NOTES

1 Introduction

 1.Examples are given in the existing overviews and case studies of the reception of Cicero: Zielinski 1897/ 41929; Rolfe [1923]; Weil 1962; Jones 1998; Steel 2013; Altman 2015; Manuwald 2016; Eusterschulte / Frank 2018.

 2.In: Lehrgedichte und Erzählungen von C.F. Gellert, Leipzig 1758, 94–96 (available on Google Books).

 3.English translation of the final section (last six lines), offering a general conclusion: ‘You, who believe that everybody knows about you, / that all men have to talk about you, / and who are proud of yourself; / of the thousands of whom you think that they know you / and mention you and your deeds, / hardly anybody is aware of you being alive.’

 4.Cic. Sest. 123: utrum igitur haec Aesopum potius pro me aut Accium dicere oportuit, si populus Romanus liber esset, an principes civitatis? nominatim sum appellatus in Bruto: ‘Tullius, qui libertatem civibus stabiliverat’ [Accius, Praet. 40 Ribbeck3= 40 Warmington]. miliens revocatum est. parumne videbatur populus Romanus iudicare id a me et a senatu esse constitutum quod perditi cives sublatum per nos criminabantur?

 5.See Müller 2013, 285.

 6.See e.g. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-38828211.

 7.In an interview in connection with the adaptation of his novels, Robert Harris was asked: ‘The character of Cicero has remained largely untold in films, plays and fiction until now – how do you account for that when there is so much material available?’; he answered: ‘Considering that the discovery of his letters in the 14th century helped set off the Renaissance, it is amazing how absent Cicero is from popular culture. Shakespeare for some reason almost entirely ignores him, apart from a few lines in Julius Caesar.…’; later he said: ‘Of all the famous figures of antiquity, he [Cicero] is the one who has most cried out to be put on stage. It is wonderful that it has happened at last.’ (Imperium, Part I, Programme Booklet).

 8.For a list of German-language tragedies on topics from Roman history, including historical events involving Cicero, see Reimers 2016, 249–257; for a discussion of the tragedies covering the Catilinarian Conspiracy see Reimers 2016, 115–162; for a bibliographical list of works of fiction on Catiline (some of which include Cicero) see Criniti 1971, 59–68; for brief comments on five plays featuring Catiline see also Stinchcomb 1934.

 9.When characters in the plays are referred to, the spelling of their names follows that in the respective dramatic texts, to distinguish them from mentions of the historical figures. Only Cicero is always called ‘Cicero’ for the sake of consistency and clarity and to set him apart from his relatives, while these dramatic representations of ‘Cicero’ have to be distinguished from the historical Cicero.

2 Basis

 1.For modern biographies of Cicero (including further bibliography and references to ancient sources) see e.g. Shackleton Bailey 1971; Rawson 1975; Mitchell 1979/1991; Fuhrmann 1992; Lintott 2008; Tempest 2011. For a table listing the important events in Cicero's life and his works see Appendix to this chapter.

 2.For a list see Green/Murphy 2006, 107–138.

 3.On Cicero and Johannes Sturm see Classen 1996 (2003).

 4.On the impact of Cicero's political thought in the Italian Renaissance see e.g. Baron 1988.

 5.Marci Tullii Ciceronis Opera omnia quae exstant, a Dionysio Lambino Monstroliensi ex codicibus manuscriptis emendata, & aucta: Quorum ordinem & numerum altera pagina indicabit. Eiusdem D. Lambini annotationes seu emendationũ rationes singulis tomis distinctæ. Index rerum & verborum memoria digniorum copiosus & locuples, singulis tomis adiectus. Et fragmenta omnia, quae exstant, à viris doctis non ita pridem vndique collecta, Paris 1566. – Volume 1 includes: M. Tulli Ciceronis genus, patria, ingenium, studia, doctrina, mores, vita, facta. res gestae, mors: omnia ferè ex ipso Cicerone à Dionys. Lambino collecta: ‘Fuit igitur Ciceronis consilium & rectißimum & prudentißimum, vt illa tempora tulerunt, neque quisquam mortalium est, qui quicquam illo tempore salutarius à quoquam aut cogitari, aut prouideri potuisse, quàm quod à Cicerone cogitatum ac prouisum est, demonstrare poßit. Summa tum erat in rep. rei pecuniariæ difficultas, qui impeditißimus in omni re & priuata & publica nodus est: exhaustum erat ærarium: obsurdescebant homines ad nomen tributi: Antonio furenti sine exercitu obsisti non poterat: nullæ erant in Italia copiæ, nulli duces, præter Cæsarem, qui se Antonio opponeret. Quid cuiquam prudenti reip. moderatori, & bono ciui melius poterat in mentem venire, quàm vt adolescentem nobilem, locupletem, & cùm per se potentem, tum propemodum Cæsaris auũculi potentiæ heredem, militibúsq; veteranis gratißimum, honoribus, & præmiis ad populi Ro. libertatem, patriæque salutem defendendam eliceret, atque inuitares? an imperium ei denegando, eum à rep. alienaret? Quid, dementius? Non igitur aut temeritas hominem consideratißimum, aut credulitas virum prudentißimum, aut ambitio ciuem in sua rep. principem, & omnibus populi honoribus ornatum, ac pæne dicam quasi satiatum, atque expletum obcæcauit, sed vel Octauij perfidia & regnandi cupiditas, vel temporum inclinatio, vel fatalis quædam calamitas (quam nemo mortalium humano consilio vitare, aut auertere potest) vel hæc vniuersa & Ciceronem vnà cum rep. & remp. vnà cum Cicerone perculerunt atque afflixerunt. Fuit enim hoc illius diuini viri fatum sine rep. neque posse vincere, neque vinci.’ (available on Google Books).

