While London, Moscow, Chungking, and Washington were busy with agreements and disagreements that arose in connection with the Japanese surrender, a steady stream of messages from Guam and Manila reported the progress of our forces toward the occupation of the Japanese mainland and the formal surrender that was to be accepted there.

As soon as the first word had been received that the Japanese were ready to accept the Potsdam terms, Admiral Leahy and General Marshall had asked me where I thought the formal surrender should take place. I suggested, without hesitation, that the official act of surrender should take place in Tokyo Bay, aboard a naval vessel, and that ship to be the U.S.S. Missouri. I thought it wise to hold the ceremony within view of the Japanese capital in order to impress the fact of defeat on the Japanese people, but it also seemed desirable to remain offshore until we could be assured that there would be no last-minute outbursts of fanaticism.

My choice of the Missouri was an obvious one. She was one of the newest and most powerful battleships in our fleet; she had been named after my own state; my daughter Margaret had christened her, and I had spoken on that occasion.

The Japanese surrender was to be a momentous occasion for the American people, and I wanted as many of them as possible to share it. As early as August 13, I had given these instructions to the Joint Chiefs of Staff:

“It is my desire that the formal signing of the Japanese surrender should be an open news event and that free and competitive news coverage should he permitted by the news reporters present.

“It is my desire also that the Allied Military and Naval Officers present at the formal signature of surrender be given full status as representatives of their governments and of their services - land, sea, and air; and that they be accorded every possible consideration.

“Please instruct General MacArthur accordingly.”

But these were not only days of rejoicing and celebration. We were not unmindful of the divine Providence that had enabled us to prevail. August 19 was declared a day of prayer in a proclamation which I issued:

The war lords of Japan and the Japanese armed forces have surrendered. They have surrendered unconditionally. Three months after victory in Europe victory has come in the East.

The cruel war of aggression which Japan started eight years ago to spread the forces of evil over the Pacific has resulted in her total defeat.

This is the end of the grandiose schemes of the dictators to enslave the peoples of the world, destroy their civilization, and institute a new era of darkness and degradation. This day is a new beginning in the history of freedom on this earth.

Our global victory has come from the courage and stamina and spirit of free men and women united in determination to fight.

It has come from the massive strength of arms and materials created by peace-loving peoples who knew that unless they won, decency in the world would end.

It has come from millions of peaceful citizens all over the world - turned soldiers almost overnight - who showed a ruthless enemy that they were not afraid to fight and to die, and that they knew how to win.

It has come with the help of God, Who was with us in the early days of adversity and disaster, and Who has now brought us to this glorious day of triumph.

Let us give thanks to Him, and remember that we have now dedicated ourselves to follow in His ways to a lasting and just peace and to a better world.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, HARRY S. TRUMAN, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, August 19, 1945, to be a day of prayer.

I call upon the people of the United States, of all faiths, to unite in offering their thanks to God for the victory we have won, and in praying that He will support and guide us into the paths of peace.

I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed.

DONE at the city of Washington, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and forty-five, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and seventieth.

HARRY S. TRUMAN

By the President:

JAMES F. BYRNES

Secretary of State

In the meantime General MacArthur had been informed of our official reply to the Japanese surrender and had been told what procedure to follow in establishing contact with the defeated enemy.

FROM: Marshall

TO: MacArthur

State Department has received official Japanese acceptance of surrender demands and is replying, through the intermediary power, to the Japanese as follows:

“1. Direct prompt cessation of hostilities by Japanese forces, informing the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers of the effective date and hour of such cessation.

“2. Send emissaries at once to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers with information of the disposition of the Japanese forces and commanders, and fully empowered to make arrangements directed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers to enable him and his accompanying force to arrive at the place designated by him to receive the formal surrender.

“For the purpose of receiving such surrender and carrying it into effect, General of the Army Douglas MacArthur has been designated as the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, and he will notify the Japanese Government of time, place and other details of formal surrender.”

You will take the necessary action indicated by the foregoing, keeping all concerned informed. . . .

