθεν. See Pi. Ol. 2. 25–26: killed by the thunderbolt, Semele lives among the Olympian gods. Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 362, 365, mentions Semele’s metonomasia into Thyone through her deification. Lyons, Gender and Immortality, 120–21 with nn. 59, 60, associates Thyone “with the verb thuein, “to rage, rush,” and the dance of the Thyiads.
113. Aithiopis: Procl. vv. 26–29, EGF p. 47, Davies = Allen, vol. 5: 106. 12–15; Pi. Nem. 4. 49–50. Cf. sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.178b for Thetis’ attempts to deify her son. Cf. ὁ μὴ λεύσσων, Soph. Tr. 828 ~ ὁ μὴ βλέπων, he that lives no more, LSJ). On leukos see Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète, 200.
114. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 4. 14; cf. Paus. 2. 26.7 = Hes. fr. 50 M.-W. The Thessalian and Messenian versions were current already since the sixth century BC: Graf, “Asclepius,” 187–88. For the Arsinoë version see Hes. frs. 51, 52 M.-W.; Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius, passim. M. L.West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Its Na- ture, Structure, and Origins (Oxford, 1985), 71–72, eliminates Koronis from Hes. fr. 59, proposing Dotia, her grandmother; cf. the criticism of Dräger, Untersuchungen zu den Frauenkatalogen, 65–107 passim, esp. 83–88. For the distribution of the fragments between the Catalogue and the Megalai Ehoiai see Hirschberger, Gynaikōn Katalogos und Megalai Ēhoiai, 334–38; D’Alessio, “The Megalai Ehoiai: a survey of the fragments,” and “Ordered from the Catalogue,” in The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, ed. R. Hunter (Cambridge, 2005), 208–10 and 232–33, respectively.
115. Cf. Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images, 92–93, ‘The first part of the name Arsinoë suggests the rising from the darkness.’ We should recall here that wisdom and child-salvation are reunited in the person of another Arsinoë, the Pindaric nurse (Pi. Pyth. 11.16–18), who rescues Orestes from the murderous hands of his mother with the intelligent yet ironic name, Κλυταιμ(ν) ήστρα (< μήδομαι); see Tsitsibakou-Vasalos, Ancient Poetic Etymology, 212 n. 499, and “Chance or Design? Language and Plot Management in the Odyssey. Klytaimnestra ἄλοχος μνηστὴ ἐμήσατο,” in Narratology and Interpretation. The Content of Narrative Form in Ancient Literature, ed. J. Grethlein and A. Rengakos (Berlin and New York, 2009), 177–212.
116. Isyllos IG IV2, 1. no. 128, iv. 40–50 = T 32, and iii. 32–iv, 56 = T 594 (Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius, 1: 24, 330).
117. Wilamowitz, Isyllos, 18–19, considers Aigla a “rufname” and Koronis a “beiname um der schönheit willen,” since koronis recalls the “crow” or something “curved”; the “wreath” or “crown” (Stes. PMGF 187) is an Italiote loanword; Koronis is an epithet or name indicating beauty; he sees an etymological play on Koronis, korax and koronē (76, 79 n.52). See Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images, 28–29, ‘Isyllos stammers intentionally, because he is not allowed to utter her true name. Koronis could only be a dark-haired, dark-skinned maiden,’ for her name evokes the ‘crow’; he explains the duality of Koronis-Aigla by the different phases of the moon and the time ofAsklepios’ birth (92–93), so Asklepios was begotten in the darkness when the new moon had just appeared; this explains why she was called Aigla, “ ‘The Luminous,’ and yet in her role of Apollo’s beloved is known as the ‘Crow Maiden,’ as Koronis the dark beauty.” L. R. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality (Oxford, 1921/1970), 243: Isyllos invented “Aigle, ‘Gleam,’ ” yet aware of the Thessalian name Koronis, he explained it “as a complimentary sobriquet of Aigle” (252–53). A. Wilhelm, “ΔΙΑΦΟΡΑ,” Symbolae Osloenses 27 (1949): 25–28, reverses the order of names proposed by Isyllos; so also L. Käppel, Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin, New York, 1992), 201. Cf. Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius, 2: 34 n. 44: Koronis may signify the “crow,” the symbol of longevity (see also 64 n. 57). For Grégoire, Asklepios Apollon Smintheus, 178–79, Aigla is the primary name of the girl, since onoma eponymon has a meaning that conforms to the qualities of its bearer.