 6.Available on Early English Books Online.

 7.On Cicero novus see Fryde 1983 and the introduction in Bernard-Pradelle 2008; text e.g. in Griffiths/Hankins/Thompson 1987 (selections in English translation); Viti 1996, 411–499 (with Italian translation); Bernard-Pradelle 2008, 393–547 (with French translation).

 8.Available (in an edition of 1895) at: https://archive.org/details/livesenglishedb01plut.

 9.Title page available at: https://bildsuche.digitale-sammlungen.de/index.html?c=viewer&l=en&bandnummer=bsb00087857&pimage=00001&v=&nav=.

 10.Available on Early English Books Online.

 11.On the work see e.g. Osmond/Ulery 1995. – For its aims see Felici, Preface: ‘Aiunt me temere et arroganter fecisse quod de his rebus scribere ausus sim de quibus tam diligenter Salustius historiam scripserit, de quo inquam: tete, O Cicero, obtestor me, quod viderem res tuas gestas partim obscuras et variis et multis locis sparsas, partim minus quam oportuit celebratas, idcirco rerum tuarum commentarios confecisse. Audieram ego Salustium fuisse tuum inimicum; legeram illius in te inimicissimam orationem: videram illum in Catilinario multa de te sub silentio transisse. Quid enim gloriosius M. Ciceroni contingere potuit quam ut pater patriae nominaretur? Nullum fit de hoc a Salustio. Siletur de supplicatione, qui honos tunc maximus putabatur. Muta est illa S.P.Q.R. praeclara et vera laudatio. Reticetur de illa inaurata statua qua Cicero a Capuae decurionibus donatus fuit. Atque ut quid ego sentio iam apertius dicam: quotiens ego Salustium lego, totiens Rem Publicam casu magis et felicitate quam virtute conservatam iudico; quum uero Ciceronem aliosque revolvo, tum ego existimo quod bellum nullum maius magisque periculosum commemorari possit neque maiore consilio et virtute restinctum. Numquam enim improbi paratiorem ducem habuerunt neque maius odium unquam in Rem Publicam versatum est.’ – ‘They claim that I acted rashly and arrogantly in having dared to write about these matters of which Sallust so diligently wrote a history; about which I say: You, O Cicero, I call to witness that I, because I saw your achievements partly obscured and scattered in many various places, partly celebrated less than was fitting, for that reason composed a memoir of your affairs. I had heard Sallust had been your enemy; I had read his most hostile oration against you; I had seen that in his Catiline he had passed over in silence many things about you. For what more glorious thing could have happened to M. Cicero than to be named Father of His Country? Nothing is made of this by Sallust. There is silence about the public thanksgiving, an honor then considered very great. Unspoken is that famous and true praise of him by the Roman Senate and People. There is no word of that gilded statue which was given Cicero by the town council of Capua. And, to speak more openly what I think: as often as I read Sallust, I judge that the State was preserved more by chance and luck than by virtue; but when I unroll Cicero and the others, then I think that no greater and more dangerous war can be commemorated, nor one extinguished with greater strategy and virtue. For never did the wicked have a more ready leader, nor was greater hatred against the State ever deployed.’ (quoted from Osmond/Ulery 1995, 48–49).

 12.Available at: https://ia600304.us.archive.org/23/items/catconspiratorso00gorduoft/catconspiratorso00gorduoft.pdf.

 13.In an overview of Latin drama in the Renaissance Bradner (1957, 47) notes: ‘Plays on classical subjects (i.e. ancient history or myth) were quite unusual until after about 1550. Up to this time only half a dozen had appeared, and none of them of any importance. Beginning with Muretus' Julius Caesar (1552) a change in literary taste set in, which resulted in the appearance of some forty such plays in the one hundred years following.’

3 Context

 1.For an overview of the reception of Catiline, including references to the involvement of Cicero, see Maes 2013; for a bibliography of material on Catiline, covering also works of fiction, see Criniti 1971; on the reception of Sallust's historical monograph on Catiline, with some comments on dramas involving Cicero, see Bolaffi 1949, esp. 289–292; some contributions in Poignault 1997.

 2.Robert Harris on his motivations for writing the trilogy (https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/oct/09/robert-harris-imperium-why-i-write-political-fiction): ‘I had worked as a political journalist and naturally itched to write a political novel. My problem was that I felt myself incapable of creating characters more bizarre or engrossing than those who were actually running the world: Thatcher, Reagan, Blair, Bush, Berlusconi, Putin … There were three main impulses behind Imperium. First, to escape the traps of the modern political novel by going back 2,000 years. Second, to describe in as much detail as possible the actual processes of Roman politics – the permanent election campaigns, annual polls, law courts, senate meetings, public assemblies, the interlinked political class – but to do so in such a way that they felt entirely natural, and were taken for granted by the reader, so that the overall effect would be of a kind of West Wing-on-the-Tiber. And third, to demonstrate that there are certain universal rules and themes in politics that remain constant whatever the era or culture.’

 3.For a list of historical novels featuring ‘Cicero’ see http://www.hist-rom.de/themen/cicero.html.