General MacArthur then radioed a message to the Japanese ordering them to send representatives to him at Manila. This was the first of a number of radio exchanges between his headquarters and Tokyo, preparing the way for the formal surrender and the arrival of the occupation troops. As these messages went back and forth, copies passed across my desk to keep me constantly posted on MacArthur’s progress. MacArthur’s first message to the Japanese was as follows:

FROM SUPREME COMMANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS TO THE JAPANESE EMPEROR, THE JAPANESE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT, THE JAPANESE GENERAL HEADQUARTERS

I have been designated as the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (The United States, the Republic of China, United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) and empowered to arrange directly with the Japanese authorities for the cessation of hostilities at the earliest practicable date. It is desired that a radio station in the Tokyo area be officially designated for continuous use in handling radio communications between this headquarters and your headquarters. Your reply to this message should give the call signs, frequencies and station designation.

It is desired that the radio communication with my headquarters in Manila be handled in English text. Pending designation by you of a station in the Tokyo area for use as above indicated, Station JUM on frequency 13705 kilocycles will be used for this purpose, and WTZ Manila will answer on 15965 kilocycles.

UPON receipt of this message, acknowledge.

In a second message the newly appointed Supreme Commander instructed the Japanese to send a delegation to Manila by way of the Ryukyus in order to receive his detailed directive for the formal acceptance of the surrender.

The Japanese replied by radio. They reported that the Emperor had issued an imperial order to all his armed forces to cease hostilities. They asked permission to dispatch members of the imperial family to outlying troop headquarters to convey this order and assure that it would be obeyed.

On August 17, the Japanese GHQ complained that the Russians were still carrying out attacks and asked MacArthur to intervene.

There followed a flow of messages exchanged between Manila and Tokyo. I was being kept informed of these exchanges and of the progress of arrangements. The Japanese emissaries left by plane for MacArthur’s headquarters and returned to Japan with the documents which had been sent to MacArthur from Washington for the formal surrender - the Proclamation by the Emperor, the Instrument of Surrender, and General Order No. 1. In addition, they were given MacArthur’s own “Requirements for entry of the Supreme Commander.”

On August 20, the Japanese reported difficulties in China where various local commanders were taking it upon themselves to effect the surrender in their own manner. MacArthur was requested to send officials to China to investigate and advise on “the actual situation.”

On August 21, the Japanese informed the Supreme Commander that they had accepted the “good offices and cooperation” of the International Red Cross in handling the Allied prisoners of war in Japan. This, they suggested, would make it unnecessary to dispatch special contact teams ahead of the principal occupation forces.

As the actual date of surrender neared, the messages increased. There were Japanese requests for clearance of mercy shipments to outlying islands, courier flights by small aircraft, changes in radio frequencies and identification signals - it was apparent that the Japanese wished to avoid anything that might give offense to the Allies and thus cause the fighting to flare up again.

Meanwhile in Washington, we were working on policy directives for the occupation. We expected that control over the conduct of the occupation would become the subject of some differences among the Allies and wanted to fix our position.

On August 18, I approved a memorandum establishing this government’s basic policy with regard to the military occupation of Japan. The key point of this policy was that the actual control of occupied Japan should be under our direction. We recognized that others of the United Nations had taken part in the war against Japan and were entitled to take part in the determination of policies, but just as we were expected to furnish the major share of the occupation forces, so did we also want to reserve for ourselves the controlling voice in the occupation. We were determined that the occupation should be run on a centralized control basis and that there should be no division of the Japanese nation into zones.

There were many touchy areas among our allies in connection with the procedures of the formal surrender. In the initial instructions to MacArthur it was specified that, besides himself as Supreme Commander, the surrender document would be signed by the other three representatives of the four powers that had joined in the Potsdam Declaration. The British, however, were anxious to satisfy the demands for participation that came from their Dominions, especially Australia. The Foreign Minister there, Mr. Evatt, had made some strong public statements demanding that his country be heard in any dealings with Japan.

