Notes

Introduction

1 Elif is a pseudonym. Dokumentationszentrum und Museum über die Migration in Deutschland e.V. (DOMiD, [Documentation Centre and Museum for Migration in Germany]) Interview 16, Berlin, 31 August 1995. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. I also interviewed Elif in Berlin in 2003.

2 Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathilde Jamin eds., Fremde Heimat: Eine Geschichte der Einwanderung aus der Türkei / Yaban, Sılan olur: Türiye’den Almanya’ya Göçün Tarihi [Foreign Homeland: A History of Immigration to Germany from Turkey] (Cologne: Klartext, 1998), 138.

3 For more on the Bloody Christmas of 1963, see Ulvi Keser, “Bloody Christmas of 1963 in Cyprus in the Light of American Documents,” Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies 13, no. 26 (Spring 2013): 249–71.

4 Elif, interviewed by author, Berlin, 2003.

5 DOMiD Interview 16, Berlin, 31 August 1995.

6 Important early work empathetically exposed guest workers’ miserable conditions, though such depictions have also effaced complex human experiences: see, among others, John Berger and Jenn Mohr, A Seventh Man: Migrant Workers in Europe (New York: Verso, 1975); Inga Steinen, Leben zwischen zwei Welten: Türkische Frauen in Deutschland (Berlin: Quadriga, 1994); Günter Wallraff, Ganz Unten (Köln: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1985); Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Angst essen Seele auf (Tango-Film, Munich,1974); Feo Aladağ, Die Fremde (ARTE, Independent Artists Filmproduktion, RBB, WDR, 2010).

8 Elif, Berlin, 2003.

9 Hanna Schlisser, “‘Normalization’ as Project: Some Thoughts on Gender Relations in West Germany during the 1950s,” in Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949-1968, ed. Hanna Schissler (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 359–75.

10 The idea of the “Zero Hour” is debatable as for many, such as the majority of German women and displaced persons who remained in camps sometimes until 1955, faced situations little different from wartime. Robert G. Moeller, Protecting Motherhood: Women and the Family in the Politics of Postwar West Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 11; Sibylle Meyer and Eva Schultz, Wie wir das alles geschafft haben: Alleinstehende Frauen berichten über ihr Leben nach 1945 (Munich: Beck, 1985), 92; for displaced persons in post-war Germany, see Atina Grossman, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).

11 For useful examples and discussions of the “long post-war,” see Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 (London and New York: Penguin, 2005); Karen Hagemann and Sonya Michel, eds., Gender and the Long Postwar: The United States and the Two Germanys, 1945–1989 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014).

12 Tony Judt, Postwar, 2.

13 Elizabeth Heineman, “The Hour of the Woman: Memories of Germany’s ‘Crisis Years’ and West German National Identity,” American Historical Review 101, no. 2, (April 1996): 354–95.

14 Historians have concluded that the German social discourse of the time held that the image of the Trümmerfrauen was to be admired, but also to be quickly overcome. Petra Goedde, “From Villains to Victims: Fraternization and the Feminization of Germany, 1945–1947,” Diplomatic History 23 (1999): 1–20; Elizabeth Heineman, What Difference Does a Husband Make? Women and Marital Status in Nazi and Postwar Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999); Maria Höhn, “Frau im Haus, Girl im Spiegel: Discourse on Women in the Interregnum Period of 1945–1949 and the Question of German Identity,” Central European History 26 no. 1 (1993): 57–90.

15 Monika Mattes, ‘Gastarbeiterinnen‘ in der Bundesrepublik: Anwerbepolitik, Migration und Geschlecht in den 50er bis 70er Jahren (Frankfurt: Campus, 2005).

16 Mattes, Gastarbeiterinnen; Schissler, “‘Normalization’”; Robert G. Moeller, Protecting Motherhood, and Mark E. Spicka, Selling the Economic Miracle: Economic Reconstruction and Politics in West Germany, 1949–1957 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007). Spicka’s analysis of political rhetoric in the late 1940s associated “normalcy” with recovering the Federal Republic from the taint of the Nazi past and from wartime and post-war hardships such as hunger and male unemployment, 66–9.

17 Rebecca Boehling notes, “The model of the ‘male-breadwinner family’ found more political and cultural support than ever before, reflecting a desire for ‘normalcy’ in response to defeat, military occupation, and growing Cold War tensions … [However, this was not] the whole postwar story. Some women questioned men’s inherent ability to lead either families or society as a whole.” Rebecca Boehling, “Gender Roles in Ruins: German Women and Local Politics under American Occupation, 1945–1955,” in Gender and the Long Postwar: The United States and the Two Germanys, 1945-1989, ed. Karen Hagemann and Sonya Michel (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2014), 51–72, here 52.

18 Spicka, Selling, 73.

19 Boehling, “Gender Roles,” 52; Heineman, What Difference.

20 Donna Harsch provides an excellent overview of the evolution of socialist though on nuclear families from early Marxists, orthodox Stalinists to SED in East Germany in “Women, Family, and ‘Postwar’: The Gendering of the GDR’s Welfare Dictatorship” in Gender and the Long Postwar, 253–73, here 258–61. In the case of East Germany, Harsch uses gender relations to demonstrate that the SED evolved to see women’s usefulness to the state not defined by production, but instead as reproducers, producers, and consumers with particular interest in the “unforeseen consequences of women’s family-based decisions,” 254.

21 Monika Mattes, Gastarbeiterinnen; Karen Schönwälder, “West German Society and Foreigners in the 1960s,” in Coping with the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict, 1955–1975, ed. Philipp Gassert and Alan Steinweis (New York: Berghahn, 2006), 113–27, here 115–16.

23 Irene Bloemraad, Anna Korteweg, and Gökçe Yurdakul, “Citizenship and Immigration: Multiculturalism, Assimilation, and Challenges to the Nation-State” Annual Review of Sociology 34 (2008): 153–79.

24 Karen Schönwälder, “West German Society,” 115.

25 Ulrich Herbert and Karin Hunn, “Guest Workers and Policy on Guest Workers in the Federal Republic: From the Beginning of Recruitment in 1955 until Its Halt in 1973,” in The Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949–1968, ed. Hanna Schissler (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 187–218; Rita Chin, Heide Fehrenbach, Geoff Eley, and Atina Grossmann eds., After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2009).

26 Duinger Steinzeugwerk Mühle & Co an den Herrn Präsidenten der Bundesanstalt für Arbeitsvermittlung Nürnberg, 20 July 1973, BArch B 119/ 4031.

27 Ibid.

28 Ahmet Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration in Post-war Europe (1946–1974): An Analytical Appraisal,” in An Introduction to International Migration Studies, ed. Marco Martiniello and Jan Rath (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 182.

29 Panikos Panayi, “Exploitation, Criminality, Resistance: The Everyday Life of Foreign Workers and Prisoners of War in the German Town of Osnabrück, 1939–49,” Journal of Contemporary History 40, no. 3 (July 2005): 483–502; Ahmet Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 183.

30 Klaus J. Bade, Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States (New York: Berghahn Books, 1997) 68–71; see also Veysal Oezcan, “Germany: Immigration in Transition” Migration Policy Institute, 1 July 2004, accessed 23 February 2016, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/germany-immigration-transition.

31 Frederick Taylor writes that the Berlin wall resulted in the guest worker agreement between Turkey and West Germany: “Robbed of the previous supply of new labor for its booming industries by the sealing off of the East, in October 1961 West Germany took the radical and far reaching step of signing a treaty with Muslim Turkey, allowing for Turkish ‘guest workers’ to fill vacant jobs.” The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961–1989 (New York: Harper Collins, 2006), 345.

32 Atina Grossmann writes that in the immediate post-war period, all of war-torn Europe became “a moving stream of humanity” in which 20 people were on the move. In addition to 7 million displaced persons, some 8 million ethnic Germans also arrived in West Germany from Soviet-dominated territories in the late 1940s. Atina Grossmann, Jews, Germans, and Allies, 131–82. Between 1947 and 1954, 1 million North Africans entered France; between 1962 and 1965 alone, 111,000 migrants entered France; between 1956 and 1961, 115,000 immigrants entered Britain; and, an estimated 5.5 million to 8.5 million people of European origin returned to Europe from colonial posts. For more on postcolonial immigration see “Postimperial Europe, 1947–1980,” in Europe in the Contemporary World: 1900 to the Present, ed. Bonnie G. Smith (New York: Bedford St Martin’s, 2007), 498–553; “Decolonization and Immigration in Britain and France” and “Post-war European Society: A Consumer Society and Welfare State,” in Europe since 1945: A Concise History, ed. J. Robert Wegs and Robert Ladrech (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 1996, 2006), 98–9, 139–72.

33 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 184.

34 Judt, Postwar, 334.

35 Karin Hunn, Nächstes Jahr kehren wir zurück …‘Die Geschichte der türkischen, Gastarbeiter’ in der Bundesrepublik (Gottingen: Wallstein, 2005), 35–6.

36 “Bericht des Westfälisch-Lippischen Landwirtschaftsverbandes e.V., Kreisverband Soest” an BAVAV, 10 November 1956, BArch, B 119/ 3070.

37 Hanna Schlisser, ed., The Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949–1968 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

38 Judt, Postwar, 354.

39 Judt, Postwar, 324–55.

40 Herbert points out that it was the devastation of the transportation network that crippled the West German economy in 1945 and 1946 not the destruction of industrial plants; industrial capacity had been expanded during the war and left intact. Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 194–5; Judt points out that Nazi investments in the war economy of the 1930s paid off in the 1950s when German economic infrastructure that had survived the war was put to use, Postwar, 355.

42 Judt, Postwar, 303–4.

43 Ibid., 304.

44 Ahmet Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration in Post-war Europe (1946–1974): An Analytical Appraisal,” in An Introduction to International Migration Studies, ed. Marco Martiniello and Jan Rath (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).

45 Ibid.

46 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 184.

47 Ahmet Akgündüz, Labour Migration from Turkey to Western Europe, 1960–1974: A Multidisciplinary Analysis (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 101.

48 Hunn, Nächstes Jahr, 31–2.

49 Ibid., 32.

50 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 192.

51 The 1960 military coup was partially linked to Menderes’s attempts to improve relations with the Soviet Union, making the coup a recommitment to Westernization. See Bulent Gokay, Soviet Eastern Policy and Turkey, 1920–1991: Soviet Foreign Policy, Turkey and Communism (New York: Routledge, 2006), 87.

52 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 190.

53 Hunn, Nächstes Jahr, 32.

54 Akgunduz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 192.

55 Ibid.

56 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 187.

57 Sen and Goldberg argue that the benefits system also fiscally supported West Germany because the majority of the Turkish population, for example 83 per cent in 1973, was legally employed and contributing to West Germany’s social insurance system – a system from which others have argued they were not able to receive the full benefits; see Andreas Goldberg and Faruk Sen, Türken als Unternehmer: Eine Gesamtdarstellung und Ergebnisse neuere Untersuchungen (Opladen: Leske and Budrich, 1996). See also, Triadafilos Triadafilopolous and Karen Schönwälder, “How the Federal Republic Became an Immigration Country: Norms Politics and the Failure of West Germany’s Guest Worker System” German Politics and Society 24, no. 3 (2006): 1–19; Sandra M. Bucerius, Unwanted: Muslim Immigrants, Dignity, and Drug Dealing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 24–5.

58 Akgündüz, “Guest Worker Migration,” 193.

59 For a complete history of the drafting of the bilateral plans, see Hunn, “Deutsch-türkische Anwerbevereinbarung” in Nächstes Jahr, 29–70; Karen Schönwälder, Einwanderung und ethnische Pluralität. Politische Entscheidungen und öffentliche Debatten in Großbritannien und der Bundesrepublik von den 1950er bis zu den 1970er Jahren (Essen: Klartext 2001); Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathilde Jamin, eds., Fremde Heimat, Eine Geschichte der Einwanderung aus der Türkei / Yaban, Sılan olur. Türkiye’den Almanya’ya Göçün Tarihi (Essen: Klartext, 1998).

60 The Brookings Institute study of the 1960–1 Turkish Revolution concluded that the roots of the revolution lay in Atatürk’s initial reforms for the Republic – issues of secularism and of rapid social change: “In 1960 it was widely felt in Turkey and abroad that the government … had strayed far from the path of the Atatürk revolution, and it was to return Turkey to democratic, secular politics that the armed forces took power on May 27, 1960.” Walter F. Weiker, The Turkish Revolution 1960–1961: Aspects of Military Politics (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1963), 2.

61 In the words of the Young Turks, “we followed the path traced by Europe” quoted in Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: New Oxford University Press, 1961), 199.

62 Erik-Jan Zürcher, “How Europeans adopted Anatolia and Created Turkey” European Review 13 (2005): 379–94.

63 Fatma Müge Göçek, “Why is there Still a ‘Sèvres Syndrome’? An Analysis of Turkey’s Uneasy Association with the West” in The Transformation of Turkey: Redefining State and Society from the Ottoman Empire to the Modern Era (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2011), 98–184.

64 Brian J.K. Miller, “Reshaping the Turkish Nation-State: Migrant Communities in Western Europe and Return Migration, 1960–1985,” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, May 2015); Nermin Abadan-Unat, Turks in Europe: From Guest Worker to Transnational Citizen (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011).

66 Nermin Abadan-Unat, Turks in Europe: From Guest Worker to Transnational Citizen (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011), xxi.

67 Abadan-Unat, Politics of Immigration Policy, 310.

68 Henryk M. Broder, “Integrationsdebatte: Die Parallelgesellschaft, sie lebe hoch!” Spiegel Online, 21October 2010, accessed 25 February 2016, http://www.spiegel.de/kultur/gesellschaft/integrationsdebatte-die-parallelgesellschaft-sie-lebe-hoch-a-723895.html; Werner Schiffauer, Parallelgesellschaften: Wie viel Wertekonsens braucht unsere Gesellschaft? Für eine kluge Politik der Differenz (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2008).

69 “Merkel says German multicultural society has failed,” BBC News, 17 October 2010, accessed 5 March 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-11559451.

70 “Erdoğan Urges Turks not to Assimilate: ‘You are Part of Germany, But Also Part of Our Great Turkey,’” Spiegel Online International, 28 February 2011, accessed 20 February 2015, http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/erdogan-urges-turks-not-to-assimilate-you-are-part-of-germany-but-also-part-of-our-great-turkey-a-748070.html.

71 Anthropologist Jenny White points out that particularly after German reunification in 1990, the term Ausländer became increasingly synonymous with “Turks” and even expanded after reunification to also include Aussiedler, or political refugees from Eastern Europe. See Jenny B. White, “Turks in the New Germany” American Anthropologist 99 no. 4 (1997): 754–69, here 762; Ruth Mandel, “‘Fortress Europe’ and the Foreigners within: Germany’s Turks,” in The Anthropology of Europe: Identity and Boundaries in Conflict, ed. Victoria A. Goddard, Joseph R. Llobera, and Cris Shore (Oxford: Berg, 1994), 113–25; Rita Chin, The Guest Worker Question in Postwar Germany (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 14–15.

72 The Turkish community in Germany, especially in Berlin, is far from unified; ethnic, religious, and political cleavages have carried over from Turkey. Jenny White, “Belonging to a Place: Turks in Unified Berlin,” City and Society, 1996; White, “Turks in the New Germany” American Anthropologist 99 no. 4 (1997): 754–69, where White writes, “The 2 million Turks in Germany are a disparate community [who] identify not only with Turkishness but also or even primarily with their social class, with a particular regional or non-Turkish ethnic origin, or with a transnational creole ‘third culture.’”

73 In 1992 alone, more than five thousand attacks against foreigner were reported in the newly reunified Germany, see Jenny White, “Turks in the New Germany”; see also Andreas Goldberg “Status and Problems of the Turkish Community in Germany” (Essen: Zentrum für Türkeistudien und Integrationsforschung, 1996).

74 Frederick D. Weil, “Ethnic Intolerance, Extremism, and Democratic Attitudes in Germany since Unification,” in Antisemitism and Xenophobia in Germany after Unification, ed. Hermann Kurthen and Rainer Erb (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 111.

75 Göktürk et al., 13.

76 Foreign journalists accused the German police of “subtle racism,” saying that they were taking xenophobic violence too lightly; see “Police Under Fire in German Unrest,” The New York Times, 27 December 1992, accessed 20 February 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/1992/12/27/world/police-under-fire-in-german-unrest.html. Some have repeated this conflation of ethnic groups unwittingly or worse, pointedly, such as Thilo Sarrazin in his controversial book in which he claimed that “Turks, Arabs, and Africans” have failed to integrate and add little to the German economy and society, unlike more valuable minorities such as Jews. Thilo Sarrazin, Deutschland Schafft Sich Ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen (Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Random House, 2010); see also Michael Meng, Shattered Spaces: Encountering Jewish Ruins in Postwar Germany and Poland (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 264.