 4.Huot, Introduction, pp. ii–iv: ‘Mais à mesure que j'avançais dans mon travail, j'étais comme sollicité et entraîné à établir un rapprochement entre l'époque tourmentée de la conjuration de Catilina à Rome, et l'époque plus tourmentée encore de la conjuration de la Commune à Paris. J'établissais un parallèle entre Catilina, ses amis, ses affidés, ses émeutiers, ses meurtriers, ses incendiaires, et la Commune, ses amis, ses affidés, ses émeutiers, ses pétroleuses, ses fuséens et ses bandits. Ces deux conjurations me semblaient poursuivre le même but: la ruine de la République et le déchirement de la patrie. Elles se mouvaient dans le même cercle de haine, de passions et de ruines. Elles faisaient appel aux mêmes foules, leur donnant comme mot d'ordre: le pillage, le meurtre et l'incendie. Je les vis toutes deux donnant le même spectacle au monde épouvanté, se vautrant de la même sorte dans les mêmes infamies, s'abrutissant dans une même ivresse, se déchirant elles-mêmes dans une même rage et hurlant les mêmes cris d'un triomphe passager. Seule, la Commune (supérieure en cela à sa devancière), a dansé une ronde infernale devant le tombeau qu'elle se creusait à elle-même, et elle s'y est engouffrée comme un tourbillon fangeux, amalgamé par un vent de tempête politique.… Cicéron, à la fin de son consulat se rendit ce témoignage mérité: j'ai sauvé la république! M. Thiers chef du pouvoir exécutif et président de la République peut se rendre le même témoignage: j'ai sauvé la France! A Rome, le salut semblait si incertain que le sauveur se voyait déjà attaqué pour l'immense service qu'il avait rendu en ruinant la conjuration de Catilina; mais il est vrai d'ajouter que Catulus et Caton le proclamèrent père de la patrie. L'homme éminent qui a préparé et consommé la ruine de la Commune, se voit encore insulté par un groupe d'hommes, s'affirmant républicains; mais il est vrai d'ajouter que ces insulteurs forment la voix discordante dans l'harmonie des voix de l'Assemblée Nationale, proclamant M. Thiers père de la patrie.’ (available at: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k54475837/f4.image; https://archive.org/details/catilinaetlacom00huotgoog; Google Books).

 5.On Brecht and Sallust see Chomarat 1997.

 6.Available at: http://www.mediterranees.net/mythes/enfers/fenelon/. On Cicero in these dialogues see Néraudau 1984.

 7.Cicero ab exilio redux Romam ingreditur. Carmen latinum in Theatro Sheldoniano recitatum MDCCCXXXIV by Arthur Kensington, impensis J. Vincent (1834), 14 pages.

 8.Available on Google Books.

 9.The 1994 performance is generally regarded as the world premiere (confirmed by Hessisches Staatsarchiv Darmstadt). Yet F. Clément and P. Larousse (in: Dictionnaire lyrique ou histoire des opéras, Paris 1869, vol. 1, p. 143 [available at: https://archive.org/details/dictionnairelyri00cl]) note that the opera was performed in Vienna in 1792; yet it seems that, as a result of political turbulences, the originally planned premiere never materialized.

 10.See http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0989738/.

 11.Available at: https://www.bigfinish.com/releases/v/cicero-1605.

 12.Available at: http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw60437/Cicero-in-Catilinam?LinkID=mp03577&role=sit&rNo=12.

 13.Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Maccari-Cicero.jpg.

 14.Available at: http://www.photo.rmn.fr/archive/00-005710-2C6NU001RDWK.html.

 15.Available at: http://www.lombardiabeniculturali.it/opere-arte/schede/F0060-00081/.

 16.Available at: http://wallacelive.wallacecollection.org/eMuseumPlus?service=ExternalInterface&module=collection&objectId=65472. The title assumes that the inscription identifies the figure in the picture rather than the author of the book that the boy is reading.

 17.Available at: http://www.artgallery.sa.gov.au/agsa/home/Collection/detail.jsp?accNo=0.1371.

 18.Reprinted e.g. in: Sir Philip Sidney, An Apology for Poetry (or The Defence of Poesy). Edited by G. Shepherd, revised & expanded for this third edition by R.W. Maslen, Manchester/New York 2002, 114.

 19.Available e.g. on Early English Books Online.

 20.Club Law. A comedy acted in Clare Hall, Cambridge, about 1599–1600. Now printed for the first time from a ms. in the library of St John's College. With an introduction and notes by G.C. Moore Smith, Cambridge 1907 (available at: https://archive.org/stream/clublaw00smituoft/clublaw00smituoft_djvu.txt).

 21.Dealings with the firm of Dombey and Son, wholesale, retail, and for exportation, by Charles Dickens. With Forty Illustrations by ‘Phiz’ and an Introduction by H.W. Garrod, Oxford/New York/Toronto/Melbourne 1950, repr. 1981 (The Oxford Illustrated Dickens), Chapter XI: ‘Paul's Introduction to a new Scene’, pp. 142–143, 147; available also at: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/821/821-h/821-h.htm; http://www.worldwideschool.org/library/books/lit/charlesdickens/DombeyandSon/Chap1.html.

 22.Available at: http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008889370; https://archive.org/details/britishciceroor00browgoog; Google Books.

 23.Available e.g. at: https://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/i/ibsen/henrik/catiline/; http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7172. On this play see e.g. von Albrecht 1988.

 24.Available at: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k61213559/f4.image.