On August 18, therefore, I sent word to MacArthur that, in addition to representatives of the United States, Great Britain, China, and the Soviet Union, representatives of Australia, Canada, France, New Zealand, and the Netherlands had been invited to be present at the acceptance of the Japanese surrender and for him to make the necessary arrangements.

Immediately after the surrender, we had received a communication from the Japanese through the Swiss, which undertook to suggest to us how the occupation could be made most effective. This was the message:

“The Japanese Government would like to be permitted to state to the governments of America, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union what they most earnestly desire with reference to the execution of certain provisions of the Potsdam Declaration. This may be done possibly at the time of the signature, but fearing that they may not be able to find an appropriate opportunity they take the liberty of addressing to the governments of the four powers through the good offices of Switzerland.

“Primo - in view of the fact that the purpose of occupation as mentioned in the Potsdam Proclamation is solely to secure the achievement of the basic objectives set forth in the said proclamation, the Japanese Government sincerely desire that the four powers, relying upon the good faith of the Japanese Government, will facilitate discharge by the Japanese Government of their obligations so as to forestall any unnecessary complications. It is earnestly solicited that:

“In case of the entry of Allied fleets or troops in Japan proper the Japanese Government be notified in advance so that arrangements can be made for reception.

“The number of the points in Japanese territory to be designated by the Allies for occupation be limited to minimum number, selection of the points be made in such a manner as to leave such a city as Tokyo unoccupied, and the forces to be stationed at each point be made as small as possible.

“Secundo - disarming of the Japanese forces being a most delicate task as it involves over 3 million . . . officers and men overseas and having direct bearing on their honor, the Japanese Government will, of course, take utmost pains. But it is suggested that the best and the most effective method would be that under the command of his Majesty the Emperor the Japanese forces are allowed to disarm themselves and surrender arms of their own accord. Disarming of the Japanese forces on the continent be carried out beginning on the front line and in successive stages.

“In connection with the disarming it is hoped that Article 35 of the Hague Convention will be applied and the honor of the soldier will be respected, permitting them, for instance, to wear swords. Further, the Japanese Government be given to understand the Allies have no intention to employ disarmed Japanese soldiers for compulsory labor. It is sincerely hoped that shipment and transportation facilities necessary for the evacuation of the soldiers to their homeland will be speedily provided.

“Tertio - since some forces are located in remote places difficult to communicate the Imperial order, it is desired that a reasonable time be allowed before the cessation of hostilities.

“Quarto - the Allies will be good enough quickly to take necessary steps or extend to us facilities for the shipment of indispensable food stuffs and medical supplies to Japanese Forces in distant islands and for the transport of wounded soldiers from those islands.”

Some of the things the Japanese were asking in this letter we would of course do. They were just matters of common decency in dealing with a defeated enemy. But we could not begin the occupation by bargaining over its terms. We were the victors. The Japanese were the losers. They had to know that “unconditional surrender” was not a matter for negotiations. On my instructions, Secretary Byrnes sent a coldly formal reply:

“Such information as the Japanese Government requires to carry out the surrender arrangements will be communicated by the Supreme Commander at appropriate times determined by him. The four Allied Powers have subscribed to the Potsdam Declaration which assures the return to the homeland to peaceful occupations of all Japanese Armed Forces who surrender to United States commanders, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, Admiral the Lord Louis Mountbatten and Soviet commanders as directed by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. This return will be arranged through the Supreme Commander and will take place after the Japanese Armed Forces have been disarmed by the Allied commanders to whom they surrender and when Japanese and other transportation can be made available.”

In order to make clear to the Japanese, as well as to General MacArthur, what the scope of the Supreme Commander’s authority was to be, I sat down with Admiral Leahy and General Marshall, and together we drafted a statement that was forwarded to MacArthur shortly after he arrived in Japan. Later, at MacArthur’s request, I granted him permission to publish this communication:

6 September 1945

TO MACARTHUR FROM THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF

The following exposition of your authority as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers has been approved by the President:

1. The authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the state is subordinate to you as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. You will exercise your authority as you deem proper to carry out your mission. Our relations with Japan do not rest on a contractual basis, but on an unconditional surrender. Since your authority is supreme, you will not entertain any question on the part of the Japanese as to its scope.