77 Joyce Mushaben, The Changing Faces of Citizenship: Integration and Mobilization Among Ethnic Minorities in Germany (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008), 14.

78 Ibid.

79 For recent studies on ethnic diversity among those from Turkey see: Alexander Clarkson, Fragmented Fatherland: Immigration and Cold War Conflict in the Federal Republic of Germany 1945–1980 (New York: Berghahn, 2013); Ruth Mandel, Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008); Joyce Mushaben, The Changing Faces of Citizenship; Martin Sökefeld, Struggling for Recognition: The Alevi Movement in Germany and in Transnational Space (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008).

80 Michael Kuhlmann and Alwin Meyer, Ayşe und Devrim: Wo gehören wir hin? (Göttingen: Lamu Taschenbuch, 1983); Rita Rosen, ”Ausländische Frauen: Ignoriert, im Stich gelassen, unterdrückt“ Informationsdienst zur Ausländerarbeit 4 (1980): 20–7.

81 Andrea Baumgartner-Karabak and Gisela Landesberger, Die verkauften Bräute: Türkische Frauen zwischen Kreuzberg und Anatolien (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch, 1978); Christine Huth-Hildebrant and Jürgen Micksch, Ausländische Frauen: Interviews, Analysen und Anregungen für die Praxis (Frankfurt am Main: Otto Lembeck Verlag, 1982); Gaby Franger, Wir Haben Es Uns Anders Vorgestellt: Türkische Frauen in der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1984); Füruzan, Frau ohne Schleier: Türkische Erzählungen (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1976); Giacomo Maturi, Arbeitsplatz Deutschland: Wie Man Südlandische Gastarbeiter verstehen lernt (Mainz: Krausskopf Verlag, 1964); Sigrid Meske, Situations Analyse türkische Frauen in der BRD (Fulda: Express ed, 1983); Rita Rosen and Gerd Stüwe, Ausländische Mädchen in der Bundesrepublik (Opladen: LeskeVerlag, 1985); Rita Rosen, Muss Kommen, aber nix von Herzen: Zur Lebensituation von Migratinnen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Biographien türkischer Frauen (Opladen: Leske and Budrick, 1986); Rita Rosen, “On the situation of Foreign Women Living in the Federal Republic of Germany: An Outline of the Problem” International Migration 19 (1981): 108–13; Rita Rosen, Sie müssen bestimmen, wo sie lang gehen wollen. Zur Sozialpädagogischen Arbeit mit ausländischen Frauen und Mädchen (Frankfurt/Main: ISS Materialien, 1984); Werner Schiffauer, Die Migranten Aus Subay: Türken in Deutschland: Eine Ethnographie (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag für Wissen und Bildung, 1991); Pia Weische-Alexa, Sozial-Kulturelle Probleme junger Türkinnen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit einer Studie zum Freizeitverhalten türkischerMädchen in Köln (Pia Weische-Alexa, Manderscheider Str. 29, 5000 Köln 41).

82 In the film, the main character, Shirin, is arranged to be married as a child, migrates to West Germany where she is raped and fired by her German boss, and turns to prostitution out of desperation. Shirins Hochzeit, directed by Helma Sanders-Brahms (Cologne, West Germany: Westdeutscher Rundfunk, Arbeitsgemainschaft Kino, 1975) 35mm.

83 Günter Wallraft, Ganz Unten (Köln: Kiepenheuer and Witsch, 1985).

84 “Bei türkischen Medien werde das Bild des unterdrücken Migranten immer wieder unterstrichen – anders also bei „Köln Radyosu“ [The Turkish media repeatedly underscored the image of the oppressed migrant counter to [the preceding Turkish-language radio program] Cologne Radio.] „ Erste Sendung der ARD für ‚Gastarbeiter‘ startet,” 21 October 2011, accessed 2 March 2016, http://www1.wdr.de/stichtag6058.html.

85 B. Venkat Mani, Cosmopolitical Claims: Turkish-German Literatures from Nadolny to Pamuk (Iowa City: Iowa University Press, 2007), 3.

86 Ibid.

87 Klaus Bade, Ausländer, Aussiedler, Asyl in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1992); Ulrich Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany: Seasonal Workers, Forced Laborers, Guest Workers, trans. William Templer (Ann Arbor: Michigan University Press, 1993); Hanns Thomä-Veske, Islam und Integration: Zur Bedeutung des Islam im Prozeß der Integration türkischer Arbeiterfamilien in die Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik (Hamburg: Rissen, 1981); Rita Rosen “Ausländische Frauen: Ignoriert, im Stich Gelassen, Unterdrückt” Informationsdienst zur Ausländerarbeit 4 (1980): 20–7; Gökçe Yurdakul, From Guest Workers into Muslims: The Transformation of Turkish Immigrant Associations in Germany (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2009).

88 Karen Schönwälder and Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos, “How the Federal Became an Immigration Country: Norms, Politics and the Failure of West Germany’s Guest Worker System,” German Politics and Society 24 no. 3 (2006): 1–19.

89 Göktürk et al., Germany in Transit.

90 Brittany Lehman, “Education and Immigration: Federal Debates and Policies in West Germany, 1963–1989” (master’s thesis, University of North Carolina, 2010).

91 Ruth Mandel has noted that the German right and left align in their resistance to headscarves, with the right using the scarf as “proof of the fundamental ‘nonintegrateability’ of the Turks” and the feminist left seeing the scarf as a symbol of “innate Turkish practices of sexism, backward and primitive patriarchal domination of women, and repression,” Cosmopolitan Anxieties, 305.

92 Deniz Göktürk et al., Germany in Transit.

93 Ulrich Herbert writes that Germany’s Nazi experience affected West German cultural responses to foreigners, especially because the guest worker programs began just ten years after the end of the Second World War. See Ulrich Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany.

94 There is a rich literature on race, specifically of those of African descent, in West Germany, see Heide Fehrenbach, Race after Hitler: Black Occupation Children in Postwar Germany and America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); Tina Campt and Michelle Maria Wright eds., in “Reading the Black German Experience,” special issue, Callaloo 26 no. 2 (Spring 2003); Maria Höhn, GIs and Fräuleins: German-American Encounter in 1950s West Germany (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); May Opitz, Katharina Oguntoye, and Dagmar Schultz, eds., Showing Our Colors: Afro-German Women Speak Out, trans. Anne V. Adams (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986); Panikos Panayi, Ethnic Minorities in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Germany (New York: Longman, 2000).

95 See, for example, Klaus J. Bade, Auswanderer, Wanderarbeiter, Gastarbeiter: Bevölkerung, Arbeitsmarkt und Wanderung in Deutschland seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Referate und Diskussionsbeiträge des Internationalen Wissenschaftlichen Symposiums “Vom Auswanderungsland zum Einwanderungsland?” an der Akademie für Politische Bildung Tutzing 1982 (Ostfilder: Scripta Mercaturae, 1984); Klaus Bade, Population, Labour, and Migration in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Germany (New York: Berg, 1987); Klaus Bade, Deutsche im Ausland – Fremde in Deutschland: Migration in Geschichte und Gegenwart (München: Beck, 1993); Ulrich Herbert, History of Foreign Labor.

96 Herbert, History of Foreign Labor, 1.

97 Christopher A. Molnar, “Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany,” Central European History 47 (2014): 138–69.

98 For studies on Muslim minorities in Europe see, Valerie Amiraux, “Restructuring Political Islam: Transnational Belonging and Muslims in France and Germany,” in Transnational Political Islam: Religion, Ideology, and Power, ed. Azza Kara (Sterling, VA: Pluto, 2004); Katherine Pratt Ewig, “Legislating Religious Freedom: Muslim Challenges to the Relationship between ‘Church’ and ‘State’ in Germany and France,” Daedalus: Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 129, no. 4 (Fall 2000): 31–54; Sigrid Nökel, Die Töchter der Gastarbeiter und der Islam: zur Soziologie alltagsweltlicher Anerkennungspolitiken. Ein Fallstudie (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2002); Hanns Thomä-Venske, Islam und Integration: Zur Bedeutung des Islam im Prozeß der Integration türkischer Arbeiterfamilien in die Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik (Hamburg: Rissen, 1981); Werner Schiffauer, Die Gottesmänner: Türkische Islamisten in Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2000); Wolfgang Ritsch, Die Rolle des Islams für die Koranschulerziehung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Cologne: Rahl-Rugenstein, 1987); “West Germany,” in Muslims in Western Europe, ed. Jorgen S. Nielsen (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 23–38; James Helicke, “Turks in Germany: Muslim Identity: ‘Between’ States,” in Muslim Minorities in the West: Visible and Invisible, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane I. Smith (New York: Altamira, 2002), 175–94; Jeroen Doomernik, “The Institutionalization of Turkish Islam in Germany and the Netherlands: A Comparison,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 18, no. 1 (1995, Jan): 46–63.

99 Joyce Mushaben, The Changing Faces of Citizenship, 151.

100 Ibid.

101 Ruth Mandel, “Reimagining Islams in Berlin” in Cosmopolitan Anxieties, 248–93; Rita Chin, “The Politics of Sexual Democracy in the New Europe,” (conference paper given at “Mobilizing Difference: Gender, Islam and the Production of Contemporary Europeanness,” University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 13–14 September 2013).

102 The murder of Dutch filmmaker Theo van Gogh is an excellent example of a media storm against Muslims as a group after the radical action of a single person. Ian Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam: Liberal Europe, Islam, and the Limits of Tolerance (New York: Penguin Press, 2006).

103 In discussions of Turkey’s potential European Union membership, some German historians have pointed out that Turks could not be “European” due to deeply engrained cultural differences, introducing an ethnocultural definition of the otherness of Muslims within a Christian-defined Europe. In response, Mehmet Mıhrı Özdoğan writes, “Historians, who are actually known for being liberal, such as Hans-Ulrich Wehler, and also Heinrich August Winkler and Jürgen Kocka, base their arguments on supposed unbridgeable cultural differences between Muslim lands and Christian Europe … The quintessence of their argument is: if one is not a European one cannot become one,” in Mehmet Mıhrı Özdoğan, “Zum EU-Beitritt der Türkei: Grenze der Erweiterung oder Grenze der Vernunft?” Werkstattgeschichte 37 (2004): 93–9; see also Jürgen Kocka, “Wo liegst du, Europe,” Die Zeit, 2 December 2002; Hans-Ulrich Wehler, “Das Türkenproblem,” Die Zeit, 12 September 2002; Heinrich August Winkler, “Grenzen der Erweiterung: Die Türkei ist kein Teil des ‘Projekt Europe,’” Internationale Politik 2 (2002): 59–66; Heinrich August Winkler, “Europa am Scheideweg,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 12 November 2003; Dirk Schumann, “Is the EU Complete Without Turkey? Opportunities and Challenges for Europe’s Identity and the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union and the United States,” GHI Bulletin 34 (2004): 190–2; The World Press Organization reported on Turkey’s EU prospects thusly, “Some said that even if part of Turkey is in Europe, this does not cancel the reality that Turkey lacks European roots in its culture and traditions,” in “The International Press on Turkey’s European Union Membership Bid, Comment and analysis from London, Dubai, Beirut, Frankfurt, and Istanbul,” 8 October 2004, accessed 3 March 2016, http://www.worldpress.org/Europe/1951.cfm.

104 Joyce Mushaben, The Changing Faces of Citizenship, 151.

105 Initially historians of foreign labour in Germany did not consider the perspective of the workers or use Turkish or other non-German sources to explore migration history. These important pioneering works consider guest workers within studies of either foreign labour in Germany or migration in or out of Germany since the nineteenth century instead of considering the specificity of the post-war period. See for example, Ulrich Herbert, History of Foreign Labor; Klaus Bade, Deutsche im Ausland.

106 Early social science studies offer important initial investigations, statistics, and logistical data of guest worker immigration to West Germany, see Nermin Abadan-Unat, ed., Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975: A Socio-Economic Reappraisal (Leiden: E. J Brill, 1975); Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Ali S. Gitmez, Dışgöç Öyküsü: araştırma-deneme [Immigration Story: A Research Report] (Ankara: Maya Matbaacılık, 1979).

107 “Elif,” Berlin, 2003.

108 Ibid.

1. The Invitation

1 “1964 yılının 10 bininci işçisi Almanyaya gitti,” [“In the year 1964 the 10 Thousandth Worker Left for Germany] Cumhuriyet, 17 March 1964.

2 Elizabeth D. Heineman, What Difference Does a Husband Make? Women and Marital Status in Nazi and Postwar Germany (Berkeley: California University Press, 2003).

3 “Almanya’ya on bininci işçi gitti,” [Ten Thousandth Worker Arrives in Germany] Dünya, 17 March 1964. At this point there were currently two million more women than men in West Germany.

4 “1964 yılının 10 bininci işçisi Almanya’ya gitti,” [1964’s Ten Thousandth Worker Arrives in Germany] Cumhuriyet, 17 March 1964; see also “76 Günde 10,400 Ïşçi Gitti,” [10,400 Workers Depart within in 76 Days] Milliyet, 17 March 1964.

5 Abadan-Unat, Turks in Europe, 63.

6 “1964 yılının 10 bininci işçisi Almanya’ya gitti,” Cumhuriyet, 17 March 1964; see also “76 Günde 10,4000 Ïşçi Gitti,” Milliyet, 17 March 1964.

7 Mathilde Jamin, “Fremde Heimat: Zur Geschichte der Arbeitsmigration aus der Türkei,” in 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte, ed. Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, and Anne von Oswald (Frankfurt: Campus, 1999), 145–64, here 153.

8 For a comprehensive history of the “Economic Miracle” in Western Europe, including the Marshall plan, see Werner Abelshauser, Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte seit 1945 (Munich: Beck, 2004); Tony Judt, Postwar, 95–7, 125, 324–55; Spicka, Selling.

9 For more on the will inherent in migration, see Dirk Hoerder, Cultures in Contact: World Migrations in the Second Millennium (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002), xxi.

10 Giacomo Maturi, “Die zweite Phase der Ausländerbeschäftigung in der Bundesrepublik” (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei GmbH, undated) DOMiD Archive 424 SD, 2.

11 Ibid, 3.

12 Dr Giacomo Maturi, Willi Baumgartner, Stefan Bobolis, Konstantin Kustas, Vittorio Bedolli, Guillermo Arrillage, and Sümer Göksuyer, eds., Hallo Mustafa! Günther Türk arkadaşı ile konuşuyor [Hello Mustafa! Günter speaks with his Turkish friends], illustrations Richard Haschberger (Heidelberg: Dr Curt Haefner Verlag, 1966), 10.

13 “siz Türkler sıcak kanlı,” [“you Turks are hot blooded”] Hallo Mustafa!, 10.

14 For contemporary comparisons and studies of urban and village life in Turkey, see Nuri Eren, Turkey Today and Tomorrow: An Experiment in Westernization (New York: Frederick Praeger, 1963); John Kolars, Tradition, Season, and Change in a Turkish Village NAS-NRC Foreign Field Research Program Report No. 15 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); Walter F. Weiker, The Turkish Revolution 1960–1961: Aspects of Military Politics (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1963); Joe Pierce, Life in a Turkish Village (New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1964); Robert E. Ward and Dankwart A. Rustow, eds., Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1964); Denis Hills, My Travels in Turkey (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1964); Paul Stirling, Turkish Village (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965); sociologists from the United States and from England conducted these studies providing a useful look at how Turkish life was perceived from the outside in the 1960s.

15 Abadan-Unat, Nermin, ed., Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975: A Socio-Economic Reappraisal (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976), 9.

16 Previous studies emphasis that Turkish women did not play a significant role in guest worker migration because they did not come in large numbers until after 1973. Karin Hunn and Ulrich Herbert write, “The history of guest workers in the 1960s is a history of men,” in “Guest Workers and Policy on Guest Workers in the Federal Republic” in Miracle Years, 199; see also Karin Hunn, Nächstes Jahr; however, women guest workers did play significant roles, see Monika Mattes, Gastarbeiterinnen.

17 Abadan-Unat, Politics, 331.

18 For more information on asylum seekers in West and East Germany see, Klaus J. Bade and Jochen Oltmer, “Migration im Kalten Krieg” and “Einwandererbevölkerung und neue Zuwanderungen im vereinigten Deutschland seit 1990” in Normalfall Migration (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 2004), 52–132.