 25.For the ideological outlook underlying the play see Tirinnanzi, ‘Prologo da leggersi’ (pp. 14–15): ‘Roma, potenza creatrice di armonia terrena, era presso alla più alta apoteosi. Il sacrosanto segno dell'Aquila già di molti prodigi era stato vessillo: “poi press'al tempo che tutto il ciel volle – redur lo mondo a suo modo sereno – Cesare, per voler di Roma, il tolle”. Fu così negli anni che precedettero la discesa di Cristo; è così oggi negli anni che precedono il Suo ritorno. Bisogna spianare le vie. Non meno che le vittorie delle armi, valgano quelle dello Spirito. Il demone dell'Io procomberà sotto il macigno della tenebra, per rinascere angiolo all'alba. Nella sicura aspettazione, la Poesia darà opera a che i Peccatori da lei dannati, siano da lei resuscitati; e in un nuovo martirio, anch'essi redenti. Tale pensiero è divenuto realtà poetica con la tragedia “Catilina”, prima parte di una trilogia, in gloria di Roma. Le altre due, in preparazione, s'intitolano “Annibale” e “Canossa”. Per divino decreto, la Città Eterna ha sulle genti missione unificatrice, nell'ordine sociale, nazionale, spirituale. Dal trionfo sopra i suoi nemici, quella missione rifulgerà esaltata: Catilina, il nemico sociale; Annibale, il nemico nazionale; Enrico a Canossa, il nemico della Verità spirituale, fatta persona in Gregorio.’

 26.Available e.g. at: http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Latijn/MURE01.html (1591 print); https://www.uni-regensburg.de/sprache-literatur-kultur/lateinische-philologie/medien/fabulae-neolatinae/praetextae/muret__caesar.pdf and in Leroux 2009; Hagmaier 2006, 4–163; on the play see e.g. Blänsdorf 1994; Leroux 2009, 297–350 (with further references); on the depiction of Caesar in Muret and Grévin see Frappier 2014.

 27.Available e.g. at: https://archive.org/details/thtrecomple00gr.

 28.Text (with notes) in Ginsberg 1971; Foster 1974 (along with Muret's Latin version).

 29.Available at: http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/fs1/object/display/bsb10369028_00004.html; Google Books. Michaelius (p. A3v): ‘In de verdeilinge der handelingen hebbe ik Muretum, dien ik doe by der hand hadde, naegevolght; in de rest sal den Leser seer weinige voet-stappen van Muret. kunnen bespeuren. Sommige dingen (op dat ik recht op biechte) mishagen my selve: sommige duncken my wel geseit te zijn. Wat aengaet de maniere van dichten; sommige gedeelten hebbe ik wat harder moeten en willen voort-brengẽ nae de gelegentheid der zaken: my latende voorstaen dat de kracht ende aerdt van sommige sakẽ op geen rolwagen willen getrocken werden.’

 30.On these Dutch plays see Noak 2001, 199–201, 217–232.

 31.Available at: https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_e8GYKZnNTgcC.

 32.Available at: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k71623z.

 33.Available at: http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10038109.html.

 34.Available in Hagmaier 2006, 175–215 (supplemented by discussion); see also Gärtner 2010.

 35.On the reception of Caesar see Gundelfinger 1904; Gundolf 1924 (pp. 175–186, 218–222, 226 on reception in dramas also featuring Cicero); Wyke 2007; relevant chapters in Griffin 2009.

 36.See Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 773, no. 6067.

 37.‘Die letzten Römer. XIV (Anfang der 2. Hälfte 1824): “Catilina und seine lüderlichen Genossen (Catilina Akt 1) wecken den Cicero aus dem Schlafe und rufen ihn ans Fenster, damit er sie, zur Probe seiner Kunst, überrede, vor Tages Anbruch nach Hause und zu Bett zu gehen”’ (Franz Grillparzer. Sämtliche Werke. Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht im Auftrage der Stadt Wien hg. von August Sauer (†), fortgeführt von Reinhold Backmann. Erste Abteilung, Achter und neunter Band, Wien 1936, p. 85, no. 245).

 38.‘Auszüge aus Sallust (Ende 1824)’ (Franz Grillparzer. Sämtliche Werke. Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht im Auftrage der Stadt Wien hg. von August Sauer (†), fortgeführt von Reinhold Backmann. Erste Abteilung, Achter und neunter Band, Wien 1936, pp. 93–106).

 39.Franz Grillparzer, Tagebücher 1835, n. 2766 (Grillparzers Werke. Im Auftrage der Reichshaupt- und Residenzstadt Wien hg. von A. Sauer. Zweite Abteilung, Neunter Band. Tagebücher und literarische Skizzenhefte III, von August 1830 bis Anfang 1836, Nr. 1821–2865, Wien/Leipzig 1916, 291).

 40.Listed among ‘Keime zu Dramen’ (in papers from his time in Stuttgart): ‘4. Catilina. Classischer Spiegel für moderne Zeit (In Cicero die Uebermacht des Wortes!) – Hackländer [Friedrich Wilhelm Hackländer (1816–1877), German writer]: “Vortrefflicher Griff; Cicero könnte bis in die französischen Kammern hinein spiegeln.”’ (in: Franz Dingelstedt, Blätter aus seinem Nachlaß. Mit Randbemerkungen von Julius Rodenberg. Zweiter Band, Berlin 1891, 111 [available at: https://archive.org/details/franzdingelsted00rodegoog]).

 41.For background and the surviving material see Tinker/Lowry 1940, 340–347; Allott/Allott 1979, 647–651.

 42.Matthew Arnold, letter to Wyndham Slade, 29 December 1855: ‘I am full of a tragedy of the time of the end of the Roman Republic – one of the most colossal times of the world, I think.… It won't see the light, however, before 1857’ (quoted from Tinker/Lowry 1940, 342); letter to Goldwin Smith (13 January 1886): ‘I resign in May … One or two things in verse which all my life I have wished to do I am now probably too old to do well; but on this point I hope the inward monitor will inform me rightly if I make the attempt to do them. One of them is a Roman play, with Clodius, Milo, Lucretius, Cicero, Caesar in it; Arthur Stanley was always interested, dear soul, in this project. I can hear him now saying to some one, “You hear he is going to bring in Caesar and Cicero.”’ (quoted from Tinker/Lowry 1940, 344).