118. Kerényi, Asklepios. Archetypal Images, 28, “Cleophema, ‘Proclaimer of Glory,’ another Muselike figure.”
119. Wilamowitz, Isyllos, 91–93, 98, associates Apollo Aigletes (Ap. Rh. 4. 1710–30) with Asklepios Ἀγλάηρ and Ἀγλαόπης (Hsch. α 1728, α 604), arguing that on Anaphe Apollo Aigletes was named Asgelatas, to which Asklepios corresponds phonetically. Cf. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults, 238–39, 255: even Asklepios’ connection with the Sun god Helios at Tegea or with Apollo do not prove any kinship in nature, apart from their healing function; Asklepios may be ‘the god of the bright face,’ as delivering men from death and restoring them to the light of the sun and health. Grégoire, Asklepios Apollon Smintheus, 42–44, submits askalabos, askalaphos as doublets of Asklepios, “le héros-taupe.” W. Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution. Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, trans. M. E. Pinder and W. Burkert (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), 75–79, posits an Eastern influence: Asgelat(as) and Az(u) gallat(u) (= “the great physician” in Akkadian), the epithet of Gula, the Babylonian healing goddess, sound identical. Yet see the recent critical study of J. Bremmer, “Anaphe, Aeschrology and Apollo Aigletes: Apollonius Rhodius 4. 1711–1730,” in Beginning From Apollo. Studies in Apollonius Rhodius and the Argonautic Tradition, ed. A. Harder and M.Cuypers (Leuven, Paris and Dudley, MA, 2005) 18–34. E. Stehle, Performance and Gender in ancient Greece. Nondramatic Poetry in its Setting (Princeton, New Jersey, 1997), 137, explains Apollo’s namegiving, “this attitude correlates with the longing of the poem for a male lineage.” However, it is significant that the father imprints the mother’s qualities in his son’s name!
120. Sch. Pi. Pyth. 3.14 = Aristeides fr. 22, FHG 4: 324 = 444 F1, FGrHist.
121. Her case falls into the third subgroup in Graf’s scheme in “Initiation,” 16–19. See also Burkert, Structure and History, 56–58 with n. 8 apropos Leukothea.
122. See Farnell, Greek Hero Cults, 249–50, who argues that Koronis’ cult at Titanē marks the survival of a Thessalian tradition. Burkert, Greek Religion, 214: the sanctuary was established in the fifth century BC; so Graf, “Asclepius,” 188. On the date of this cult see A.Griffin, Sikyon (Oxford 1982), 25–26. M. P. Nilsson, Grie- chische Feste von Religiöser Bedeutung (Leipzig, 1906), 50–56, 410–11, compares her cult with the Daidala (see n. 123, below). Larson, Greek Heroine Cults, 58, 62, 63–64, discerns a regular pattern: the female heroines are associated in cult with the male hero, either as a partner in sacrifices or through a shrine located near his, “Ko-ronis is not prominent as a cult figure in the major centers … her cult has a local manifestation at Titane ... is still linked to that of her son, and her honors are dependent upon his.” See E. Simon, “Koronis,” LIMC 6.1 (1992): 103–104; K. Waldner, “Koronis,” Der Neue Pauly 6 (1996): 757–758. On the cult of Koronis at Titanē see Paus. 2. 11. 7–12. 1.