19 An excellent example of this is the now infamous Spiegel cover, “Gettos in Deutschland: Eine Million Türken,” and accompanying story, “Die Türken kommen –rette sich, wer kann,” which reports on legal and illegal immigration and on foreign workers from Yugoslavia, Italy, and Turkey all in one article; this article emphasizes a threatening trend of a loss of German culture, a comparison with New York’s Harlem neighborhood, and worse an impending integration crisis in cities such as Berlin, Munich, and Frankfurt. “[vor lauter Ausländer] die Integrationskraft der Stadt allmählich an ihre Grenze gelangt,” Der Spiegel no. 31 (30 July 1973): 24–34.

20 Akgündüz, An Introduction, 193.

21 “Murat,” DOMiD Interview 14, Berlin, 30 August 1995, trans. Pinar Gibbon.

22 “Aygül,” DOMiD Interview 8, Frankfurt am Main, 22 May 1995. She ended up joining her parents in West Germany a few years later.

23 Ibid., 79–99. There were also a significant number of Turkish workers who went to West Germany via the so-called “second path” (unofficial channels) and “third path,” such as entering the country as a tourist. Statistics on unofficial travel are hard to calculate, though there are plenty of references to them in both West German official notes as well as in interview with former workers who openly admit coming to West Germany as tourists and then looking for work after arrival. Some were only able to work “under the table.” Serhat Karakayli provides an excellent study of the second path and non-citizens’ negotiations of bureaucracy in Gespenster der Migration: Zur Genealogie illegaler Einwanderung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2008). See also Serhat Karakayali and Enrica Rigo “Mapping the European Space of Circulation” in The Deportation Regime: Sovereignty, Space, and the Freedom of Movement, ed. Nicholas de Genova and Nathalie Peutz (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 123–46.

24 Karin Hunn, Nächstes Jahr, 79.

25 İş ve işçi bulma Kurumu Genel Müdürlüğü Yayınları [Labor Office Directorate Publication], İşçi Olarak Almanya’ya Nasıl Gidiler? Federal Almanya’da Yaşama Şartları [How Does One Go to Germany to Work? Living Conditions in the Federal Republic], no. 28 (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, 1963), [National Library Ankara]; the same guidelines for the application procedure are also outlined in “Bericht: Dienstreise vom 14.29, October 1961,” BArch B 119 / 3077 I.

26 “Hallo Mustafa: Gesprächen des deutschen Arbeitnehmers mit seinem italienischen, spanischen, griechischen und türkischen Kollegen in vier separaten Sprachausgaben” [“Hello Mustafa: The German Worker’s Conversation with his Italian, Spanish, Greek and Turkish Colleagues in Four Separate Foreign-Language Editions”] (Heidelberg: Dr Curt-Haefner Verlag, 1966). The fine print on the Turkish version notes that all translations of the booklet have identical contents. It is striking that one booklet was designed for all workers, treating this vast population of foreign workers as a unified group.

27 “Hallo Mustafa: Gesprächen,” 4, emphasis mine. Translation by the author of the German edition.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid., 6.

30 Ibid., emphasis mine.

31 Barbara Sonnenberger, “Verwaltete Arbeitskraft: die Anwerbung von ‘Gastarbeiter’ in den 1950er und 1960er Jahren,” in Migration Steuern und Verwalten, ed. Jochen Oltmer, IMIS Schriften 12 (Göttingen: Hubert & Co, 2003), 145–76, here, 160; see also Jamin, “Die deutsch-türkischen Anwerbevereinbarung von 1961 und 1964,” in Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathilde Jamin, eds., Fremde Heimat, 69–82, here 82.

32 Jamin, Fremde Heimat, 82. See also Karen Schönwälder, Einwanderung und ethnische Pluralität: Politische Entscheidungen und öffentliche Debatten in Großbritannien und der Bundesrepublik von den 1950er bis zu den 1970er Jahren (Essen: Klartext, 2001), 215–16; 618; Bucerius, Unwanted, 24.

33 Hallo Mustafa!, 5.

34 “1919 yılında Milletler Cemiyet’in kontrolü altında milletlerarası bir idareye tabi tutulmuş olan Saar Havası 1935 yılında yapılan bir plebisit neticesinde tekrar Almanya’ya iltihak eder.” The year 1935 is perhaps better known as the year of the introduction of the Nuremburg Laws, which sought to give legal validity to racial discrimination and introduced categories of full and partial citizenship. This same year also saw clear breaches of the Treaty of Versailles by Germany, including a rearmament program, introduction of conscription, and the existence of a German air force. Needless to say, this single, one-sentence description of the interwar period and rise of Hitler was lacking in a troubling way. Helmut Artz, Almanya’yı Tanımak istermisiniz? [Would you like to get to know Germany?] (Wiesbaden: Wiesbadener Graphischer Betriebe, 1965).

35 İşçi, 8–9.

36 Ibid., 6.

37 Ibid., 9.

38 Ibid.

39 Ibid., 4.

40 “Hasan,” DOMiD Interview 12, Berlin, 22 June 1995.

41 “Adil,” DOMiD Interview 28, Essen, 22 June 1995.

42 “Mehmet,” DOMiD Interview 17, Hamburg, 27 June 1995.

43 Dr Keintzel, “Bericht über Erkundung der Anwerbemöglichkeiten von türkischen Bergleuten für den deutschen Steinkohlenbergbau in der Türkei. Dienstreise vom 14–29. October 1961” BArch B 119/ 3077 I, 9.

44 “Mehmet,” DOMiD Interview 23, 9 October 1995, Schweinfurt.

45 İşçi, 7.

46 Ibid., 8.

47 “Bericht: Dienstreise vom 14–29 October 1961” BArch B 119/ 3077 I, 4.

48 “Adil,” DOMiD Interview 28, Essen, 22 June 1995.

49 İşçi, 15.

50 Ibid., 30–1.

51 In his study, Aker writes that workers in Germany earned four times as much as they did in Turkey, Ahmet Aker, “A Study of Turkish Labour Migration to Germany,” Institute of Foreign Policy Research: The Johns Hopkins University Bologna Center School of Advanced International Studies, no. 10 (July 1974): 1–32, here 28.

52 Nermin Abadan, Batı Almanya’daki Türk İşçiler ve Sorunları [Turkish Workers in West Germany and Their Problems] (Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Plânlama Teşkilâtı, 1964), 57.

53 Ibid.

54 1 October 1968 BArch B 119 / 3073.

55 İşçi, 5.

56 Ibid., 9.

57 “Erol,” DOMiD Interview 22, Munich, 12 October 1995.

58 A committee of BA officials would determine an applicant’s departure position by taking into consideration West German employers” wishes, the candidate’s age, education, skill level, physical build and even “personal appearance and attitude,” İşçi, 96.

59 İşçi, 14, emphasis mine.

60 Nürnberg, Weicken, “Tätigkeit der Deutschen Verbindungsstelle in der Türkei und der Deutschen Kommission in Griechenland,” 17 May 1968 BArch, B 119/ 3074, notes problems with nominated appointments, pointing out that requested relatives are not always “ready for departure; 4,700 applicants were reported to be nominated applicants between 18 October and 22 November 1969, BArch B 119/ 4031.

61 Landesarbeitsamt Baden-Württemberg an BAVAV, 23 January 1963, BArch B 119/ 3071; in this case the State Employment Office in Stuttgart is petitioning the Federal Office on her behalf for a work visa.

62 İşçi, 8.

63 Jamin, 50 Jahre, 158.

64 Werner Schiffauer, Die Migranten aus Subay: Türken in Deutschland Eine Ethnografie (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag für Wissen und Bildung, GmbH, 1991), 30.

65 DOMiD Interview 16, Berlin, 15 August 1995.

66 Ibid.

67 BAVAV Türkei, Der Direktor, Istanbul, An BAVAV, Nürnberg, 12 August 1970 BArch B119/ 4031.

68 DOMiD Interviews 18 and 19, “Almanya’ya yalnız gelen bir anne ve kızı,” [“A Mother and Daughter Go to Germany”] Herne, 1995.

69 BAVAV Deutsch Verbindungsstelle in der Türkei and BAVAV Nürnberg, “Anwerbung und Vermittlung türkischer Arbeitskräften ach der Bundesrepublik Deutschland; hier: Wochenbericht für die Zeit 29.8.1964-4.9.1964,” 4 September 1964 BArch B 119/ 4035.

70 Karin Hunn writes that some Anatolian women were “forced” or at least highly encouraged by their families or spouses to sign up to be guest workers in Nächstest Jahr; see also Jamin, 50 Jahre; DOMiD Interviews 18 and 19, “Mother and Daughter.”

71 “Erol,” DOMiD interview 22, Munich, 12 October 1995.

72 “Mehmet,” DOMiD interview 23, Schweinfurt, 9 October 1995.

73 Ibid.

74 Hallo Mustafa!, 25.

75 Hallo Mustafa!, 25.

76 Jamin, “Fremde Heimat,” in 50 Jahre, 153.

77 An BAVAV Nürnberg, 30 October 1962, BArch B 119/ 3071 II.

78 Ibid.

79 Ibid.

80 Abadan, Batı Almanya’daki Türk İşçiler [Turkish workers in West Germany], 58.

81 Ibid.

82 BA Der Präsident, an Firma Klaus Esser KG, Düsseldorf, 24 August 1970, BArch B 119/ 3041.

83 DOMiD Interview 20, “Remzi,” Munich, 10 October 1995.

84 DOMiD Interview 22, “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995.

85 Bundesvereinigung der Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände Köln October 1969, BArch B 119/ 4036 I.

86 “Bericht: Dienstreise vom 14– 29 October 1961” BArch B 119/ 3077 I, 3.

87 Ibid., 4.

88 Ibid., 5, “Als ich darum bat, in diesem Verteilungsplan Einblick zu nehmen, mußte ich zu meinem Entsetzen feststellen, daß die Zentralstelle in Istambul [sic] die Aufträge des deutschen Bergbaus auf insgesamt 17 türkische Arbeitsämter über die ganze Türkei verteilt hatte.”

89 Bundesvereinigung der Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände Köln October 1969, BArch B 119/ 4036 I.

90 Ibid.

2. In Transit

Parts of this chapter first appeared in German History 30, no. 4 (2012): 550–73 and is published here with permission.

1 “Notbremse im Hellas-Istanbul Express,” Salzburger Nachrichten, no.17, 28 June 1969, BArch B 119/ 4030. Salzburger Nachrichten is known as a centre-right, Christian liberal paper.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 West German and German Rail officials continued to use terms like “transport” to refer to guest worker transportation, even though, for some, the term had a negative and historically loaded connotation, because it was the same term used to describe trains travelling to concentration and extermination camps. For recent scholarship on the use of train transportation during the Holocaust see, Simone Gigliotti, The Train Journey (New York: Berghahn Books, 2009); Todd Samuel Presner, Mobile Modernity: Germans, Jews, Trains (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). For a look at the intersections between mechanized technology, corporate power, and modernized space see, Barbara Young Welke, Recasting American Liberty: Gender, Race, Law, and the Railroad Revolution, 1865–1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

8 Ahmet Aker, “A Study of Turkish Labour Migration to Germany.”

9 Historians of guest workers in West Germany often begin with a train station motif. See, Klaus J. Bade and Jochen Oltmer eds., Zuwanderung und Integration in Niedersachsen Zeit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Osnabrück: Universitätsverlag Rasch, 2002); Rita Chin, The “Guest Worker” Question in Postwar Germany (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Karin Hunn, “Nächstes Jahr kehren wir zurück … “ Die Geschichte der türkischen “Gastarbeiter” in der Bundesrepublik (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2005). See also the film Almanya: Willkommen in Deutschland [Almanya: Welcome to Germany], which shows a Turkish guest worker deciding to go to West Germany, boarding the back of a pickup truck in Turkey, and then stepping into a West German train station after arrival, Yasemin Şamdereli, dir., (Roxy, Infa, Concord, 2011), DVD.

10 Karen Schönwälder writes that West Germans could feel “nationalistic” and “superior” by recruiting thousands of foreign workers, “as evidence of their own economic superiority, of their role as a leading civic force in Europe and even as political educators,” “West German Society,” 115. For the historical legacy of train travel as part of modernity see, Steven Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 1880–1918 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986); Angela Woollacott, “‘All This Is the Empire, I told Myself’: Australian Women’s Voyages ‘Home’ and the Articulation of Colonial Whiteness,” American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1003–29.

12 This is largely cited to be the first transport of Turkish guest workers to West Germany organized by the German Liaison Office, however, unlike later group trips, it was organized by the Fäustel Travel Agency in Istanbul, BAVAV Holjewilken Nürnberg, 14 October 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035.

13 BAVAV Holjewilken Nürnberg, 14 October 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035. The term “escort” is a translation of the term Transportbegleiter. Though the file does not mention if Mr Ibrahim was paid, it is likely that he was also a travelling guest worker, who took on the task of escort for a nominal fee and was chosen for German language ability.

14 Jamin, “Fremde Heimat,” in 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik; see also Jamin, “Die deutsche Anwerbung, Organisation und Größenordnung,” in Fremde Heimat, 207–31. Workers were also able to apply to arrive in West Germany privately, and some firms also organized flights for workers; for information on flights see BAVAV Nürnberg, 19 May 1965, BArch B 119/ 4031; see also BAVAV Türkei, 31 January 1972, BArch B 119/ 4029.

15 Münir Egeli, Almanya’ya Gidiyorum [I am going to Germany] (Bonn: İnkılap ve Aka, 1962), 28. The pamphlet also lists departure days and times for air routes to West Germany, though until 1970, train travel was far more common.

16 İşçi, 16.

17 In her study of the conditions and problems of Turkish workers in West Germany, Abadan-Unat noted that 58 per cent of those she interviewed said that they did not read instructional materials before departure or after arrival. It is not clear from this statement if workers actually received the materials or if they were choosing to ignore them. Abadan-Unat, Studie Über die Lage und Die Probleme der Türkischen Gastarbeiter in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Kurze Zusammenfassung, (Türkische Republik Ministerpräsidum Staatssekretariat für Wirtschaftsplanung, Ankara, 1964, 6 October 1964, BArch, B 119/ 3073).

18 For example, an arrival packet in Southern Bavaria contained exactly 1,111.4 calories. Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, “Verpflegung der ausländischen Arbeiter in der Weiterleitungsstelle,” 1963 BArch B 119/ 4032.

19 BAVAV Nürnberg, “Bericht des VAm Krusch über die Dienstreise nach Belgrad zwecks Beobachtung eines Sonderzug-Transportes Istanbul-München,” 11 November 1963, BArch B 119/4035; Istanbul, BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, “Reiseproviant,” 13 December 1964, BArch B 119 / 4035. This memo noted that one firm was so eager to secure the deal with the employment bureau that they reportedly offered gold watches to officials and their wives.

20 “Der Nähr- und Sättigungswert der Lebensmittel kann als ausreichend bezeichnet werden. Mit Ausnahme der Wurst keine Beanstandungen in hygienischer und qualitativer Hinsicht.” Istanbul 13 December 1964, Bundesanstalt für Arbeitsvermittlung und Arbeitslosenversicherung, Deutsche Verbindungsstelle in der Türkei, An den Herrn Präsidenten der Bundesanstalt für Arbeitsvermittlung und Arbeitslosenversicherung; Betr: Transportangelegenheiten; hier: Reiseproviant; BArch B 119/ 4035.

21 BAVAV Nürnberg Holjewilken, “Anwerbung und Vermittlung türkischer Arbeitskräfte; hier Eintreffen der 1. Und 2. Sammelfahrt mit türkischen Arbeitskräften in München-Hbf,” 14 October 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid.

24 In interviews, former workers reported packing food for the trip that including the Turkish garlic-flavored sausage, sucuk, see Documentation Center and Museum of Migration in Germany (DOMiD) Interview 16, Berlin, 31 August 1995; DOMiD Interview 62, “Metin,” place redacted, April 1995, trans. Pinar Gibbon; DOMiD Interview 39, “Yalcın,” Nuremberg, 19 October 1995; see also “Ungenehmigte Einfuhr von Fleisch- und Wurstwaren durch ausländische Arbeitnehmer,” BArch B 119/ 4029. Apparently the Minister for Nutrition, Farming, and Forestry wrote the employment bureau in Nuremberg to remind them that “the introduction of forbidden meat products” from Turkey and Greece should be stopped.

25 “Betref: Transporte neuangeworbener griechischer und türkischer Arbeiter nach Deutschland,” 15 March 1967, BArch B119/ 4029.