4 ‘Cicero’ on the (Theatre) Stage

 1.See also Jondorf 1969, 28.

 2.On the character and sources of Garnier's plays see e.g. Lebègue 1975.

 3.Garnier, Argument de la Tragedie (p. 8): ‘Au ſurplus ie veuil bien vous aduiſer, Lecteur, que l’hõneur qu'ont receu de vo’ mes precedãs ouurages, m'a fait employer de loyſir de nos vacations dernieres à vous former ceſte Cornelie, à laquelle aduenant pareille faueur, …’.

 4.Garnier, dedication (pp. 3–4): ‘Receuez l'ouurage, Monſeigneur, ſinõ pour le merite d'iceluy, au moins pour la dignité du ſuget, qui est d'vne grande Republique, rompue par l'ambicieux diſcord de ſes Citoyens: la ruine de laquelle eſt d'autant plus deplorable, qu'oncque rien ne fut veu ſur la terre de plus auguſte & de plus reuerable majesté que ſa grandeur.’

 5.Garnier, Argument de la Tragedie (p. 8): ‘Vous verrez ce diſcours amplement traitté en Plutarque és vies de Pompee, de Ceſar, & de Caton d'Vtique: En Hirtius cinquieſme liure des commentaires de Ceſar: Au cinquieſme liure des guerres ciuiles d'Appian, & quarante troiſieſme de Dion.’ On Garnier's sources see Ternaux 2002, 20–21 (who points out that Garnier accessed Greek writers in Latin or French translations).

 6.See the notes in Ternaux's edition (2002).

 7.Kyd, dedication: ‘A fitter preſent for a Patroneſſe ſo well accompliſhed, I could not finde, then this faire preſident of honour, magnanimitie, and loue. VVherein, what grace that excellent GARNIER hath loſt by my defaulte, I shall beſeech your Honour to repaire, with the regarde of thoſe ſo bitter times, and priuie broken paßions that I endured in the writing it. And so vouchſafing but the paßing of a VVinters weeke with deſolate Cornelia, I will aſſure your Ladiship my next Sommers better trauell, with the Tragedy of Portia.’

 8.For a record of Kyd's Cornelia see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 60; Wiggins/Richardson 2013, 233–235, no. 954. On Garnier's plays and their reception in Britain see Witherspoon 1924.

 9.On this play see Jondorf 1969, 32–34, 137–140.

 10.See Ternaux 2002, 17, also 41 n. 61.

 11.See also Ternaux 2002, 13. On Caesar's depiction in the play see Frappier 2014.

 12.On this play see e.g. Perry 2006; Cadman 2015, 44–53. Cadman (2015, 44–53) highlights the references to Christian ideas.

 13.On Gosson's biography and writings see Ringler 1942.

 14.See http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=eebo;idno=A01951.

 15.Full title: The Schoole of Abuse, Conteining a plesaunt inuectiue against Poets, Pipers, Plaiers, Iesters, and such like Caterpillers of a Commonwelth; Setting vp the Flagge of Defiance to their mischieuous exercise, & ouerthrowing their Bulwarkes, by Prophane Writers, Naturall reason, and common experience: A discourse as pleasaunt for Gentlemen that fauour learning, as profitable for all that wyll follow vertue. By Stephan Gosson. Stud. Oxon. Printed at London, for Thomas VVoodcocke, 1579 (available on Early English Books Online; excerpt available at: http://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/a01953.0001.001/43?page=root;size=125;vid=3498;view=text).

 16.For brief comments on the play see Speck 1906, 18–19.

 17.See Ringler 1942, 23.

 18.On Gosson's learning and sources see Ringler 1942, 100–115.

 19.On the influence of the Roman Republic in early modern England see Jensen 2012 (p. 214: ‘The role of ancient Rome in the learning and intellectual life of early modern England should not be understated.’).

 20.Cook (1890) mentions passages in Cicero's Tusculan disputations as inspirations for Gosson's remarks (Cic. Tusc. 2.27; 3.2).

 21.For a record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 48; Wiggins/Richardson 2012, 188, no. 632; http://www.lostplays.org/index.php/Catiline's_Conspiracies.

 22.Thomas Lodge (1558?–1625), Protogenes can know Apelles by his line though he se him not and wise men can consider by the penn the aucthoritie of the writer thoughe they know him not.… (1579, pp. 42–43; available on Early English Books Online and at: http://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/a06172.0001.001/43?page=root;size=125;vid=6077;view=text).

 23.On Frischlin's biography and the contemporary context see Röckelein/Bumiller 1990, 95–104.

 24.On this play see Leeker 1999, 585–590. On Frischlin as dramatist see Röckelein/Bumiller 1990.

 25.Extract from guidance on school syllabus (MGP 49, Berlin 1911, 384–385): ‘Es konnen auch zu Zeiten etliche vnserer Zeit poeten nutzlich gebraucht werden … Ja auch etwan … Comici Nicodemi Frischlini Comoedien eine, welcher, so es den Alten Comicis nicht gleich gethan hatt, jedoch jnen neher khommen ist, dann kein anderer heutigs Tags. Solche seint Rebecca, Susanna, Hildegardis magna, Julius Rediuivvs, vnnd andere mehr. Diesen Authoren sollen die knaben auswendig lernen, vnnd sunderliche Mores, vnnd hofflichkeit daraus zufasssen, wie auch sich jn pronuntiatione vnnd geberden zu vben …’.