2. Control of Japan shall be exercised through the Japanese Government to the extent that such an arrangement produces satisfactory results. This does not prejudice your right to act directly if required. You may enforce the orders issued by you by the employment of such measures as you deem necessary, including the use of force.

3. The statement of intentions contained in the Potsdam Declaration will be given full effect. It will not be given effect, however, because we consider ourselves bound in a contractual relationship with Japan as a result of that document. It will be respected and given effect because the Potsdam Declaration forms a part of our policy stated in good faith with relation to Japan and with relation to peace and security in the Far East.

Meanwhile, MacArthur had perfected his plans for the formal surrender ceremony, and on August 21, he forwarded a detailed schedule to the Japanese government. But the violent storms that struck the home islands of Japan on August 22 forced a short postponement of MacArthur’s schedule.

All preparations for the surrender ceremony were by now well under way. It was apparent that the Japanese were going to be entirely cooperative, and all their messages indicated a strong desire to accommodate the victors. Interestingly enough, Stalin did not share this opinion. He would have handled the situation quite differently. Ambassador Harriman reported Stalin’s comments on our plans.

“For your information as a matter of general interest,” he cabled, “in my conversation with Stalin on August 27 he showed great interest in and asked me about the setting for the Japanese surrender. When I told him as much as I knew about it, he commented that there were considerable risks, the Japanese were treacherous people and there were many ‘crazy cutthroats’ left. He said he would have taken some hostages to protect against incidents. He suggested that it would have been more advisable to order all Japanese ships, airplanes, etc., to Manila and then have the Japanese come to MacArthur’s headquarters to sign the surrender. When I explained the desirability of bringing home to the Japanese their defeat by having the surrender signed in the heart of Japan, he stated that the large armada must be very impressive. It was risky but if there were no incidents the armada and the troops landed by air would be a most impressive demonstration of strength to the Japanese people.”

I decided that I would speak to the nation in connection with the surrender ceremony, and on August 28, MacArthur was so informed. At the last minute, it took some frantic exchanges between Tokyo and Washington to get the timing fixed - amid a flurry of other messages that sought to unsnarl some details that had become confused. The Dutch, for instance, had given us the name of General Van Oyen to act as their representative, but on August 30, MacArthur reported, “now arrives Admiral Helfrich senior officer in this region and CINC of Netherlands Forces in the East” with word from his government that he was to be its authorized representative. Then, too, the Russians wanted to send a press and radio party and seemed to feel that they would not be welcome unless MacArthur had approved of each, and every name included.

While these matters of military protocol were being adjusted, the following messages were exchanged in order to co-ordinate the timing of the surrender ceremony with the timing of my broadcast:

TO MACARTHUR FROM THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF

The President desires that if it is practicable the actual signing of the instrument of surrender be accomplished not later than ten or eleven o’clock a.m. Tokyo time in order that his announcement from here may follow without delay.

A reply by telegraph is requested.

FROM MACARTHUR TO MARSHALL

Actual details of surrender ceremony . . . are to be arranged immediately after my landing in Tokyo area. I am certain that the President’s desires as to hour of signing can be accomplished. Will confirm the hour immediately upon conclusion of preliminary meeting.

FROM: The War Department to: General MacArthur

The President hopes that the signing of the Japanese surrender will be arranged so that it will be concluded at about 10:00 p.m. Washington time (E.W.T.). He has approved the following procedure, recommended by United States networks:

1. A radio pickup from the U.S.S. Missouri, giving a simple direct description of the actual signing ceremonies, with announcement of the name of each participant as he signs. At the close the announcer would say that the surrender had been completed and add, “We take you now to the White House in Washington.”

2. The President will then immediately address the nation.

3. At the end of the President’s remarks the broadcasts will be switched back to the U.S.S. Missouri for remarks by General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz.

The President hopes that the time for the surrender ceremony will be fixed as far in advance as possible so that the radio companies may have ample time for their arrangements and for advertising the broadcast.