26 “Betr: Besuch der Weiterleitungsstelle im Hauptbahnhof München am 14 January 1963,” 24 January 1963, BArch B 119/ 4032.

27 “Notbremsa im Hellas-Istanbul-Expreß,” Salzburger Nachrichten BArch B 119/ 4030.

28 BAVAV Nürnberg, an Herrn Präs. Landesarbeitsamtes Südbayern, München, 16 January 1962; Deutsches Zollamt Salzburg an BAVAV Nürnberg, 23 November 1967, BArch B 119/ 4031.

29 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, Betr: Transportangelegenheiten, hier, Das zu reichlich mitgeführte Gepäck türk. Arbeitnehmer, Die Nutzung von Sitzplätzen zur Gepäckbeförderung, Die Verschmutzung der Sonderzüge, 15 May 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

32 Ibid.

33 Ibid. German Rail officials mention that they would have to have a guarantee from Turkish Rail that they would be exempt from certain fees in order to arrange transportation. However, there are only vague references to what these fees are for and what amount they are. Weicken, Nürnberg, April 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

34 Weicken, Nürnberg, April 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

35 “Verbesserung im Balkan-Verkehr erst 1966? Die ausländischen Bahnverwaltungen können keine weiteren Züge übernehmen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) 1 October 1965, BArch B 119/ 4031; see also FAZ 29 September 1966.

36 Ibid. See also BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 3 January 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035; Deutsche Bundesbahn Oberbetriebsleitung Süd, Stuttgart, an Generaldirektion der Österreichischen Bundesbahnen, Wien, Gemeinschaft der Jugoslawischen Eisenbahnen, Belgrad, Transportministerium Abteilung für internationale Angelegenheiten Sofija, Direction Générale des Chemins de fer de l’Etat hellénique Direction de l’Exploitation, Athènes, Direction générale d’Exploitation des Chemins de fer d’état de la République turque, Ankara, Direction de la 7e Région Exploitation TCDD Istanbul, 12 December 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035.

37 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, Betr: Anwerbung und Vermittlung türkischer Arbeitnehmer, hier, Wochenbericht, 6 September 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035.

38 “Notbremse im Hellas-Istanbul-Expreß,” BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul, 13 July 1964, an BAVAV Nürnberg, BArch B 119/ 4031.

39 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 12 September 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035; see also, BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg 6 September 1963, “Anwerbung und Vermittlung türkischer Arbeitnehmer, hier, Wochenbericht,” BArch B 119/ 4035.

40 “ Notbremse im Hellas-Istanbul-Expreß,” BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul, 13 July 1964, an BAVAV Nürnberg, BArch B 119/ 4031.

41 “Prügelszenen um reservierte Plätze: Bundesbahn ist ratlos: Gastarbeiter blockieren Urlauberzüge” Rheinische Post No. 188, 14 August 1965, BArch B 119/ 4031.

42 Ref. Weicken, “Bericht des VAm Krusch über die Dienstreise nach Belgrad zwecks Beobachtung eines Sonderzug-Transportes Istanbul- München,” BArch B 119 / 4035.

43 Ref Ia6, Weicken, Nürnberg, April 1962, BArch B 119 / 4035.

44 Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern an BAVAV Nürnberg, 11 December 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035; BAVAV Nürnberg, Weicken, March 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

45 Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern an BAVAV Nürnberg, 11 December 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035; officials mention paying the cost of seat reservations, however, it is unclear if they did so for every departing train; see BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 12 August 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035 and BAVAV Türkei, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 23 August 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035. Another memo mentions that it was not possible to reserve seats for non-German trains: “Platzkarten können nicht ausgegeben werden (kein Platzkartenverfahren mit Jugoslawien, Griechenland und der Türkei. Für eine ordnungsgemäße Durchführung der Transporte (für alle Kräfte sind Plätze in einem Wagen vorhanden) müssen Wagen der Deutschen Bundesbahn eingesetzt werden,” Ref Weicken, Nürnberg, April 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

46 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg 1 April 1964, BArch B119/ 4035.

47 BAVAV Nürnberg, 13 April 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035; see Also, Bundesvereinigung der Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände, Köln, an die Mitglieder des Ausschusses “Ausländische Arbeitskräfte,” 30 October 1969, BArch B 119/ 4036 I, which notes that working with Yugoslavian rail caused particular problems.

48 “Die beiden Leerzüge sind pünktlich eingetroffen. Sie führten allerdings einmal 14 und das andere Mal nur 12 Wagen mit. Infolge Verspätung des fahrplanmäßigen Yugoslavienexpress konnten die Sonderzüge erst um 21 [Uhr] bereitgestellt werden.“ BAVAV Deutsche Verbindungsstelle in der Türkei, An den Herrn Präsidenten der BAVAV Nürnberg, 24 July 1964; Betr: Anwerbung und Vermittlung türkischer Arbeitskräfte nach der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, hier Wochenbericht für die Zeit vom 17–23 July 1964; BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, “Betr: Transportangelegenheiten,” 1 April 1964, BArch B119/ 4035.

49 Bundesvereinigung der Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände, Köln, “Tätigkeit der Deutschen Anwerbekommissionen in Istanbul, Athen und Belgrad,” 30 October 1969, BArch B 119/ 4036 I.

50 BAVAV an Deutschen Bundesbahn, “Transportangelegenheiten ausländischer Arbeitnehmer,” 19 January 1970, BArch B 119/4031; see also Ref. Weicken, Holkewilken Nürnberg, March 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

51 Landsarbeitsamt Südbayern an BAVAV Nürnberg 11 December 1961, BArch B 119/ 4035; see also Ref. Weicken, Holkewilken Nürnberg, March 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

52 “Während der Fahrt durch Jugoslawien verlangte die jugoslawische Bahnpolizei an einer Haltestelle die Mitnahme von zwei Jugoslawen in dem Sonderzug bis nach Zagreb. Das jugoslawische Zugbegleitpersonal weigerte sich und suchte Unterstützung bei der Transportleitung. Die Polizei bestand darauf, die zwei Personen mitfahren zu lassen; Sitzplätze wurden nicht in Anspruch genommen.” Ref. Weicken, Nürnberg, 11November 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035.

53 Ref. Weicken, Nürnberg, 11 November 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035, “Die Eisenbahnverwaltungen der Durchfahrtsländer [sind] nicht unschuldig.”

54 Ref. Weicken, Nürnberg, 11 November 1963, “Bericht des VAm Krusch über die Dienstreise nach Belgrad zwecks Beobachtung eines Sonderzug-Transportes Istanbul-München,” BArch B 119/ 4035.

55 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 12 April 1962, BArch BA 119/ 4035.

56 BAVAV Türkei 12 April 1962, an BAVAV Nürnberg BArch BA 119/ 4035; see also BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 11 October 1963, which notes that around two thousand people were awaiting departure from Istanbul, BArch B 119/ 4035.

57 The German Liaison Office in Istanbul requested that special consideration be taken of the backed-up situation in Turkey because it could “affect the West German economy”: “Die Verbindungsstelle bittet daher im Hinblick auf die besonders gelagerten Verhältnisse in der Türkei, die Transporte von hier im Interesse der deutschen Wirtschaft so abfertigen zu können, wie sie anfallen.” BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 12 April 1962, BArch BA 119/ 4035.

58 Weicken, Nürnberg, 13 April 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035; see also BAVAV, Nürnberg, “Übernachtung und Verpflegung von Transportteilnehmern in der Weiterleitungsstelle – Bahnhofsbunker – München,” 11 March 1963, BArch B119/ 4032.

59 Ref. Weicken, “Vermittlung qualifizierter türkischer Arbeitnehmer nach der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Nürnberg,” notes that Saturday and Sunday arrivals mean that Turkish workers have to spend the night in the Munich train station, 13 April 1962, BArch B 119/ 4035.

60 BAVAV, Nürnberg, “Anwerbung und Vermittlung ausländischer Arbeitnehmer nach der Bundesrepublik Deutschland; hier: Übernachtung und Verpflegung von Transportteilnehmern in der Weiterleitungsstelle – Bahnhofsbunker –München,” 11 March 1963, BArch B119/ 4032.

61 DOMiD Interview 39, “Yalcın,” Nuremburg, 19 October 1995.

62 DOMiD Interview 16, Berlin, 31 August 1995.

63 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, “Betr: Transportangelegenheiten” 1 April 1964, BArch B119/ 4035.

64 Some workers sold their land to come to West Germany, some workers reported owning up to three hundred acres of land in Turkey before departure, see Ali Gitmez, Göçmen İşçilerin Dönüşü: Return Migration of Turkish Workers to Three Selected Regions (Ankara: Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Idari Ilimler Fakültesi, 1977), 73, 85, 93; BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg 12 April 1962.

65 Nürnberg 13 April1964, BArch B 119/ 4035; see also BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg 4 September 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035, where an official notes that 246 workers who could not depart were given 30 Turkish lira apiece for room and board for three nights, costing the BAVAV an additional 7,380 Turkish lira.

66 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 19 February 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035.

67 Ibid.

68 BAVAV Türkei an den Herrn Präsident BAVAV Nürnberg, 15 May 1964, BA B 119/ 4035, emphasis mine.

69 On the inaugural trip, ten-litre bottles were issued, presumably to share, starting in 1963, two-litre bottles were issued to workers together with their travel provisions, BAVAV Türkei, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 16 August 1963, BArch B 119 / 4035; BAVAV Nürnberg 24 May 1965, BArch B 119/ 4031; Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, Der Präsident, An der Herrn Präsidenten Der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit Nürnberg, 9 April 1970, BArch B119 4031.

70 Abteilung I, Nürnberg, “Betr: Durchführung der Ausländertransporte,” 24 May 1965 BArch B 119/ 4031.

71 “Verbesserung im Balkan-Verkehr erst 1966? Die ausländischen Bahnverwaltungen können keine weiteren Züge übernehmen,” FAZ, 1 October 1965, BArch B 119/ 4031; see also a report from FAZ on 29 September 1966; BAVAV Türkei an den Herrn Präsident BAVAV Nürnberg, 15 May 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035.

72 “BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 13 July 1964, BArch B 119/ 403; BAVAV Nürnberg an BAVAV Türkei, Griechenland, Spanien, Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, 4 August 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031.

73 BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 13 July 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031.

74 Weicken, BAVAV Nürnberg 11 November 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035.

75 OBL Süd 15 January 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035; BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul, an BAVAV Nürnberg 13 July 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031; BAVAV Nürnberg, an BAVAV Türkei, Griechenland, Spanien, Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, Landesarbeitsamt Nordrhein-Westfallen, 4 August 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031; BAVAV Nürnberg, 24 May 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031; BAVAV Nürnberg, An Deutsche Bundesbahn Oberbetriebsleitung Süd, 18 January 1966, BArch B 119/ 4031; BA Nürnberg, an Oeftering, Präs. Deutschen Bundesbahn, 19 Januar 1970, BArch B119/ 4031; Landesarbeitsamt Hessen, an BA Nürnberg, 6 March 1970, BArch B 119/ 4031; Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, An BA Nürnberg, 9 April 1970, BArch B 119/ 4031.

76 BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg, 28 January 1966, BArch B 119/ 4035; BAVAV Nürnberg, an BAVAV Türkei, 20 July 1964, BArch B 119/ 4029; Landesarbeitsamt Südbayern, “Merkblatt für Reiseleiter und-begleiter von Sammelreisen türkischer Arbeitnehmer von Istanbul nach München,” November 1973, BArch B 119/ 4032 – this instructional sheet recommends that travel escorts receive immunizations eight days before departure from Istanbul. BAVAV official, Weicken, noted that it would be a good idea for escorts to walk the aisles and remind passengers with the megaphone to be clean. Weicken, Nürnberg, 11 November 1963, BArch B 119/ 4035; see also BAVAV Nürnberg an Landesarbeitsamtes Südbayern, BAVAV Türkei, 17 October 1966, BArch B 119/ 4029; BAVAV Griechenland an BAVAV Nürnberg, 8 November 1966, BArch B 119/ 4029; BAVAV Griechenland an BAVAV Nürnberg, “Transportangelegenheiten griechischer und türkischer Arbeitnehmer, 8 November 1966, BArch B 119/ 4029.

77 BAVAV Nürnberg, “Bitte Sofort Lesen, Wichtige Hinweise für die Fahrt in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” undated, BArch B 119/ 4029.

78 Ibid.

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.

81 Ibid.

82 Ibid. The escort noted that the train was marked in such a way that anyone could see what its purpose was and that Yugoslavia had such limited train service that everyone wanted to use it.

83 Ibid. German rail blamed the unsanitary conditions on the trains not only on the duration of the trip but also on guest workers’ “south-eastern-European mentality,” see Deutsche Bundesbahn Bundesbahndirektion München, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 13 November 1973, BArch B 119/ 4029.

84 BAVAV Nürnberg an BAVAV Türkei 4 August 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031.

85 BAVAV Nürnberg an die Deutsche Bundesbahn Oberbetriebsleitung Süd, 6 November 1964, BArch B 119/ 4029.

86 BAVAV Nürnberg, an die Deutsche Bundesbahn Oberbetriebsleitung Süd, 18 January 1966, BArch B 119/ 4031; see also, BAVAV Nürnberg, an Präsident und Vorsitzer des Vorstandes der Deutschen Bundesbahn, 19 January 1970, BArch B 119/ 4031.

87 Deutsche Bundesbahn, Frankfurt, an BA Nürnberg. “Arbeitersonderzüge vom Balkan – Süddeutschland,” 23 November 1964, BArch B 119/ 4031.

88 Ibid.

89 BAVAV Türkei an den Herrn Präsident BAVAV Nürnberg; 15 May 1964, BA B 119/ 4035.

90 Deutsche Bundesbahn Bundesbahndirektion München an BA Nürnberg, 10 September 1964, BArch B 119 /4029; these sentiments are repeated for years, Deutsche Bundesbahn Bundesbahndirektion München, BA Nürnberg, Landesarbeitsamt Bayern, 1 December 1964, BArch B 119/ 4029; Deutsche Bundesbahn Bundesbahndirektion München, an BA Nürnberg, 12 May 1965, BArch B 119/ 4029; Eichner, BA Nürnberg, November 1969, BArch B 119/ 4029; Deutsche Bundesbahn Bundesbahndirektion München an BAVAV Nürnberg, 19 November 1969, BArch B 119 / 4029.

91 BAVAV Nürnberg, 13 September 1964, BA B 119/ 4029.

92 BA Nürnberg, “Reinigung von Sonderzügen in München,” BArch B 119/ 4029.

93 Ibid.

94 Karen Schönwälder explores the West German public’s reaction to the recruitment of “guest workers” as one that ranged from economic necessity to pride over West German economic superiority in relation to applicant countries, see “West German Society,” 113–27.

95 Duinger Steinzeugwerk Mühle & Co an den Herrn Präsidenten der Bundesanstalt für Arbeitsvermittlung Nürnberg, 20 July 1973, BArch B 119/ 4031.

96 Notiz zur Besprechung am 15 November 1963, bei der OFD in München, “Unterbringung der Weiterleitungsstelle für ausländische Arbeitnehmer in Münch Hbf,” BArch B 119/ 4032.

97 Ibid. Karen Schönwälder has noted than even if West German employers did not consider the larger implications of foreign labour in post-war Germany “ordinary Germans” did; see “West German Society,” 113–27.

98 Mathilde Jamin, Fremde Heimat, 142–3.

99 DOMiD Interview 15, “Cahit,” Berlin, 30 August 1995.

100 DOMiD Intervew 22, “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995.

101 29 January 1964, BAVAV Präsident an Landesarbeitsämter, Südbayern, Nordrhein-Westfalen, BArch B 119 / 4029.

102 “Heimreisende italienischer Fremdarbeiter an Weihnachten 1963” BA B119/4031; “Transportlisten für Fremdarbeiter” 1969 BA B 110/4031; “Sammeltransporte von Fremdarbeitern” 1963 BA B 119/4033; see Rita Chin, The Guest Worker Question, 8–9; Karin Hunn ‚Nächstes Jahr, 59–60; Monika Mattes‚ Gastarbeiterinnen’, 16.

103 Gewerkschaft Holz und Kunststoff an BA, “Verwendung sogenannter “Transportlisten” bei der Einreise ausländischer Arbeitnehmer in die Bundesrepublik” 18 December 1972, BArch B 119/ 4029; it was in the early 1970s that unions started working on behalf of foreign workers in West German for improved conditions. This request was a part of a larger movement of concern over guest worker conditions in West Germany in the early 1970s.