123. No explanations are attached to this fiery mistreatment of the xoanon of Athena, a virgin goddess yet representative of mêtis. Perhaps this practice may be compared with the Boiotian festival Daidala in which Kithairon, or an autochthonus king, Alalkomenes, by whom Athena Alalkomeneïs was raised, advised Zeus how to settle his sexual difficulties with Hera through apatē, ruse (Paus. 9.2.7–9.3.8.9; Euseb. Praep. Evang. 3.1.3–14). During this ritual people honor and burn a xoanon in the shape of a woman, fashioned by Zeus with the purpose of arousing Hera’s jealousy. This cult aims at securing the appearance of the sun and fertility, but it takes the form of a wedding festival, nymphagogein (Plut. fr. 157.91–109). Nilsson, Griechische Feste, 50–56, 410–11, argues that the burning of the woodpile that serves as an altar and the massive burning of animals practiced during the Daidala recur in a number of other rituals, among which the offer of victims to Koronis [or Asklepios?] at Titanē. On the Daidala see Schachter, Cults of Boiotia, 245–50; Bergren, Weaving Truth, 51–52. But we may perhaps relate this scorching of Athena’s xoanon with a tradition of presumably Orphic origin, on which see Gantz, Early Greek Myth, 1: 66–67: when Athena and Artemis try to rescue Persephone, a korē raped against her will, Zeus intervenes and aborts their attempts (Eur. Hel. 1310–18; Claud. Rapt. Pros. 2. 204–31, with a thunderbolt in hand); art corroborates the interference of Athena and Artemis.
124. Bremer, Licht und Dunkel, 175–78, speaks of the “Licht-schaffen der Titanen,” their emergence from the earth and the castration of Ouranos as a result of which the Hesiodic motif “Im-Dunkel-Verbergens und Nicht-ans-Licht-Hervorlassens” is broken.
125. See Il. 2. 735, Τιτάνοιό τε λευκὰ κάρηνα; the adjective leukos explains and etymologizes Titanos. See sch. Ab Il. 2. 735a1, Τιτάνοιο δὲ διὰ τὸ λευκόν . τίτανος γὰρ ἡ κονία καλεῖται; Scholia-D Il. 2. 735, Τιτάνοιο ... κάρηνα . ἀντὶ τοῦ “λευκογέων χωρίων.” τίτανος γὰρ λευκή ἐστι γῆ. So Strabo 9. 5. 18. Eust. Il.1: 518. 26–519.8, connects Titanos and the Titans, Τίτανος δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος κατὰ τὸν Γεωγράφον. Λευκόγεων … καὶ ὄρος τὸ Τίτανον όνομασθὲν οὕτω καὶ αὐτὸ διὰ τὸ τιτανῶδες χρῶμα τῆς γῆς. διὸ καί φησι “Τιτάνου λευκὰ κάρηνα.” τίτανον δὲ κυρίως τὴν κονίανφαμέν, τὸ ἰδιωτικῶς λεγόμενον ἄσβεστον, τὸ ἐν λίθοις κεκαυμένοις χνοῶδες λευκόν. ἐκλήθη δὲ οὕτως ἀπὸ τῶν μυθικῶν Τιτάνων, οὓς ὁ τοῦ μύθου Ζεὺς κεραυνοῖς βάλλων κατέφρυγε. δι’ αὐτοὺς γὰρ καὶ τὸ ἐξ ἄγαν πολλῆς καύσεως καὶ ὡς οἷον εἰπεῖν τιτανώ- δους διαθρυφθὲν ἐν λίθοις λεπτὸν τίτανος ὠνομάσθη, οἷα ποινῆς τινος [i.e. < τίσις] Τιτανικῆς γενομένης καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ. οἱ δὲ παλαιοί φασι “τίτανος . κόνις, γύψος;” see also Eust. 2: 577. 9–11, on the association of Titanes, titainein and titanos. On Titan, titainō, tisis see Hes. Th. 207–10. See also E. Meyer, “Titane,” RE 6. A2 (1937): 1488–1491, Titane (< titanos, Titanos). On the ties of Titanē with Northern Greece and the Mount Titanos see Griffin, Sikyon, 25–27.