 26.On the ‘afterlife’ of Julius redivivus see Röckelein/Bumiller 1990, 104.

 27.Frischlin, 18 December 1580: ‘will ich meinen Julium redivivum, ein Comoedi, so Ich vor acht Jaren angefangen. Vnnd erst dises Jar widerumb zur handt genommen, de germaniae nostrae laudibus, auff künfftige Ostermeß Inn truckh ververtigen’ (quoted from Elschenbroich 1980, 188 n. 42); Frischlin, letter to Lukas Osiander, 18 March 1581: ‘in Actum Tertium subsistiti’ (quoted from Elschenbroich 1980, 188 n. 43).

 28.On the play's textual and performance history see Strauß 1856, 130–131; Elschenbroich 1980, 188–191; Price 1990, 60; Jungck/Mundt 2003, 659–661; 2014, 123–141.

 29.See Strauß 1856, 302–304; on the performances of Frischlin's dramas see Sittard 1890, 146–163. The ‘Argumentum’ submitted for approval of the play for performance at the festivities includes characters not appearing in the final version (Elschenbroich 1980, 190).

 30.See Elschenbroich 1980, 190.

 31.The Latin plot summary of Julius Redivivus included in this description is reprinted in Schade 1983, 126–127; a German poetic version is available in Strauß 1856, 133–135 (reprinted in Schade 1983, 128–130).

 32.For a brief overview of the textual history of the play's Latin and German versions see Janell 1912, LXXX–LXXXI; Schade 1983, 137–142.

 33.On Frischlin's play as an example of late Humanist drama see Dietl 2013, 172–173; for a brief appreciation see Roloff 1965, 665; on the play's sources, its assessment in scholarship and its structure see Price 1990, 60–68; on Frischlin's dramatic treatment of Caesar see Gundelfinger 1904, 38–42; Leeker 1999, 568–585.

 34.The conceit that dead people return to admire Germany (on its history see Schade 1983, 163–164; on the different types of dead people appearing to praise their country see Leeker 1999, 571–572, who argues that Frischlin combined elements of all three major traditions [573]) already appears in De ritu, situ, moribus et condicione theutonie descriptio by Enea Silvio Bartolomeo Piccolomini (1405–1464; Pope Pius II, 1458–1464), where it is applied to Ariovistus and other German heroes (available at: http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/64-18-quod-6/start.htm). The idea is taken up in a commentary to Tacitus' Germania (1529) by the German Humanist Andreas Altheimer/Althamer (c. 1500–c. 1539), where it includes Caesar (second edition available on Google Books). Praise of Germany appears in the poem Quod ab illa antiquitus Germanorum claritudine nondum degenerârint Nostrates (1511/1518) by the German Humanist Ulrich von Hutten (1488–1523) (in: Des teutschen Ritters Ulrich von Hutten sämmtliche Werke. Gesammelt, und mit den erforderlichen Einleitungen, Anmerkungen und Zusätzen herausgegeben von E.J.H. Münch. Erster Theil, Berlin 1821, 241ff. [available on Google Books]) and in his dialogue Arminius. Dialogus Huttenicus, Quo homo patriæ amantissimus, Germanorum laudem celebrauit (1529; avalaible at: http://bildsuche.digitale-sammlungen.de/index.html?c=viewer&l=en&bandnummer=bsb00086148&pimage=0&v=2p&nav=; English translation in Walker 2008). On Frischlin's possible sources see Jungck/Mundt 2014, 141–145, who highlight Lucian's Charon.

 35.Nicodemus Frischlin, Nobilissimis amplissimis et prudentissimis viris, Praetori, Consulibus, atque Senatui liberæ Imperialis vrbis Argentoratensis: Dominis suis obseruandissimis: S. P. D. Nicodemus Frischlinus P. L. Comes Palatinus Cæsarius &c. (a 4): ‘Quòd si exterarum gentium laudes, quæ in Græcis Latinisque Comœdijs atque Tragædijs extant, vos tanto cum studio, è vestris actoribus cognoscitis: minimè dubitabo, quin etiam patriȩ nostrȩ vniuersȩ & inprimis vestras quoque laudes, ex hoc Iulio me, & Cicerone: qui meo ingenio reuixerunt, paratissimis animis sitis cognituri.’

 36.According to Müller (2013, 287) the roles of Caesar and Cicero are equally important in the play.

 37.Reminiscences of Cicero's Orationes Caesarianae, which include praise of Caesar, have been detected (see Gundelfinger 1904, 38).

 38.Nicodemus Frischlin, Nobilissimis amplissimis et prudentissimis viris, Praetori, Consulibus, atque Senatui liberæ Imperialis vrbis Argentoratensis: Dominis suis obseruandissimis: S. P. D. Nicodemus Frischlinus P. L. Comes Palatinus Cæsarius &c. (a 4): ‘Erunt quidem fortasse aliqui, quibus non satisfecero: eò quod non omnia patriæ ornamenta, non omnes præclaros heroes, non omnes fortissimos Imperatores Germanicos, non omnes literatos homines nominatim celebraui. At hoc si facere voluissem, eos imitare debuissem, qui de laudibus illustrium Germaniæ virorum, integra nobis composuere volumina. Meo quidem Ciceroni mirum est, reperiri in Germania Socrates, Platones, Aristoteles, Lælios, Tuberones, Trebatios, Praxiteles & Sifogenes. Qui autem isti sint, qui quibus apepllentur nominibus, hoc qui nescit, is discat ex aliorũ integris voluminibus.’; Lectori pio et aequo salutem (at the end): ‘Ego uerò, ut hisce primò respondeam, non proposui mihi omnes Germanos, laude dignos, in hac Comœdia laudare. Quomodo enim hoc fieri potuisset? Sed satis mihi fuit per Eobanum Hessum, omnes intelligere uiros literatos: sicut per Herminium omnes Harminij similes, in repub. & re militari claros homines. Quòd siquos nominatim celebraui, nolim id ita à me accipi: quasi cæteros ego negligam, aut contemnam, quos non nomino. Omnes enim Hermanos, & omnes Eobanos, id est, omnes Germaniæ ciues sapientes, pios, literatos & fortes amo, colo & ueneror; uoloq; huius animi mei, hanc Comediam testẽ, & quasi quoddam sempiternum monumentum ad omnẽ posteritatem extare.’