104 Gewerkschaft Holz und Kunststoff, an Bundesanstalt für Arbeit Herrn Minta, Betrifft: Verwendung sogenannter “Transportlisten” bei der Einreise ausländischer Arbeitnehmer in die Bundesrepublik”; 18 December 1972, BA B 119/ 4029.

105 BA der Präsident Nürnberg an die Landesarbeitsämter und die Auslandsdienststellen 24 October 1972, BArch B119/ 4029.

106 Übersicht über die Anwerbung und Vermittlung ausländischer Arbeitnehmer nach der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Nürnberg, 22 December 1970, BArch B 119 4031.

107 Aker, 1; Istanbul University published a study that reported 1.25 million people were on the waiting list in 1974; see Duncan Miller and İshan Çetin, Migrant Workers, Wages, and Labor Markets: Emigrant Turkish Workers in the Federal Republic (Istanbul University Faculty of Economics, Institute of Economic Development, 1974), 4, IISG.

108 Miller and Çetin, Migrant Workers, 4.

109 Ibid.

110 Ahmet Aker, “A Study of Turkish Labour Migration to Germany”; this study, conducted from 1970–1 was based on a random sample of 590 Turkish workers who were one week from their departure date and had already finished all of the required paperwork.

111 Ibid., 4.

112 Ibid., 19.

113 Ibid., 7.

114 “In der türkischen Öffentlichkeit wird in letzter Zeit häufiger die Lage der türkischen Arbeiter in der Bundesrepublik neben wenigen positive Stellungnahmen zunehmend kritisiert. Hierbei wird besonders auf die Verhältnisse in Nordrhein-Westfalen verwiesen. In diesem Zusammenhang wird die Entsendung eines Sozialattachés an die türkische Botschaft in Bonn von einigen Zeitungen empfohlen,” Schmidt, Auswärtiges Amt, Bonn, an den Herrn Bundesminister des Innern, Herrn Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, Bonn, 30 March 1962, BArch B 119/ 3071 II.

115 Aker, “A Study of Turkish Labour Migration to Germany,” 27.

116 A more recent wave of literature has provided a rich field of scholarship that adds nuance to guest workers’ experiences in West Germany; see Katherine Pratt Ewing, Stolen Honor: Stigmatizing Muslim Men in Berlin (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008); Damani J. Partridge, Hypersexuality and Headscarves: Race, Sex and Citizenship in the New Germany (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012); Serhat Karakayali, Gespenster der Migration: Zur Genealogie illegaler Einwanderung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2008); Rauf Ceylan, Die Turkensiedlung (Leipzig: Engelsdorfer, 2015); Manuela Bojadzjiev, Die windige Internationale: Rassismus und Kämpfe die Migration (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2008).

117 Orals histories were not usually included in the classic histories of “guest worker” migration to West Germany. See Ulrich Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 1880–1980: Seasonal Workers, Forced Laborers, Guest Workers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990); Klaus Bade, Migration in European History, trans. Allison Brown (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003).

118 “Cahit,” DOMiD Interview 15, Berlin, 30 August 1995.

119 “Erol,” DOMiD Interview 22, Munich, 12 October 1995.

120 Ibid.

121 Ibid.

122 “Metin,” DOMiD Interview 62, “Metin,” location redacted, April 1995.

123 Ibid.

124 Ibid.

125 Jefferson Cowie, Capital Moves: RCA”s Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), 198.

126 “Notbremse im Hellas-Istanbul Express,” Salzburger Nachrichten, 17, 28 June 1969, BArch B 119/ 4030.

3. Finding Homes

1 Ursula Mehrländer, “Wohnverhältinisse Ausländischer Arbeitnehmer in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” Contribution to the International Conference on Migrant Workers, 12–14 December 1974, Arbeitsgruppe Internationales Institut für vergleichend Gesellschaftsforschung (DOMiD doc 434), 14.

2 Mehrländer, 14.

3 Ibid.

4 Abadan-Unat found in her 1964 study that 85 per cent of workers lived in “Heims,” or employer-managed dormitories for foreign workers. Nermin Abadan-Unat, Batı Almaya’daki Türk İşçileri ve Sorunları [Turkish Workers in West Germany and Their Problems] (Ankara: Başbakanlık Devlet Planlama Teşkilâtı [State Planning Organization], 1964), 103.

5 Here “interviews” refers to the DOMiD interview collection as well as my own.

6 Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathlide Jamin eds., Fremde Heimat/ Yaban, Sılan olur: Eine Geschichte der Einwanderung aus der Türkei/ Türkiye’den Almanya’ya Göçün Tarihi (Essen: Klartext, 1998), 52–3.

7 Ernst Zieris, Betriebsunterkünfte für Ausländische Arbeitnehmer und ihre Familien (Opladen: North Rhein Westphalia Labor Ministry for Labor, Health, and Social Welfare, 1973), 11, quoted in Fremde Heimat, 171.

8 Mehrländer, “Wohnverhältnisse,” 16.

9 Ibid., 23.

10 “Unterkunft, ” Fremde Heimat, 52.

11 “Ein kleines Herrenvolk sieht sich in Gefahr: man hat Arbeitskräfte gerufen, und es kommen Menschen,” Max Frische, Überfremdung (1965), in Gesammelte Werke Bd. I–VII (Franfurt am Main, 1976–86, Bd V, p. 374, quoted in Mathilde Jamin, “Fremde Heimat: Zur Geschichte der Arbeitsmigration aus der Türkei,” in 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte, ed. Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, and Anne von Oswald, 163.

12 “ama şunu da unutmamalısın ki, Almanya bundan 20 sene evvel bir harabeden başka bir şey değildi, Hallo Mustafa!, 24.

13 Ibid.

14 Schönwälder “West German Society,” 115–16.

15 Ibid.

16 Lynn Abrams, Worker’s Culture in Imperial Germany: Leisure and Recreation in the Rhineland and Westphalia (New York: Routledge, 1992).

17 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany; Anne von Oswald and Barbara Schmidt, “‘Nach Schichtende sind sie immer in ihr Lager zurückgekehrt’ Leben in‚ Gastarbeiter’ Unterkünften in den sechziger und siebziger Jahren,“ in 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik, ed. Motte et al., 184–214.

18 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 199.

19 Tony Judt, Postwar, 16; Jeffry M. Diefendorf, In the Wake of the War: The Reconstruction of German Cities after World War II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 16.

20 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 193.

21 Ibid.

22 DOMiD Interviews 18 and 19, “Almanya’ya yalnız gelen bir anne ve kızı,” Herne, 1995.

23 “Elif,” Berlin, 2003.

24 Heidi Fehrenbach, Race after Hitler: Black Occupation Children in Postwar Germany and America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).

25 “Elif,” Berlin 2003.

26 Emine Sevgi Özdamar, Die Brücke vom Goldenen Horn (Cologne: Kiepenheuer and Witsch, 2000), 16.

27 Ibid., 19.

28 Metin Uyaner und Sami Özkara, “Arbeiterwohnheime für die Migranten im Ruhrgebiet: Eine historische Darstellung der 60er und 70er Jahre” Untersuchung 2 (Essen: DOMiD, June 1996).

29 Von Oswald and Schmidt, “‘Nach Schichtende,’” 186.

30 For rare photos and descriptions of dormitory life, see Aytaç Eryılmaz, “Das Leben im Wohnheim” in Fremde Heimat, 171–91.

31 Metin Uyaner und Sami Özkara, “Arbeiterwohnheime für die Migranten.”

32 Industriekurier, 6 October 1960, quoted in Metin Uyaner and Sami Özkara “Arbeiterwohnheime für die Migranten im Ruhrgebiet: Ein historische Darstellung der 60er und 70er Jahre” Untersuchung 2 (Essen: DOMiD, June 1996), 24.

33 “Unterkunft,” in Fremde Heimat, eds. Eryılmaz and Jamin, 52.

34 Ernst Zieris, “Integration ausländischer Arbeitnehmer,” quoted in Metin Uyaner and Sami Özkara, “Arbeiterwohnheime für die Migranten,” 25.

35 “Gebetsräume für unsere türkischen Heimbewohner wurden bereitgestellt. Ebenso wurden Sondertoiletten für diese Arbeitergruppen,” Bergwerksgesellschaft Walsum 3 November 1965, AfsB- IGBE-Archive 19094 A (Org) 18 Mappe 3.

36 Ibid., 195.

37 DOMiD Interview 15, “Cahit,” Berlin, 30 August 1995.

38 Ibid.

39 Hallo Mustafa!, 30.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid., 30–1.

42 Karen Schönwälder, “West German Society,” 113–127, here 115.

43 Mete Atsu, AfsB A (org) 18, Mappe 3: “also eine Unterkunft, die man heute unterentwickelten Ländern ohne weiteres zutraut, aber nicht der Bundesrepublik. Kollegen bestätigten mir, daß es eine sehr gute Unterkunft für die Nachkriegszeit sei – mehr nicht.”

44 DOMiD Archive Image; Eryılmaz and Jamin, Fremde Heimat, 187.

45 DOMiD Interview 22 “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995; for comments on lack of sleep in the dormitories see also the report on “Bergmannsheim Westfalen I by Mete Atsu compiled for the German Federal Trade Union AfsB-IGBE-Archiv 19094 A (org) 18 Mappe 3.

46 “Viele der Ursachen für die kritische Stimmung liegen zweifellos in der Überbelegung. Und daran wird sich wohl kaum etwas ändern; denn in den nächsten Wochen werden weitere 60 Arbeiter erwartet, die zusätzlich in diesem Heim unterzubringen sind,“ Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund Bundesvorstand an die Vorstände der Gewerkschaften und Industriegewerkschaften und an die Mitglieder des Arbeitskreises, 22 July 1971, AfsB – IGBE-Archiv A (org) 18, Mappe 3.

47 Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund Bundesvorstand, an die Vorstände der Gewerkschaften und Industriegewerkschaften und an die Mitglieder des Arbeitskreises ‘Ausländischer Arbeitnehmer’: Bericht über die Situation der türkischen Arbeitnehmer in Betrieben und Beziehungen zu den Gewerkschaften, Mete Atsu, 22 Juli 1971, AfsB-IGBE-Archiv 19094, A (Org) 19, Mappe 3.

48 Ibid.

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid.

51 DOMiD interview 39, “Yalcın,” Nuremburg, 19 October 1995.

52 Ibid.

53 “Heimordnung für das Wohnheim der Firma Wieland, Singen 1971,” Donated by Frigitte Teotonia-Müller, DOMiD-Archiv.

54 Ibid.

55 Ibid.

56 DOMiD Interview 22, “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995.

57 DOMiD Interview 39, “Yalcın,” Nuremberg, 19 October 1995.

58 Ibid.

59 Notiz über die Besprechung im Türkenwohnheim der Schachtanlage Emscher-Lippe, Datteln (Dümmerheim), 13 Juli 1970, AfsB-IGBE-Archiv 19094 A (Org) 18 Mappe.

60 Emine Sevgi Özdamar, Die Brücke vom Goldenen Horn, 28.

61 Bergmannsheim Westfalen I Rapportbuch: 12,13,14,15, 16, 20, 26 and 27 October 1970, DOMiD.

62 Rapportbuch, 8 October 1970.

63 Rapportbuch, 19 November 1970.

64 Rapportbuch, 23 November 1970.

65 Rapportbuch, 2–7 December, 1970.

66 Rapportbuch, 2, 4, 7 December 1970.

67 Rapportbuch, 24 February 1971.

68 Rapportbuch, 17 February 1971.

69 DOMiD 88 (1–15) SD.

70 Ibid.

71 “Opel-Arbeiter über die Zustände im Wohnheim, Bochum, 1977, Wohnheim Probleme: 30.1.77” DOMiD.

72 From the exhibition at the Cologne Art Collective: Migration: “Monitor: Kritik an Wohnverhältnissen in Gastarbeiterlager der Baufirma Holzmann AG, Frankfurt – Rödelheim 4.1. 1971) Description: Stellungnahme von Dr Georg K. einer Mitarbeiter der Holzmann AG, zu den Vorwürfen wegen des Schlechter Lagerzustandes. Eine Delegation von Kirchenvertreten unterstützten den Protest der Bewohner,” provided by Westdeutscher Rundfunk. Part of the “Transit” exhibition, Cologne, 2005.

73 Mieter für jedes Bett: Gutes Geschäft mit Sammelunterkünften für die Gastarbeiter?“ Tolf Elbertzhagen, Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger Sat–Sun 20–21 October 1962, no. 245 p 13 (AfsB IGBE-Archiv File 11227).

74 DOMiD Interview 22, “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995.

75 Rapportbuch, 7 February 1971; emphasis added.

76 Rapportbuch, 11 and 19 November 1970. The fine for having a visitor was five marks.

77 DOMiD Interview 16, Berlin, 31 August 1995; “Elif,” Berlin 2003. Elif has also organized a social club in Berlin for retired female migrants called “Aile Baçesi” or Family Garden,” where former dormitory roommates among others meet to drink tea, dance, sing, and visit. Other social organizations also exist in Cologne and in Berlin, such as the “Second Spring” group.

78 DOMiD Interview 22, “Erol,” Munich, 12 October 1995.

79 Between 1960 and 1973, the number of female foreign workers in West Germany increased from 43,000 to 706,000 and, in percentages, from 15 per cent to 30 per cent; see Monika Mattes, “Zum Verhältnis von Migration und Geschlecht: Anwerbung und Beschäftigung von ‘Gastarbeiterinnen’ in der Bundesrepublik 1960–1973,” in 50 Jahre, ed. Motte et al., 285.

80 Inga Steinen, Leben zwischen zwei Welten; Huth-Hildebrant and Micksch, Ausländische Frauen; Gaby Franger, Wir haben es uns anders vorgestellt; Sigrid Nökel, Die Töchter der Gastarbeiter und der Islam; Pia Weische-Alexa, Sozial-Kulturelle Probleme Junger Türkinnen; Rita Rosen and Gerd Stüwe, “Young Turkish girls can’t walk on the street. They cannot go to the movies or to the theater. They cannot go anywhere alone. Their mothers decide what they wear. When they come home from work, they have to do housework and take care of the children. They have absolutely no rights, and if they oppose, they will be hit,” in Ausländische Mädchen, 7.

81 Umut Erel, “The Politics of Identity and Community: Migrant Women from Turkey in Germany,” in Gender and Insecurity: Migrant Women in Europe, ed. Jane Freedman (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), 153–71, emphasis added.

82 “Elif,” Berlin, 2003.

83 Nermin Abadan-Unat and Neşe Kemiksiz write, “Turkish women living abroad have a certain independence, which they have developed through their participation in financial decisions, over which their control has grown … this ‘pseudo-independence, [however] does not always mean that they begin new lifestyles [or] become a new, real self-confidence,” in Türkische Migration 1960–1984: Annotierte Bibliographie, ed. Nermin Abadan-Unat and Neşe Kemiksiz, trans. Kirkor Osyan and Claudia Schöning-Kalender (Zentrum für Türkeistudien, Essen, Frankfurt am Main: Dağyeli Verlag, 1992); see also, Nermin Abadan-Unat, “Dış Göç Akımının Türk Kadınının Özgürleşme ve Sözde Özgürleşme Sürecine Etkisi” [The Effects of Immigration on Turkish Women and the Emancipation Process], Amme İdaresi Dergisi [Journal of Public Adminstration] 10 no.1 (1977): 107–32; G. Aslantepe, Federal Almanya’da Yaşayan Türk Kadınlarının Soruları, Birinci Nesil-İkinci Nesil [Concerns of First and Second Generation Turkish Women Living in the Federal Republic of Germany] (Düsseldorf Çalışma Ataşeliği [Dusseldorf Labor Attache], March 1982), 7; Seval Gürel and Ayşe Kudat, “Türk Kadınının Avrupa’ya Göçünün Kişilik, Aile eve Topluma Yansıyan Sonuçları,” [Study of Turkish Migrant Women to Germany in Terms of Self-Hood, Family and Community] Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, [Ankara University Faculty of Political Science Journal] 33 no. 93/4 (September–December 1978): 109–34.

84 Ibid.

85 Ibid.

86 “Elif,” Berlin, 2003.

87 Jenny B. White, email, 12 September 2005.

88 It is unclear how many female guest workers chose to come to West Germany on their own versus at the prodding of family members. West German companies aggressively recruited female workers for certain industries, even contacting employed married men to inquire if their wives could apply, BAVAV Türkei, Istanbul an BAVAV Nürnberg, 24 Juli 1964, BArch B 119/ 4035.