FROM MACARTHUR TO MARSHALL

Arrangements made for completion of surrender ceremony on Missouri at 10301 September 2d.

Radio broadcast, press dispatches and all publicity released simultaneously here at that hour.

from: General MacArthur

To: War Department

Arrangements in general accordance with your instructions have been made. As reported . . . the ceremony will go on the air at 10301 on the second. It will be impracticable after the President’s address to switch the broadcast back to the Missouri for speeches by General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz. As previously directed, they will be made on later broadcasts.

FROM: General MacArthur

TO: The War Department

Arrangements have now been made for short address by MacArthur and Nimitz to follow immediately the address of the President

FROM: The Naval Aide to the President

TO: General MacArthur

Request verification immediately of 10301 2 September as time of surrender ceremony. Also request estimated time radio circuit will switch to White House for President’s broadcast.

FROM: Naval Aide to the President

TO: General MacArthur

Reference my message about broadcast of surrender ceremony. Conflicting reports received here are confusing to press and public. Please confirm by urgent message your previous statement that broadcast of surrender ceremony will begin 1030 Item September 2. Please estimate time broadcast will be switched from Tokyo to Washington for President’s address. Please also advise whether actual signing will take place during Tokyo broadcast or will broadcast only consist of a description of what has taken place.

FROM: Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers

TO: Naval Aide to the President

In reply your message broadcast of surrender ceremony will begin at 1030 I, 2 September. Switch to White House for President’s broadcast estimated between 1045 I and 1055 I.

FROM: U.S.S. Ancon Communications Center for General MacArthur’s Headquarters afloat

FOR: Naval Aide to the President

Surrender ceremony broadcast description of events taking place starts at 0130 G.M.T. until 0145 G.M.T. Switch to White House comes at 0145 G.M.T.

FROM: U.S.S. Ancon

FOR: Naval Aide to the President

Length of surrender ceremony broadcast 26½ minutes. This supersedes previous information stating 15 minute’s length, Program schedule to start 0130Z.

On the evening of September 1 (September 2 Tokyo time), I, like millions of my fellow citizens, listened to the description of the proceedings aboard the Missouri.

I was thinking of the history of previous occasions when dictators and absolute rulers had brought disaster to their people and their countries. There had been Philip II of Spain and his armada, the destruction of which was the beginning of the end for Spain as a world power. Then there was Louis XIV and the Battle of Blenheim; Napoleon and Waterloo; the Kaiser; Hitler; and - now - the war lords of Japan. This second surrender of World War II marked the ignominious defeat and downfall of the second of the world’s cruelest dictatorial governments.

I was wondering that night if the world, and particularly ourselves, had learned anything - whether we would profit from our terrible mistakes of World War I or would we repeat them. I was in the midst of these thoughts when the announcer in Tokyo Bay switched the broadcast to the White House, and I spoke to the nation.

“My fellow Americans,” I said, “The thoughts and hopes of all America - indeed of all the civilized world - are centered tonight on the battleship Missouri. There on that small piece of American soil anchored in Tokyo Harbor the Japanese have just officially laid down their arms. They have signed terms of unconditional surrender.

“Four years ago the thoughts and fears of the whole civilized world were centered on another piece of American soil - Pearl Harbor. The mighty threat to civilization which began there is now laid to rest. It was a long road to Tokyo - and a bloody one.

“We shall not forget Pearl Harbor.

“The Japanese militarists will not forget the U.S.S. Missouri.

“The evil done by the Japanese war lords can never be repaired or forgotten. But their power to destroy and kill has been taken from them. Their armies and what is left of their navy are now impotent.

“To all of us there comes first a sense of gratitude to Almighty God who sustained us and our Allies in the dark days of grave danger, who made us to grow from weakness into the strongest fighting force in history, and who now has seen us overcome the forces of tyranny that sought to destroy His civilization.

“God grant that in our pride of the hour we may not forget the hard tasks that are still before us; that we may approach these with the same courage, zeal and patience with which we faced the trials and problems of the past four years.