 39.On Cicero's characterization as an orator see also Leeker 1999, 576–577.

 40.Cicero's speech Pro Marcello and two letters (Cic. Fam. 7.5; 13.16) have been identified as particularly relevant (Jungck/Mundt 2003, 665).

 41.Strauß (1856, 135) regarded this as an error of composition (admitted by the poet): since Caesar and Cicero formed the focus of the play, nothing was able to attract the attention of the audience after their departure.

 42.Available at: http://www.henslowe-alleyn.org.uk/images/MSS-7/049v.html.

 43.Henslowe's Diary (entries of 22 and 29 May 1602) shows that a further play, Caesar's Fall, was written for The Admiral's Men. Such a drama might have featured Cicero, but no information on the dramatis personae survives. The play was composed by Thomas Dekker, Michael Drayton, Thomas Middleton, John Webster and Anthony Munday in 1602 (see Feldmann/Tetzeli von Rosador 2007, 328–329).

 44.See ch. 4.2, n. 22.

 45.See Collier 1831, vol. III, p. 93.

 46.For a record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 68; Wiggins/Richardson 2014, 58–59, no. 1145; http://www.lostplays.org/index.php/Catiline's_Conspiracy_(Catiline).

 47.For a brief record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 74; Wiggins/Richardson 2014, 134–140, no. 1198.

 48.Thomas Platter, Diary of 1599 (in English translation by C. Williams): ‘On 21 September after lunch, about two o'clock, I and my party crossed the water, and there in the house with the thatched roof witnessed an excellent performance of the tragedy of the first Emperor Julius Caesar with a dramatis personae of some fifteen people; when the play was over, they danced very marvellously and gracefully together as is their wont, two dressed as men and two as women.’ (for the German original see Universitätsbibliothek Basel, MS A lambda V 7/8: http://aleph.unibas.ch/F/?local_base=DSV05&con_lng=GER&func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000108438).

 49.Voltaire (see ch. 4.23) wrote a play La mort de César (first published in 1736), which does not include Cicero as a character (on the relationship to Shakespeare see 1741 edition [available at: https://archive.org/details/lamortdecesar00voltgoog], Avertissement [pp. vj–vij]: ‘Les Amis de Monsieur de V … le prierent de donner une traduction du reste de la piece: mais c'étoit une entreprise impossible. Shakespear pere de la Tragedie Angloise, est aussi le pere de la barbarie qui y régne. Son génie sublime sans culture & sans goût, a fait un cahos du Théâtre qu'il a créé. Ses pieces sont des monstres dans lesquelles il y a des parties qui sont des chef-d'œuvres de la Nature. Sa Tragedie intitulée La Mort de Cesar, commence par son triomphe au Capitole, & finit par la mort de Brutus & Cassius à la bataille de Philippies. On assassine Cesar sur le Théâtre. On voit des Sénateurs bouffonner avec la lie du peuple. C'est un mélange de ce que le Tragique a de plus terrible, & de ce que la farce a de plus bas. Je ne fais que répéter ici ce que j'ai souvent oüi dire à celui dont je donne l'Ouvrage au Public. Il se détermina pour satisfaire ses amis à faire un Jules Cesar, qui sans ressembler à celui de Shakespear fût pourtant tout entier dans le gout Anglois.’). Later Voltaire produced a ‘translation’ of the first three acts of Shakespeare's play (first published in 1764) (see Griffin 2009, 371–372; for a discussion of the text see 390).

 50.See Griffin 2009, 391: ‘From the mid-eighteenth century onwards, Shakespeare's play was established as a classic in Europe. Many translations appeared before 1800, more or less faithful: von Borck and Wieland in German, La Place and LeTourneur (and Voltaire) in French, Valentini in Italian. Beyond the span of this essay is the fascinating and undervalued dramatic work of J. J. Bodmer, Swiss scholar and poet, who engaged in a sort of imaginative dialogue with Shakespeare's play, and J. G. Herder, who based a libretto on it, set to music by J. C. F. Bach (the music, sadly, has not survived). Sometimes negotiating with Shakespeare was a thornier experience. Voltaire ended by attacking him; so, at the very end of the eighteenth century, did the Revolutionary playwright Marie-Joseph Chénier, who criticized the play for much the same sort of reason as Voltaire. The most famous example of this difficult relationship, much later, is Bernard Shaw, who thought that Caesar might have regarded Shakespeare as Shakespeare's Brutus regards the buffoon “poet” who bursts into his camp ….’; see also Griffin 2009, 394, for a list of translations from the period between Voltaire and the end of the eighteenth century, and 393, for earlier ones.