89 DOMiD Interview 18–19, “Almanya’ya yalnız gelen bir Anne ve kızın gelen bir Anne ve kızı” 1995.

90 Jamin, “Fremde Heimat: Zur Geschichte der Arbeitsmigration aus der Türkei,” in 50 Jahre, ed. Motte et al., 158.

91 Metin Uyaner and Sami Özkara, “Arbeiterwohnheime für die Migranten,” 18.

92 Nermin Abadan-Unat, Batı Almanya’daki Türk Işçileri [Turkish workers in West Germany], 103–4.

93 Hallo Mustafa!, 34.

94 Ibid.

95 Ibid.

96 Ibid.

97 Maria Höhn, GIs and Fräuleins; Petra Goedde, GIs and Germans: Culture, Gender and Foreign Relations, 1945–1949 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003).

98 Hallo Mustafa!, 35.

99 “Adil,” DOMiD Interview 28, Essen, 22 June 1995.

100 Ibid.

101 Y. Diricks and Ayşe Kudat, “Instability of Migrant Workers’ Housing” Preprint-International Institute of Comparative Social Studies (Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, 1975). Compare with Ger Mik and Mia Verkoren-Hemelaar, “Segregation in the Netherlands and Turkish Migration” in Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975: A Socio-Economic Reappraisal, ed. Abadan-Unat, 253–86; Günther Glebe, “Housing and Segregation of Turks in Germany” in Turks in European Cities: Housing and Urban Segregation, ed. Sule Öüekren and Ronald van Kempern, (Utrecht: Ercomer, 1997), 122–57; Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 238.

4. Contested Borders

1 “Cahit,” DOMiD Interview 15, Berlin, 30 August 1995.

2 Ibid.

3 Gary Bruce has noted that political and economic histories, especially those focusing on East German state power have dominated the scholarship from 1990–2009, with the trend only recently adding more social and cultural history, see “Participatory Repression? Reflections on Popular Involvement with the Stasi” in “The Stasi at Home and Abroad: Domestic Order and Foreign Intelligence,” ed. Uwe Spiekermann, supplement, Bulletin of the German Historical Institute S9 (2014): 47–58.

4 The historiography of the GDR has focused on a notion of “Eigensinn,” an increasingly hard to define term that now stands for a broad model of comprehending everyday life in the GDR dictatorship. See Esther von Richthofen, Bringing Culture to the Masses: Control, Compromise and Participation in the GDR (New York: Berghahn, 2009), 11.

5 Alf Lüdtke, “Geschichte und Eigensinn,“ in Alltagskultur, Subjektivität und Geschichte: Zur Theorie und Praxis von Alltagsgeschichte, ed. Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 1994); Thomas Lindenberger, ed., Herrschaft und Eigen-Sinn in der Diktatur: Studien zur Gesellschaftsgeschichte der DDR (Köln, Weimar, Wien: Böhlau, 1999).

6 Johannes Huinink, “Individuum und Gesellschaft in der DDR – Theoretische Ausgangspunkte einer Rekonstruktion der DDR-Gesellschaft in den Lebensläufen ihrer Bürgers,” in Kollektiv und Eigensinn: Lebensläufe in der DDR und Danach, ed. Johannes Huinink, Karl Ulrich Meyer, Martin Diewald, and Heike Solga (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1995), 25–44, here 38, quoted in Esther von Richthofen, Bringing Culture to the Masses,15.

7 Hans-Hermann Hertle, The Berlin Wall Story: Biography of a Monument (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2011), 30.

8 Steffen Alisch, “Berlin-Berlin: Die Verhandlungen zwischen Beauftragten des Berliner Senats und Vertretern der DDR-Regierung zu Reise- und humanitären Fragen: 1961–1972” (FU Berlin: Arbeitspapiere des Forschungsverbundes SED-Staat), 3 (2000): 34.

9 Astrid M. Eckert, “Zaun-Gäste: Die innerdeutsche Grenze als Touristenattraktion” in Grenzziehungen, Grenzerfahrungen, Grenzüberschreitungen: Die Innerdeutsche Grenze, 1945–1990, Catalog of the Exhibition of the Hannover Historical Museum, ed. Thomas Schwark, Detlef Schmeichen-Ackermann, and Carl-Hans Hauptmeyer (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2001), 243–51, here 245–6.

10 Frederick Taylor, writes that the Berlin Wall resulted in the guest worker agreement between Turkey and West Germany: “Robbed of the previous supply of new labour for its booming industries by the sealing off of the East, in October 1961 West Germany took the radical and far-reaching step of signing a treaty with Muslim Turkey, allowing for Turkish ‘guest workers’ to fill vacant jobs,” in The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961–1989 (New York: Harper Collins, 2006), 345.

11 Faruk Şen notes that in 1964 West Berlin recruited more Turkish women than men, see Faruk Şen, “Berlin’s Turkish Community” in The Spirit of the Berlin Republic, ed. Dieter Dettke (New York: Berghahn, 2003), 130–44, here 133.

12 Nadja Milewski, Fertility of Immigrants: A Two-Generational Approach in Germany (Heidelberg: Springer, 2010), 8.

13 Mike Dennis and Norman LaPorte, State and Minorities in Communist East Germany (New York: Berghahn, 2011), 90.

14 Milewski, Fertility, 8.

15 Dennis and LaPorte, State and Minorities, 89.

16 Herman Kurthen, Werner Bergmann, and Rainer Erb eds., Antisemitism and Xenophobia in Germany after Unification (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 144–5.

17 Kurthen et al., Antisemitism, 144.

18 Nadja Milewski, Fertility, 8.

19 Kurthen et al., Antisemitism, 145.

20 “Wirtschaftliche und soziale Aspekte der Wanderarbeit” Neues Deutschland, 2 August 1975, BSTU MfS ZAIG, Nr. 11129.

21 Hertle, Berlin Wall Story, 124.

22 Jens Gieseke, The GDR State Security: Shield and Sword of the Party, trans. Mary Carlene Forszt (Berlin: The Federal Commissioner for the Records of the State Security Service of the former German Democratic Republic, 2006), 108–17.

23 Hertle, Berlin Wall, 100.

24 Gieseke, GDR State Security, 108–17.

25 Remark from CPSU General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev to Erich Honecker, 28 July 1970, quoted in Hertle, Berlin Wall, 135.

26 Hertle, Berlin Wall, 134.

27 Communist countries had large debts to the World Bank, IMF, and private bankers for hard currency with which to purchase consumer goods they needed and that their citizens would buy. Historian Tony Judt noted that by its last years the GDR admitted to spending over 60 per cent of its annual income on interest on western loans, see Postwar, 582.

28 Jonathan Zatlin, “Consuming Ideology: The Intershops, Genex, and Retail Trade under Honecker” in The Currency of Socialism: Money and Political Culture in East Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and GHI, 2007), 243–85.

29 Hertle, Berlin Wall, 136.

30 Alisch, “Berlin-Berlin: Die Verhandlungen,” 34.

31 Wolfgang Henrich ed., Wehrdienstgesetz und Grenzgesetz der DDR: Dokumentation und Analyse (Bonn: Urheber, 1983), 237–39; Henrich outlines the border crossing stations for pedestrians, autos, plains, trains, and light rail travel (S-Bahn).

32 Friedrich Christian Delius and Peter Jochim Lapp, Transit Westberlin: Erlebnisse im Zwischenraum (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 1999), 177.

33 Important early work empathetically exposed guest workers’ miserable conditions, though such depictions have also effaced complex human experiences: see, among others, John Berger and Jenn Mohr, A Seventh Man: Migrant Workers in Europe (New York: Viking, 1975); Inga Steinen, Leben zwischen zwei Welten; Gunter Wallraff, Ganz Unten (Köln: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1985); Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Angst essen Seele auf (Tango-Film, Munich, 1974); Feo Aladağ, Die Fremde (ARTE, Independent Artists Filmproduktion, RBB, WDR, 2010). For important studies on xenophobia in East Germany see Jonathan Zatlin, “Scarcity and Resentment: Economic Sources of Xenophobia in the GDR, 1971–1989,” Central European History 40 (2007): 683–720.

34 Hertle, Berlin Wall, 136.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid.

37 Gary Bruce, “Participatory Repression?” 48.

38 Josie McLellan “‘Even Under Socialism, We Don’t Want to Do Without Love’: East German Erotica,” in “East German Material Culture and the Power of Memory,” ed. Uta A. Balbier, Cristina Cuevas-Wolf, and Joes Segal, supplement 7, Bulletin of the German Historical Institute (2011), 49–65, here 51; in the post-war period, abortion was illegal in both Germanys, but arguably stricter in West Germany because the Federal Republic offered fewer exceptions. In 1976 West Germany legalized abortion for reasons of medical necessity; broad reform came in 1992 after reunication. Susanne Dieper, “The Legal Framework of Abortions in Germany,”American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Johns Hopkins University, 23 February 2012, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.aicgs.org/issue/the-legal-framework-of-abortions-in-germany/.

39 McLellan “‘Even Under Socialism, We Don’t Want to Do Without Love,’”51.

40 BStU MfS - HA II Nr. 22858, 13 June 1981.

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid.

43 BStU, MfS - HA II, Nr. 27442 Berlin, 7 August 1979.

44 BStU MfS – HA II Nr. 27962 Berlin 7 May 1985.

45 BStU MfS HA II 27836 Berlin 4 August 1980.

46 Ibid.

47 BStU MfS HA II 27836 Berlin 4 August 1980.

48 BStU MfS HA II 28084 Berlin 26 May 1977.

49 Da der Türke fast täglich aus Berkub (West) einreiste, kann man davon ausgehen, daß es sich um ein dauerhaftes Verhältnis handelt.“ BStU MfS ZKG Nr. 286, Ministerium des Innern, Leiter, Berlin 21 November 1980, Schwarze Oberstleutnant, d. VP.

50 BstU BfS ZKG Nr 286; Berlin 15 May 1980, Präsidium der Volkspolizei, Arbeiter Abt. Paß – und Meldewesen, Genn. Oberstleutnant der der VP Stertz.

51 I have chosen these two pseudonyms to ease reading this couple’s narrative. In the files their names are completely redacted.

52 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Berlin, 1967.

53 BSTU MfS – HA XX Nr. 18529, An den Herrn Vorsitzenden des Staatsrates der DDR, Saarbrücken den 32 January 1963.

54 Ibid.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid.

57 Ibid.

58 BSTU MfS – HA XX Nr. 18529, Würzburg, An den Herrn Vorsitzenden des Staatsrates der DDR, undated.

59 Ibid.

60 Ibid.

61 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Der Leiter des Bundesnotaufnahmeverfahrens in Berlin, 3 May 1967.

62 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Familienzusammenführung und Kinderdienst, Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Spitzenverbände der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege, Hamburg-Osdorf, undated.

63 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Würzburg, 18 December 1963.

64 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Berlin, 1967.

65 BSTU MfS HA XX Nr. 18529, Berlin, 13 October 1967.

66 Ibid.

67 Ibid.

68 Mfs HA II 27.002.

69 Mfs HA II 27.002 Berlin, 5 April 1989.

70 MfS HA II 27081. Starting in the mid-1980s, East German citizens exploited a part of the 1975 Helsinki accords that guaranteed the freedom of movement.

71 MfS HA II 27081.

72 Ibid.

73 “Cahit,” DOMID Interview 15, Berlin, 30 August 1995.

74 Ibid.

75 Ibid.

76 BstU MfS HA II Nr. 27962 Berlin 24 August 1984.

77 BStU Archive der Zentralstelle, MfS-HA11, Nr. 29668, Berlin, 6 November 1979.

78 Ibid.

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.

81 Ina Merkel, “Sex and Gender in the Divided Germany: Approaches to History from a Cultural Point of View” in The Divided Past: Rewriting Post-war German History, ed. Christoph Klessmann (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 91–105.

82 “Cahit,” DOMiD Interview 15, Berlin, 30 August 1995.

83 Ibid.

84 “Diskothek - Gelsenkirche 1974 – Gelsenkirchen’de bir diskotek, 1974” [Discotheque in Gelsenkirchen 1974] photo by Manfred Vollmer, Essen in Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathilde Jamin eds. Fremd Heimat – Yaban, Sılan olur: Eine Geschichte die Einwanderung aus der Türkei – Türkiye’den Almanya’ya Göçün Tarihi (Essen: Klartext Verlag, 1998), 310.

85 Stephen Castles and Mark Miller, The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World, 3rd ed. (New York: Guilford Press, 2003), 215.

86 BStU MfS – HA II Nr.28079 Berlin, 6 March 1977; BStU MfS- HAII Nr. 27962 12 December 1982; BStU MfS HA II Nr. 27962 5 March 1983.

87 BStU MfS HA II Nr. 27962, 14 Feburary 1983; BStU MfS HA II Nr. 27962 Berlin 22 March 1983. It is worth noting that scholars disagree on whether or not East German citizens became unofficial collaborates out of willingness or coercion, and in each case to what degree. Starting in 1979, Stasi officers were first to access a candidate’s suitability so as to avoid resorting to coercion. Mary Fulbrook writes that the majority of Stasi informants did not have to be coerced in what she terms a “participator dictatorship,” but Gary Bruce casts doubt on this interpretation. See Mary Fulbrook, The People’s State: East German Society from Honecker to Hitler (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005) and Gary Bruce, “Participatory Repression? 51–2.

88 Jens Gieseke, Mielke-Konzern: Die Geschichte der Stasi (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlages-Anstalt, 2001), 113.

89 BStU MfS – HAII Nr. 27962 Berlin, 24 January 1983.

90 Ibid.

91 Ibid.

92 BStU MfS HA II Nr. 27962, Berlin, 5 March 1983.

93 Ibid.; 5 May 1983, Peter Falk.

94 BstU MfS - HA II, No. 29778.

95 BStU MfS – HA II nr. 28209, Berlin, 23 May 1983, “Vieles sei hier anders, u.a., sei ihr hier die ausgeprägte Ausländerfeindlichkeit, die in WB herrsche, noch nicht begegnet.”

96 Ibid.

97 BStU HA – VI, Passkontrolleinheit, Friedrich/Zimmerstr, Berlin, 11 March 1986.

98 Ibid.

99 Ibid.

100 Ibid.

101 BStU MfS – HA VIII, Nr.3506.

102 BStU MfS – HAVIII, Nr. 3506, 18 December 1985.

103 Ibid.

104 Ibid.

105 BStU MfS – HAVIII, Nr. 3506, 22 November 1985.

106 BStU MfS – HAVIII, Nr. 3506, 18 December 1985.

107 Ibid.

108 Ibid.

109 Ibid.

110 BStU MfS HA VIII, Nr. 3506, 15 January 1986.

111 Yade Kara, Selam Berlin (Zürich: Diogenes, 2003).

112 Petra Fachinger, “Yadé Kara’s Selam Berlin,“ in The Novel in German since 1990, ed. Stuart Taberner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 241.

113 Fachinger, “Yadé Kara’s Selam Berlin,” 242–5.

114 DOMiD Interview 15, “Cahit,” Berlin, 12 October 1995.

115 Paula Bren and Mary Neuburger eds., Communism Unwrapped: Consumption in Cold War Eastern Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).

116 See Jennifer V. Evans, “The Moral State: Men, Mining, and Masculinity in the Early GDR,” German History 23, no. 3 (2005): 355–70; Jennifer V. Evans, “Bahnhof Boys: Policing Male Prostitution in Post-Nazi Berlin,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 12, no. 4 (2003): 605–36; Uta G. Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in a Divided Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Deborah A. Field, Private Life and Communist Morality in Khrushchev’s Russia (New York: Peter Lang, 2007).

117 Jennifer Evans, “Decriminalization, Seduction, and ‘Unnatural Desire’ in East Germany,” Feminist Studies 36, no. 3 (2010): 553–77, here 554.

118 MfS HA II Nr. 27962 (1982–5), Berlin, 13 February 1983.

119 BStU MfS HA II Nr. 27962, 13 February 1983.

120 Josie McLellan, “‘Even Under Socialism, We Don’t Want to Do Without Love.’” 49–65.

121 Ibid.

122 BStU MfS HA I, Nr. 15176, Berlin, 6 April 1979.

123 BStU Gh 73/78 Hauptabteilung Passkontrolle und Fahndung der Leiter, Berlin, 14 August 1967.

124 BStU Zentralarchiv MfS- HA VI Nr. 441, Ministerium für Staatssicherheit Hauptabteilung VI, Anlagekarte zur verhinderten Personenschleusung an der GÜST Friedrich/Zimmerst 21 December 1973.