126. Gypsum recurs in the Orphic myth of Dionysos and the cult of Athena Skiras;see Nonn. D. 6. 169–73; Rhapsodies Orph. frs. 208–14, 240; I. M. Linforth, The Arts of Orpheus (New York, 1973), 327 (Firmicus Maternus fr. 214, O. Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta (Berlin, 2d ed. 1963), 234–35); West, The Orphic Poems, 74, 162. White meal covers the heads of the Proitides (Hes. fr.133 M.–W.) and the Thriae (h.Herm. 554). On the mystic and initiatory function of white color and gypsum see J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cambridge 1903, repr. Princeton, New Jersey, 1991), 135, 491–94; 512–13; H. Jeanmaire, Couroi et Courètes (Lille 1939, repr. New York, 1975), 355–58, 575; Duchemin, Pindare. Poète et Prophète, 214 with nn. 1, 2; Burkert, Homo Necans, 145–46 with nn. 44, 45, 170, 174–76; F. Frontisi-Ducroux and F. Lissarrague, “From Ambiguity to Ambivalence: A Dionysiac Excursion through the ‘Anacreontic’ Vases,” in Before Sexuality. The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, ed. D. M. Halperin, J. J. Winkler and F. I. Zeitlin (Princeton, 1990), 212–15; L. Foxhall, “Women’s ritual and men’s work in ancient Athens,” in Women in Antiquity. New Assessments, ed. R. Hawley and B. Levick (London and New York, 1995), 104–05; cf. N. Robertson, “Orphic Mysteries and Dionysiac Ritual,” in Greek Mysteries. The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults, ed. M. B. Cosmopoulos (London and New York, 2003), 222–25 with n. 33: tribal initiation, death or mere deception.
127. A similar polarity is observed in the sanctuary of Asklepios and the cult of Alexanor (Asklepios’ grandson) and Euamerion: the former was honored as a hero after sunset, and the latter as a god (Paus. 2. 11. 6–7). See also the contrasting worship of Pelops and Zeus at Olympia in Burkert, Homo Necans, 96–101.
128. Tertullian Ad Nationes 2. 14 (T 103, Edelstein and Edelstein, Asclepius, 1: 51–52, 2: 184 n. 11). On this passage and its repercussions see Farnell, Greek Hero Cults, 239–40, 249–50. See also Larson, Greek Heroine Cults, 63–64.
129. Koronis, and her son are genealogically associated with the Thessalian Δώτιον πεδίον, where Demeter, the Mother-Earth, was worshipped (Hes. fr. 59 M.-W.; h.Hymn 16.1–5). A common derivation from δίδωμι binds Dotion with Demeter, who “gives” and feeds men but is also fed by them. Pindar, insinuating the duality of Δώτιον πεδίον, makes it the scenery of hunting, death and mimetic dances and songs, attaching to it the adjective ἀνθεμόεν, which evokes the flowery but deadly meadow of the Sirens, λειμῶν’ ἀνθεμόεντα (Od. 12.159, 45–46). Pi. fr. 107a1–4 Mae.: Πελασγὸν ἵππον ἢ κύνα / Ἀμυκλαίαν ἀγωνίῳ / ἐλελιζόμενος ποδὶ μιμέο καμπύλον μέλος διώκων, / οἷ’ ἀνὰ Δώτιον ἀνθεμόεν πεδί-/ ον πέταται θάνατον κερoέσσᾳ / εὑρέμεν ματεῖσ’ ἐλάφῳ, ‘cicling around with contesting foot, do imitate the Pelasgian horse or the Amyklean bitch, as she runs swiftly [as she ‘flies’] over the flowery Dotian plain, seeking to find death for the horned deer’ (trans. mine). On the meadows of the Underworld see Vermeule, Aspects of Death, 72–74, 229–30 nn. 58, 67. The cult of Demeter was transferred by the Rhodian Triopas from Dotion to Knidos, and then to Magna Grecia by the ancestors of Hieron: Diod. Sik. Bibl. 5. 61. 2.1. See Currie, Pindar and the Cult of Heroes, 346 with n.12.
130. The names of the gods are vocal images of things: Demokritos (68 B. 142, VS D.-K.), τί τὸ τοσοῦτον σέβας περὶ τὰ θεῶν ὀνόματα τοῦ Σωκράτους; ἢ ὅτι πάλαι καθιέρωται τοῖς οἰκείοις τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ ἄτοπον κινεῖν τὰ ἀκίνητα ἢ ὅτι φύσει αὐτοῖς ὠικείωται κατὰ τὸν ἐν Κρατύλωι λόγον ἢ ὅτι ἀγάλματα φωνήεντα καὶ ταῦτά ἐστι τῶν θεῶν.
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