“Our first thoughts, of course - thoughts of gratefulness and deep obligation - go out to those of our loved ones who have been killed or maimed in this terrible war. On land and sea and in the air, American men and women have given their lives so that this day of ultimate victory might come and assure the survival of a civilized world. No victory can make good their loss.

“We think of those whom death in this war has hurt, taking from them husbands, sons, brothers and sisters whom they loved. No victory can bring back the faces they longed to see.

“Only the knowledge that the victory, which these sacrifices made possible, will be wisely used can give them any comfort. It is our responsibility - ours, the living - to see to it that this victory shall be a monument worthy of the dead who died to win it.

“We think of all the millions of men and women in our armed forces and merchant marine all over the world who, after years of sacrifice and hardship and peril, have been spared by Providence from harm.

“We think of all the men and women and children who during these years have carried on at home, in lonesomeness and anxiety and fear.

“Our thoughts go out to the millions of American workers and businessmen, to our farmers and miners - to all who have built up this country’s fighting strength, and who have shipped to our Allies the means to resist and overcome the enemy.

“Our thoughts go out to our civil servants and to the thousands of Americans who, at personal sacrifice, have come to serve in our government during these trying years; to the members of the selective service boards and ration boards; to the civilian defense and Red Cross workers; to the men and women in the USO and in the entertainment world - to all those who have helped in this cooperative struggle to preserve liberty and decency in the world.

“We think of our departed gallant leader, Franklin D. Roosevelt, defender of democracy, architect of world peace and cooperation.

“And our thoughts go out to our gallant Allies in this war; to those who resisted the invaders; to those who were not strong enough to hold out, but who nevertheless kept the fires of resistance alive within the souls of their people; to those who stood up against great odds and held the line, until the United Nations together were able to supply the arms and the men with which to overcome the forces of evil.

“This is a victory of more than arms alone. This is a victory of liberty over tyranny.

“From our war plants rolled the tanks and planes which blasted their way to the heart of our enemies; from our shipyards sprang the ships which bridged all the oceans of the world for our weapons and supplies; from our farms came the food and fibre for our armies and navies and for our Allies in all the corners of the earth; from our mines and factories came the raw materials and the finished products which gave us the equipment to overcome our enemies.

“But back of it all were the will and spirit and determination of a free people - who know what freedom is, and who know that it is worth whatever price they had to pay to preserve it.

“It was the spirit of liberty which gave us our armed strength and which made our men invincible in battle. We now know that that spirit of liberty, the freedom of the individual, and the personal dignity of man are the strongest and toughest and most enduring forces in the world.

“And so on V-J Day, we take renewed faith and pride in our own way of life. We have had our day of rejoicing over this victory. We have had our day of prayer and devotion. Now let us set aside V-J Day as one of renewed consecration to the principles which have made us the strongest nation on earth and which, in this war, we have striven so mightily to preserve.

“Those principles provide the faith, the hope and the opportunity which help men to improve themselves and their lot. Liberty does not make all men perfect nor all society secure. But it has provided more solid progress and happiness and decency for more people than any other philosophy of government in history. And this day has shown again that it provides the greatest strength and the greatest power which man has ever reached.

“We know that under it we can meet the hard problems of peace which have come upon us. A free people with free Allies, who can develop an atomic bomb, can use the same skill and energy and determination to overcome all the difficulties ahead.

“Victory always has its burdens and its responsibilities as well as its rejoicing.

“But we face the future and all its dangers with great confidence and great hope. America can build for itself a future of employment and security. Together with the United Nations, it can build a world of peace founded on justice and fair dealing and tolerance.

“As President of the United States, I proclaim Sunday, September second, 1945, to be V-J Day - the day of formal surrender by Japan. It is not yet the day for the formal proclamation of the end of the war or of the cessation of hostilities. But it is a day which we Americans shall always remember as a day of retribution - as we remember that other day, the day of infamy.

“From this day we move forward. We move toward a new era of security at home. With the other United Nations we move toward a new and better world of peace and international goodwill and cooperation.

“God’s help has brought us to this day of victory. With His help we will attain that peace and prosperity for ourselves and all the world in the years ahead.”