125 BStU MfS HA I, Nr. 15176, Berlin, 6 April 1979.

126 BStU Zentralarchiv MfS – HA VI, Nr. 919, Fotodokumentation Verhinderte Personenschleusung eines türkischen Bürgers aus der BRD unter Missbrauch des Transitverkehrs nach WB an der GüST Drewitz am 06.07.1987 gegen 16.50 Uhr.

127 Gary Bruce, “Access to Secret Police Files, Justice, and Vetting in East Germany since 1989,” German Politics and Society 26, no.1 (Spring 2008): 82–111, here 93–4.

128 Ibid.

129 BStU MfS HA II 24068, Berlin 30.01.1981; MfS HA II Nr. 24068 Berlin, 19 February 1981.

130 Jens Gieseke, “German Democratic Republic” in A Handbook of the Communist Security Apparatus in East Central Europe, 1944–1989, ed. Krysztof Persak and Lukasz Kaminski (Warsaw: Institute of National Remembrance, 2005), 198–202. Using data for convictions in 1972, 1980, and 1989 Jens Gieseke reported on the total number offenses and by category, citing archival evidence and work by Schröder and Wilke (1999).

131 Ibid.

132 See Mary Fulbrook, The People’s State.

133 Ibid., 203.

134 Though coercion to become an informant was not officially allowed, as it was suspected that it would led to subpar information, many recruitments occurred after compromising situations or materials were found. Gary Bruce, “Participatory Repression,” 52.

135 BStU MfS HA II 28872, 21 August 1980 Peter Falk.

136 BStU MfS HA II 28084, Berlin, 09 April 1977 Möller.

137 BStU MfS – HA II nr. 28079, 6 June 1977.

138 BStU MfS AIM 8196/78 I/1, Verwaltung Grossberlin, Abteilung VII/2, Berlin den. 30 November 1971; in 1974 he transitioned from an IMV (Inoffizieller Mitarbeiter, der unmittelbar an der Bearbeitung und Entlarvung im Verdacht der Feindtätigkeit stehender Personen mitarbeitet) to IMF (Inoffizieller Mitarbeiter der inneren Abwehr mit Feindverbindungen zum Operationsgebiet) BStU MfS AIM 8196/78, Berlin den 27 November 1974. For a complete lexicon of Stasi informants, see Roger Engelmann, Bernd Florath, and Walter Süß, eds., Das MfS-Lexikon – Begriffe, Personen und Strukturen der Staatssicherheit der DDR (Berlin: Links, 2011).

139 BStU MfS AIM 8196/78 Verwaltung Grossberlin, Abteilung VII/2, 26 November 1971; Berlin; BStU MFs AIM 8196/78 I/1 Berlin, 30 November 1971.

140 BStU MfS AIM 8196/78 Verwaltung Grossberlin, Abteilung VII/2, 26 November 1971.

141 BStU MfS AIM 8196/78 I/1 Berlin den 30 November 1971.

142 BStU MfS AIM 8196/78 I/1, Verwaltung Grossberlin, Abteilung VII/2, Berlin, 30 November 1971.

143 Ibid.

144 Ibid.

145 BStU MfS HA II, AG Ausländer, Berlin, 11 March 1982: Bericht der KP “Georg.”

146 Ibid.

147 Ibid.

148 BstU MfS H Nr. 27838 Berlin, 8 April 1982 and 23 April 1982.

5. Imperfect Solidarities

Part of this chapter was originally published in International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 226–47 and is reprinted here with permission.

1 “Streik bei Mannesmann, Duisburg-Huckingen,” in Spontane Streiks 1973, Krise der Gewerkschaftspolitik (Offenbach: Verlag 2000 GmbH, Januar 1974), 64. This is a published source complied by the collective Zeitung für sozialistische Betriebs- und Gewerkschaftsarbeit, in which the editors collected strike materials and interviewed participants of the strikes during the year 1973. Other scholars drawing on Spontane Streiks include Eckart Hildebrandt and Werner Olle, Ihr Kampf ist unser Kampf. Ursachen, Verlauf und Perspektiven der Ausländerstreiks 1973 in der BRD. Teil I (Offenbach, 1975) and the excellent study by Manuela Bojadzijev, Die windige Internationale: Rassismus und Kämpfe der Migration (Munster: Westfälsches Dampfboot, 2008).

2 “Streik bei Mannesmann, Duisburg-Huckingen,” 64.

3 Ibid., 63.

4 “Elif,” Berlin, 2003.

5 Scholars have argued that multiple identities (e.g. female, foreign) “intersect” to create unique forms of discrimination. For more on “intersectionality” see Kimberle Crenshaw, “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color” Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (July 1991): 1241–99; Philomena Essed, Everyday Racism: Reports from Women in Two Cultures (Claremont, CA: Hunter House, 1990); Philomena Essed, Diversity: Gender, Color, and Culture (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996); Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 2000); Chandra Mohanty, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses” Feminist Review 30 (1988): 61–88; Gloria Anzaldua, Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987); Irene Browne and Joya Misra, “The Intersection of Gender and Race in the Labor Market,” Annual Review of Sociology 29 (August 2003): 487–513.

6 John J. Kulczycki, The Foreign Worker and the German Labor Movement: Xenophobia and Solidarity in the Coal Fields of the Ruhr, 1871–1914 (Providence: Berg, 1994); Kulczycki argues against the idea that ethnic Poles chose between class interests and national consciousness, which Christoph Klessman terms, “double loyalty” in Klessman, “Zjednoczenie Zawodowe Polskie (ZZP-Polnische Berufsvereinigung) und Alter Verband im Ruhrgebiet,” Internationale Wissenschaftliche Korrespondenz zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung 15 (1979): 68; Erhard Lucas, Zwei Formen von Radikalismus in der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Frankfurt am Main: Roter Stern, 1976); Erhard Lucas, Der bewaffnete Arbeiteraufstand im Ruhrgebiet in seiner inneren Struktur und in seinem Verhältnis zu den Klassenkämpfen in den verschiedenen Regionen des Reiches (Frankfurt am Main: Roter Stern, 1973).

7 David F. Crew, Town in the Ruhr: A Social History of Bochum (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 181.

8 Karin Hunn, Nächstes Jahr; Gottfried E. Voelker, “More Foreign Workers – Germany’s Labour Problem No. 1?” in Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975, 331–45, here 336; Ulrich Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor in Germany. Herbert points out that in 90 per cent of foreign males were blue-collar workers compared with only 49 per cent of the German male work force, p. 216.

9 Ulrich Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 230.

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Oliver Trede, “Misstrauen, Regulation und Integration: Gewerkschaften und ‘Gastarbeiter’ in der Bundesrepublik in den 1950er bis 1970er Jahren” in Das “Gastarbeiter” System: Arbeitsmigration und ihre Folgen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Westeuropa, ed. Jochen Oltmer, Axel Kreienbrink, and Carlos Sanz Diaz (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2012), 183–97.

13 Ibid., 186.

14 Ibid., 188; Hunn, “Die türkischen Arbeitsmigranten und ihre Arbeitgeber,” in Nächest Jahr, 101–36.

15 Bojadzijev, Manuela, Die windige Internationale, 151.

16 Der Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung, Bonn, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 2 May 1962, BArch B119/ 3071 II.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Hallo Mustafa!, 22.

20 Ibid.

21 “Mindeststundenlöhne,” BAVAV Türkei, an BAVAV Nürnberg, 7 December 1965 BArch B119/3073.

22 Hunn, Nächest Jahr, 117.

23 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 241.

24 Ali Gitmez, Göçmen İşçilerin Dönüşü [Immigrant Workers Return]: Return Migration of Turkish Workers to Three Selected Regions (Ankara: Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi, idari Ilimler Fakültesi, 1977), 81.

25 Ibid.

26 Bundesverband der Deutschen Süßwarenindustrie, Vereinigung der Schokolade- und Süßwarenfabrikanten, E.V. an BAVAV Nürnberg, 8 December 1965, BArch B 119/ 3073.

27 Ibid. A memo from the “Fine Ceramic Industry” in Bavaria lists foreign women’s wages, for those over twenty-one years as DM2.33 and for those twenty years old, as just DM2.26. In contrast, unskilled men who were over twenty-one years old would earn DM2.85 and twenty years old DM2.79, “Lohntarifvertrag vom 2.6.1965 für die gewerblichen Arbeitnehmer der feinkeramischen Industrie, BArch B119/ 3073.

28 Bundesverband der Deutschen Süßwarenindustrie Vereinigung der Schokolade und Süßwarenfabrikanten, e.v., an BAVAV 4 February 1966.

29 Ibid.

30 It is noteworthy that this was not an issue necessarily targeted at guest workers, but more reflective of West Germany’s overall aversion to minimum wage policies, which was first approved in 2014, implemented in 2015, and will be renewed on an annual bases starting in 2016. Unlike the United States, West Germany has relied on collective bargaining among sectors rather than at the state level. “Germany Approves First-Ever National Minimum Wage,” BBC News, 3 July 2014, accessed 1 March 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/business-28140594.

31 Edith Schmidt and David Wittenberg, Pierburg: Ihr Kampf ist unser Kampf (West Germany, 1974/75) motion picture. 49 min.

32 Ibid.

33 Augsburger Allgemeine, 22 August 1973.

34 “Akort nedir?” [What is Accord?] in Eilermark’a Hoş geldiniz: Türk İşçi Arkadaşlarımız için Kılavuz, [Welcome to Eilermark: A Guide for Our Turkish Worker Friends] Eilermark AG, Spinnerei u. Zwirnerei, Gronau, (2 May 1973, National Library, 5262, DM 4671–73), 17–19.

35 Ibid., 17–18.

36 “Elif,” Berlin 2003.

37 Mathilde Jamin reports that Turkish workers worked faster than their West German co-workers, who complained that they were “spoiling the Akkord,” “Migrationserfahrungen,” in Fremde Heimat, ed. Aytaç Eryılmaz and Mathilde Jamin, 216.

38 “Elif,” Berlin 2003.

39 Ibid.

40 Jamin says that many of her interview partners described the relationship between Germans and Turks as having changed over time: “In the beginning it was no problem and the relations were good (in the 1960s), difficulties came later, (1970s) and racist discrimination was a later development (1980s)” “Migrationserfahrungen,” Fremde Heimat, 224.

41 Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 241.

42 BAVAV Nürnberg an den Herrn Bundesminister für Arbeit und Sozialordnung Bonn, “Beschäftigung türkischer Bergarbeiter im deutschen Steinkohlenbergbau,” 2 May 1962, BArch B119/ 3071 II; ten workers were fired and given train tickets back to Istanbul. Apparently these ten did not give up easily; they got off the train in Bonn to look for work there but were denied work permits from the Bonn Employment Office. See also, “10 Türken wegen Aufwiegelung ausgewiesen: Rabiate ‘Gäste’ verprügelten besonnen Kollegen, Große Tumulte in Wohnlager,” Solinger Tageblatt 17 March 1962, BArch B119/ 3071 II.

43 Richard L. Carson, Comparative Economic Systems, Part III Capitalist Alternatives (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1990), 618.

44 Hunn, “Die Rezession von 1966/67: Auswirkungen und Reaktionen” in Nächstes Jahr, 188–202.

45 Ibid.

46 Carson, Comparative, 618.

47 “The CDU and the ‘Social Market Economy’: Düsseldorf Guidelines for Economy Policy, Agricultural Policy, Social Policy, and Housing,” in German History in Documents and Images, taken from Düsseldorfer Leitsätze über Wirtschaftspolitik, Landwirtschaftspolitik, Sozialpolitik,Wohnungsbau [Düsseldorf Guidelines for Economic Policy, Agricultural Policy, Social Policy, and Housing], trans. Adam Blauhut (15 July 1949; repr. in Ossip Kurt Flechtheim, Die Parteien der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [The Parties of the Federal Republic of Germany] Hamburg, 1973, 162–3), accessed 1 March 2016, http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/pdf/eng/Parties%20WZ%206_Eng.pdf.

48 “Schwerpunkte, Aufmaß und Verlauf der Streikbewegung” in Reihe Betrieb und Gewerkschaften: Redaktionskollektiv ‘express,’ in Spontane Streiks, 22.

49 Spontane Streiks, 18.

50 Spontane Streiks, 127.

51 Hans Schuster, “Wilde Streiks als Warnsignal,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, 13 September 1969; “Streikbewegung greift auf den Bergbau über: Tarifgespräche schon in dieser Woche,“ General-Anzeiger für Bonn und Umgebungen, 8 September 1969; Wilhem Throm, “Wilde Streiks treffen die Gewerkschaften,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 8 September 1969; “Eine große Lohnwelle kündigt sich an: Die Stahlarbeiter fordern 14 Prozent mehr,” Frankfurter Allgemeine, 8 September 1969; “Lohnverhandlung am Donnerstag,” Solinger Tageblatt, 8 September 1969; “Auch im Bergbau” Butzbacher Zeitung, 8 September 1969; “Jetzt Streiks um Bergbau: Neue Lohnforderungen im Rheinland,” Hannoversche Rundschau, 9 September 1969; “Wilde Streikwelle nun auch im Saar-Bergbau: Tarifpartner bemühen sich um schnelle Entspannung,” Ludwigsburger Kreiszeitung, 9 September 1969.

52 Ibid.

53 “Streik bei Hella, Lippstadt,” in Spontane Streiks, 75.

54 Ibid.

55 Ibid., “Du schon machen gut!” [sic].

56 Ibid.

57 “Die Türken probten den Aufstand” Die Zeit, 7 September 1973.

58 Strikes about vacation time for foreign workers were common across West Germany, such as when 1,600 Portuguese workers at the Karmann factory and 250 Spanish workers in Wiesloch went on strike to argue for the right to use their vacation days contiguously. “Zur Rolle der Ausländischen Arbeiter,” in Spontane Streiks, 30.

59 Zur Rolle der Ausländischen Arbeiter,“ Spontane Streiks, 30.

60 “Einwanderung und Selbstbewusstsein: Der Fordstreik 1973,” in Geschichte und Gedächtnis in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft: Migration zwischen historischer Rekonstruktion und Erinnerungspolitik, ed. Jan Motte and Rainer Ohliger (Essen: Klartext, 2004); Der Spiegel, 3 September 1973; Karin Hunn, “Der ‘Türkenstreik’ bei Ford von August 1973: Verlauf und Analyse” and “Die zeitgenössischen Deutungen des Fordstreiks und dessen Konsequenzen für die türkischen Arbeitnehmer,” in Nächstes Jahr, 243–61; Manuela Bojadzijev, Die windige Internationale, 157–62.

61 “Die Türken probten den Aufstand,” Die Zeit, September 7, 1973.

62 “Beispiele für Maßregelungen,” in Spontane Streiks, 46; Hans-Günter Kleff, “Täuschung, Selbsttäuschung, Enttäuschung und Lernen: Anmerkungen zum Fordstreik im Jahre 1973” in Geschichte und Gedächtnis in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft, 251–9.

63 “Die Türken probten den Aufstand,” Die Zeit, 7 September 1973.

64 “Rebellion am Fließband: Erfahrungen aus Frauenstreiks,” Barbara Schleich, WDR II 13 December 1973, 15 min.

65 Ibid.

66 “Dossiers: Die Chronik der neuen Frauenbewegung: 1973,” Frauen Media Turm, Das Archiv und Dokumentationszentrum, accessed 3 February 2013, http://www.frauenmediaturm.de/themen-portraets/chronik-der-neuen-frauenbewegung/1973/.

67 Mattes, Gastarbeiterinnen.

68 Ibid.

69 Miller and Çetin, Migrant Workers; Mattes, Gastarbeiterinnen, 39.

70 “Frauen im Beruf: Arbeiten und kuschen,” Stern, no. 44 (1973).

71 Ute Frevert, Women in German History: From Bourgeois Emancipation to Sexual Liberation, trans. Stuart McKinnon-Even, Terry Bond and Barbara Norden (New York: Berg, 1989), 279.

72 Harry Schaffer, Women in the Two Germanies: A comparative Study of A Socialist and Non-Socialist Society (New York: Pergamon, 1981); the female labour union executive mentioned was Liesel Winkelraeter, who wrote, “Entlohnung weiblicher Arbeitsnehmer – Standortanalyse,” Probleme der Frauen – Problem der Gesellschaft, Arbeitschancen, Lohngleichheit, Vorurteile, Protokoll des Arbeitstagung des DGB (a symposium) November 6–7, 1975 (Cologne: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1976); see also, Ute Frevert “Family or Career? Women’s Dilemma in the Land of the Economic Miracle” in Women in German History: From Bourgeois Emancipation to Sexual Liberation, trans. Stuart McKinnon-Evans (New York: Berg, 1989), 265–86; Gertraude Krell, “Gesellschaftliche Arbeitsteilung und Frauenlöhne,“ in Frauen als bezahlte und unbezahlte Arbeitskräften: Beiträge zur Berliner Sommeruniversität für Frauen (Berlin: Selbsverl., 1978), 58–68.

73 Harry Shaffer, Women in the Two Germanies, 100.

74 Walter Rohmert and Josef Rutenfranz, Arbeitswissenschaftliche Beurteilung der Belastung und Beanspruchung an unterschiedlichen industriellen Arbeitsplätzen (Berlin: Federal Ministry for Labor and Social Order, 1 July 1975).

75 “Lohntarifvertrag vom 2.6.1965 für die gewerblichen Arbeitnehmer der feinkeramischen Industrie” Bayern, quoted in, BAVAV Türkei an BAVAV Nürnberg 7 December 1965, BArch B 119/ 3073.

76 “Es geht nicht ohne Italiener,” Industriekurier, 4 October 1955, quoted in Herbert, A History of Foreign Labor, 206.

77 For a reference to recruiters’ demands specifically for female foreign workers, see, “Wochenbericht der deutschen Verbindungsstelle in der Türkei”: 26 November 1969, BArch B 119/4031; Berlin Aa 10 November 1965, “Informationsbesuch bei der Firma Sarotti AG” Landesarchiv Berlin, B Rep 301 Nr 297 Acc 2879 “Arbeitsmarktpolitik.”

78 Pierburg-Neuss: Deutsche und Ausländische Arbeiter – Ein Gegner- Ein Kampf/ Alman ve Meslektaslar Tek Rakıp tek Mücadele / Streikverlauf, Vorgeschichte, Analyse, Dokumentation, Nach dem Streik (Internationale Sozialistische Publikationen, 1974) DOMiD Archive, Sig. No. 1177, 6.

79 Ibid., 167.

80 These numbers vary slightly based on publication. Bojadzijev bases her numbers on information provided by the union, in Bojadzjiev, Die windige Internationale: Rassismus und Kämpfe der Migration (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2008), 163.

81 “Interview mit einem Betriebsratmitglied über die Arbeitskonflikte Ausländischer Arbeiter bei Pierburg Neuss im Februar 1975,” in Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 39.

82 Godula Kosack, “Migrant Women: The Move to Western Europe – A Step towards Emancipation?” Race and Class 70, no. 4 (1976): 374–5.

83 “Interview mit einem Betriebsratmitglied über die Arbeitskonflikte Ausländischer Arbeiter bei Pierburg Neuss im Februar 1975,” in Ihr Kampf, ed. Hildebrandt and Olle, 155; the source, Pierburg-Neuss: Deutsche und Ausländische Arbeiter, cites the number as four hundred Yugoslavian women, 6.

84 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 155.

85 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 37.

86 Deutsche Volkszeitung, 29 May 1970.

87 Ibid.

88 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 37.

89 Deutsche Volkszeitung, 29 May 1970.

90 “Forderungen der Beschäftigten der Versammlung der Belegschaftsmitglieder der Firma Pierburg,” DOMiD Archive Pierburg File.

91 Multi-lingual Flier, referring to the 7–8 June 1973 strike. DOMiD Archive, Pierburg File.

92 Ibid.

93 Kosack, “Migrant Women,” 375.

94 “Telefonnotiz,” 14 June 1973 in “Telefongespräch mit Herrn Prof. Pierburg am 14. Juni 1973 nach 16 Uhr,” Neuss, 15 June 1973, DOMiD Pierburg File.

95 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 38.

96 “IG Metall: Gastarbeiter nicht Diskriminiert: Der Streik bei Pierburg in Neuss ist illegal,” Handelsblatt, 17–18 August 1983.

97 Micheal Geuenich, Industriegewerkschaft Metall, F. D Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Verwaltungsstelle Neuss-Grevenbroich 15 August 1973 in “Flugblatt-Dokumentation” in Pierburg-Neuss: Deutsche und Ausländische Arbeiter – Ein Gegner- Ein Kampf, 27; DOMiD Archive, Pierburg file.

98 Ibid.

99 Pierburg,” Spontane Streiks.

100 “Ibid., 79.

101 Ibid.

102 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 40.

103 Ibid.

104 “Frauen im Beruf: Arbeiter und kuschen,” Stern, 25 October 1973, no. 44, 84.

105 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 40.

106 “Pierburg,” Spontane Streiks 1973, 80.

107 Ibid.

108 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 40.

109 Ibid.

110 Godula Kosack, “Migrant Women,” 375; The DOMiD Archive, Pierburg file contains a dried rose from the strike.

111 Ibid.

112 Ibid.; Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 40.

113 “Streik Bei Pierbrug Neuss,” Spontane Streiks, 80.

114 Ibid., 81.

115 Ibid.

116 Ibid.

117 Ibid.

118 “Keine Ruhe nach dem Streik: Wieder kurze Arbeitsniederlegung, wieder Polizei vor dem Werkstor,” Kölner Stadtanzeiger 22 August 1973; “Unternehmensleitung in Neuss glaubt an politische Motive: ‘Streik war von außen gesteuert’,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 22 August 1973.

119 Hildebrandt and Olle, Ihr Kampf, 41.

120 Quoted in Kosack, “Migrant Women,” 376; see also, “Anna, geh du voran: Anna Satolias – die Geschichte einer griechischen Gastarbeiterin, die die Sprecherin der Frauen in einem deutschen Betrieb wurde,” Jasmin 20 (1973); Barbara Schleich, “Streik am laufenden Band: In der Vergaserfirma Pierburg streikten vor allem ausländische Arbeiterinnen,” Vorwärts, 25 August 1973.

121 Kosack, “Migrant Women,” 376.

122 Ibid.

123 “Anna, geh du voran,” Jasmin 20 (1973).

124 Kosack, “Migrant Women,“ 376

125 Ibid., 369.

126 Ibid.

127 Wiebke Buchholz-Will, “Wann wird aus diesem Traum Wirklichkeit? Die gewerkschaftliche Frauenarbeit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland” in Geschichte Der Deutschen Frauen Bewegung, ed. Florence Herve (Cologne: PapyRossa Verlag, 1995), 185–208.

128 Augsburger Allgemeine, 22 August 1973.

129 Harry G. Shaffer, Women in the Two Germanies: A Comparative Study of a Socialist and Non-Socialist Society (New York: Pergamon Press, 1981).

130 Ibid., 101–2.

131 Ibid.

132 “Das ist kein Streik mehr, das ist eine Bewegung,” quoted in Martin Rapp and Marion von Osten “Ihr Kampf ist unser Kampf,” Bildpunkt: Zeitschrift der IG Bildende Kunst (Spring 2006): 23.

133 Ibid.

134 Ibid.

135 Martin Slater, “Migrant Employment, Recessions, and Return Migration: Some Consequences for Migration Policy and Development,” Studies in Comparative International Development (Fall–Winter 1979): 4, emphasis added.

136 Karen Schönwälder, “The Difficult Task of Managing Migration: The 1973 Recruitment Stop,” in German History from the Margins, ed. Mark Roseman, Neil Gregor, and Nils Roemer (Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2006), 252–67.

137 Ursula Mehrländer, “The Second Generation of Migrant Workers in Germany: The Transition from School to Work,” in Education and the Integration of Ethnic Minorities, ed. D. Rothermund and J. Simon (London: Pinter, 1986), 12–24.

138 David F. Crew “Foundations of Worker Protest” in Town in the Ruhr (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), 159–94.

Conclusion

1 “Secret Thatcher Notes: Kohl Wanted Half of Turks Out of Germany” Claus Hecking, Spiegel Online International, 1 August 2013, accessed 17 December 2014, http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/secret-minutes-chancellor-kohl-wanted-half-of-turks-out-of-germany-a-914376.html.

2 “Recruitment of Guest Workers Stopped” in Germany in Transit, ed. Göktürk et al., 44–5.

3 Ibid.

4 Philip L. Martin, “Working Paper Comparative Immigration and Integration Program-1, “Germany: Managing Migration in the 21st Century,” 1 May 2002, accessed 9 January 2015, http://ies.berkeley.edu/pubs/workingpapers/CIIP-1-PLM_Germany.pdf, 12.

5 Ibid.

6 Göktürk, et al., German in Transit, 44.

7 Duncan Miler and İhsan Çetin, Migrant Workers, Wages, and Labor Markets: Emigrant Turkish Workers in the Federal Republic of Germany (Istanbul: Elektronik, 1974), 63.

8 “Europe’s Imported Labor Force Begins to Cost More,” Business Week, 31 March 1973, 94, quoted in Miller and Çetin, eds. Migrant Workers, Wagers, and Labor Markets, 63.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., 64.

11 Herbert and Hunn, “Guest Workers and Policy on Guest Workers in the Federal Republic: From the Beginning of Recruitment in 1955 until its Halt in 1973,” in The Miracle Years, ed. Schissler, 211; Eryılmaz and Jamin eds., Fremde Heimat, 225.

12 Ibid.

13 TES statistics, quoted in Gitmez, “Göçmen işçilerin Dönüşü [Migrant Workers Return], 2.

14 Judt, Postwar, 333.

15 Ibid.

16 Castles and Miller, The Age of Migration, 94.

18 James Hollifield, Phillip Martin, and Pia Orrenius, Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective, 3rd ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 230.

19 Chin, Guest Worker Question,150–1.

20 Ibid., 151.

21 Herbert and Hunn, “Guest Workers,” in Miracle Years, 205.

22 Ibid., 207.

23 Deutsche Bundestag 7. Sitzung vom 18.1.1973,” 11, quoted in Herbert and Hunn, 209–10.

24 Philip L. Martin, “Germany: Managing Migration in the 21st Century,” Working Paper Comparative Immigration and Integration Program, Institue of European Studies, University of California Berkeley, 1 May 2002, accessed 3 May 2017, http://escholarship.org/uc/item/1gb6j203.

25 Philip L. Martin, The Unfinished Story: Turkish Labour Migration to Western Europe: With special reference to the Federal Republic of Germany (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1991), 83; Klaus Bade, ed., Das Manifest der 60: Deutschland und die Einwanderung (Munich: C.H. Beck Verlag, 1984).

26 Kristen McCabe, Serena Yi-Ying Lin, Hiroyuki Tanaka, and Piotr Plewa, “Pay to Go: Countries Offer Cash to Immigrants Willing to Pack Their Bags,” The Online Journal of the Migration Policy Institute, 5 November 2009, accessed 18 December 2014, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/pay-go-countries-offer-cash-immigrants-willing-pack-their-bags.

27 Göktürk et al., Germany in Transit, 502.

28 Triandafyllidou, ed., Muslims in 21st Century Europe, 63.

29 “Surprisingly, the majority [of guest workers] refused to leave … [In] spite of exploitation, many of the supposedly temporary ‘guest’ ultimately decided to stay,” Konrad H. Jarausch and Michael Geyer, in Shattered Past: Reconstructing German Histories (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 212.

30 “Elif,” Berlin 2003.

31 Touraj Atabaki and Gavin D. Brockett, “Introduction,” in “Ottoman and Republican Turkish Labor History,” ed. Touraj Atabaki and Gavin D. Brockett, supplement, International Review of Social History (IRSH), Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 54 no. S17 (2009): 1–17, here 2.

32 Donald Quataert, “Epilogue” in “Ottoman and Republican,” supplement International Review of Social History 54 no. S17 (2009): 189–93, here 189.

33 Ali S. Gitmez, Göçmen İşçilerin Dönüşü [Migrant Workers Return], 6. Gitmez’s valuable study offers one of the few studies from the 1970s that includes interviews with return migrants to Turkey.

34 Ibid., 6.

35 Miller and Çetin, Migrant Workers, 10–11.

36 Ibid.

37 Gitmez, Göçmen İşçilerin, 5.

38 Ibid.

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid., 71–2.

42 Ibid.,73.

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid., 75.

45 “Murat,” interviewed by author, Istanbul, 2004.

46 Ibid.

47 “Ahmet,” DOMiD Interview, Berlin, 30 August 1995.

48 Ibid.

49 “15 bin kadar Müslüman iffet ve namusu için yürüdü: Bonn-Bad Godesberg, ilk defa bu kadar çok Müslüman’ı bir arada gördü” [“Almost 15,000 Muslims Marched for Their Honor: The Largest Concentration of Muslims Ever Seen in Bonn-Bad Godesberg”] Hicret, 15 February 1982, 10–11.

50 Ibid.

51 “Köln Radyosu Türkçe Yayınlar Servisine protesto mektubu” [“Protest Letter to Cologne Radio Turkish Broadcast Services”] Hicret, 15 February 1982, 13.

52 James Helicke writes, “To some extent, Muslim identity is constructed in response to the dominant and exclusive German, and Christian, culture. Turks understand themselves to be Muslim specifically as a way to locate themselves in relation and in contrast to Christian Germans,” in “Turks in Germany: Muslim Identity: ‘Between’ States’” in Muslim Minorities in the West: Visible and Invisible, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane I. Smith (New York: Altamira, 2002), 183.

53 Ibid.

54 “Prime Minister and Chancellor Merkel statement on Paris terrorist attack,” Prime Minister’s Office, 7 January 2015, accessed 27 February 2015, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-minister-and-chancellor-merkel-statement-on-paris-terrorist-attack.

55 Kate Connolly, “Pegida: What does the German far-right movement actually stand for?” The Guardian, 6 January 2015, accessed 27 February 2015, http://www.theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2015/jan/06/pegida-what-does-german-far-right-movement-actually-stand-for.

56 “Germany Protests: Dresden Marches against Anti-Islamists Pegida,” BBC News, 10 January 2015, accessed 27 February 2015, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-30765674.

57 David Lepeska, “The ticking time bomb of Syrian refugees,” Al Jazeera, 10, May 2015, accessed 17 January 2016, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/05/ticking-time-bomb-syrian-refugees-150509062906684.html.

58 “Cologne Carnival: Police Record 22 Sexual Assaults,” BBC News, 5 February 2016, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35502223.

59 Melissa Eddy, “Angela Merkel Calls for European Unity to Address the Migrant Influx,” New York Times, 31 August 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/01/world/europe/germany-migrants-merkel.html.

60 In August and September 2015 media covered news reports of corpses found in a smuggler’s truck in Austria, of a drowned three-year-old boy, and of violent skirmishes as migrants tried to illegally move into other European countries. Luke Harding, “Hungarian police Arrest Driver of Lorry That Had 71 Dead Migrants Inside,” The Guardian, 28 August 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/28/more-than-70-dead-austria-migrant-truck-tragedy; Joe Parkinson and David George-Cosh, “Image of Drowned Syrian Boy Echoes Around World, The Wall Street Journal, 3 September 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.wsj.com/articles/image-of-syrian-boy-washed-up-on-beach-hits-hard-1441282847; Kirsten Grieshaber, “6 Syrian Refugees Injured in Attacks across Germany,” Associated Press, 1 November 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, http://bigstory.ap.org/article/c33a0f30f8c54dc19ddd0e358694a67a/6-syrian-refugees-injured-attacks-across-germany.

61 Michelle Martin, “Merkel Says Germany Must Learn from Its ‘Guest Worker’ Mistakes from Refugee Crisis,” Reuters, 9 September 2015, accessed 3 March 2016, http://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-germany-merkel-idUSKCN0R90S520150909.

62 Michael Kimmelman, Andrew Higgins, and Alison Smale, “The Refugee Crisis: What it Means for Europe” New York Times, 7 October 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/08/world/europe/refugee-migrant-crisis-asylum-seekers-germany.html.

63 Rick Lyman and Alison Smale, “Paris Attacks Shift Europe’s Migrant Focus to Security,” New York Times, 15 November 2016, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/16/world/europe/paris-attacks-shift-europes-migrant-focus-to-security.html?_r=0.

64 “Cologne Sex Attacks: Women Describe ‘Terrible’ Assaults’,” BBC News, 7 January 2016, accessed 5 February 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35502223.

65 “Cologne Carnival: Police Record 22 Sexual Assaults,” BBC News, 5 February 2016, accessed 4 March 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35502223.

66 Rick Noack, “Why Germany’s Merkel Will Continue to Welcome Refugees, despite Calling Multiculturalism a Sham,” The Washington Post, 16 December 2015, accessed 4 March 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/12/16/why-germanys-merkel-will-continue-to-welcome-refugees-despite-calling-multiculturalism-a-sham/.