 51.On this play as an instance of the reception of Caesar see Wyke 2007, 211–218 (on the play's reception in the USA see 218–238). On the play's sources see Bullough 1966, 1–211; on Shakespeare and classical authors see e.g. Thomson 1952; Martindale / Taylor 2004; Keilen / Moschovakis 2017.

 52.Müller (2013, 287), too, notes that the character of Cicero has a minor role in this play. For an overview of Cicero's role see e.g. Dorsch 1965, lvii–lviii.

 53.For factual information about the play see Wiggins/Richardson 2015a, 182–186, no. 1457. As part of her thesis that Christopher Marlowe and William Shakespeare are the same person, Murphy (2013, esp. 43–44) argues that this play too was written by this individual (on the basis of a linguistic analysis and a consideration of the use of classical sources), i.e. that it was composed by Christopher Marlowe in early 1587.

 54.For a brief record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 96; Wiggins/Richardson 2015a, 408–410, no. 1553.

 55.On the play's sources see Kastner/Charlton 1921, clxxxviii–cxc, 474–481.

 56.On this play in its contemporary context see Cadman 2015, 137–148.

 57.On this figure see Kastner/Charlton 1921, cxc, 476.

 58.E.g. Cic. Fam. 10.28.1; 12.2.1; 12.3.1; 12.4.1; Plut. Brut. 12.1–2; Cic. 42.1–2.

 59.For a record of the play see Wiggins/Richardson 2015a, 374–377, no. 1532.

 60.E.g. Adams 1913, 421–422; for comments see also Wiggins/Richardson 2015a, 374–377, no. 1532.

 61.Available on Early English Books Online and at: http://www.oxford-shakespeare.com/Greene/Ciceronis_Amor.pdf; on this piece see e.g. Larson 1974.

 62.For a comparison of the two texts see Tyson 1980, 36–48.

 63.For a historical survey of the text of Jonson's works see Herford/Simpson/Simpson 1950, Vol. IX, 3–159.

 64.For a stage history of Catiline see Herford/Simpson/Simpson 1950, Vol. IX, 240–245; for a brief record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 100; Wiggins/Richardson 2015b, 166–171, no. 1646.

 65.On the play's popularity in the seventeenth century see Norland 1978, 78 (with further references).

 66.Duffy 1947, 24; on Jonson's sources see also Speck 1906, 21, 26–27; Herford/Simpson/Simpson 1950, Vol. X, 117–165; Boehrer 1997, 85–86; Worden 1999; Ewbank 2012, 18–20; esp. Bolton/Gardner 1973, 176–193 (with references to earlier secondary literature and a list of identified sources, including Latin verse writers, and Latinate constructions). See Bolton/Gardner 1973, 176–177: ‘Jonson's copy of Sallust's works is now in the library of Clare College, Cambridge. It is a folio volume, containing the following: a text of Sallust, with voluminous commentaries on the Catilina by nine Renaissance scholars; a speech ascribed to Sallust, attacking Cicero, and one ascribed to Cicero, attacking Sallust; Cicero's four Catilinarian Orations; Julius Exsuperantius, de bellis civilibus, thought to be an epitome of Sallust's Histories; the declamatio contra L. Sergium Catilinam, allegedly by the famous first-century B.C. rhetorician Porcius Latro but not attested before the second half of the fifteenth century; and the Historia coniurationis Catilinariae of Constantius Felicius Durantinus (first edition 1518). By and large, the minor sources cited in the list are to be found quoted in the commentaries on Sallust in Jonson's copy; Jonson may have derived their evidence from these commentaries and not at first hand.’

 67.See Lovasco 2011; also Worden 1999. Although Durantinus' work was translated into English, Jonson used the Latin version (see Curran 2014, 258).

 68.See Scanlon 1986, 21, 22.

 69.For a brief summary of the plot see Speck 1906, 23–25.

 70.On potential connections between the play and the contemporary historical situation see e.g. Worden 1999.

 71.Cf. also Ewbank 2012, 12: ‘An obvious structural feature of Catiline is that, as the play moves into and beyond Act 3, Cicero becomes more and more the protagonist, and Catiline less and less so – another indication that Jonson was more concerned with the history of the late Republic than with Catiline as such.’

 72.Curran (2014, 251–271) argues that Cicero stands out since he is portrayed as an individual personality (see also Cadman 2015, 168: ‘While Catiline is the eponymous tragic hero of the play, it is Cicero who arguably emerges as the protagonist by the end.’). Müller (2013, 287), on the other hand, observes that the play focuses on Catiline and pays little attention to Cicero. On this play see e.g. Speck 1906, 19–28; Stinchcomb 1934, 49–50; Bryant 1954; Dorenkamp 1970; Warren 1973; Norland 1978; Ayres 1986; Scanlon 1986; Boehrer 1997; Sanders 1998, 20–33; Wordon 1999; Gaggero 2005; Ewbank 2012; Wallace 2013; Curran 2014, 151–171; Cadman 2015, 164–174.

 73.There is some debate in scholarship about the particular form of Jonson's ‘historical tragedy’ (see e.g. Bryant 1954; Dorenkamp 1970; on the role of Sallust among the different sources see Boehrer 1997; on the relationship between an historiographical account and a tragedy on the Catilinarian Conspiracy see Scanlon 1986; on the difference between ‘historical accuracy’ with regard to contextual details and the interpretation of events see Ayres 1986).

 74.Other aspects reminiscent of Sallust: a meeting takes place in the house of M. Porcius Laeca (Sall. Cat. 17.3); Catiline is in love with Aurelia Orestilla and kills a son to facilitate this love affair (Sall. Cat. 15.2); Sempronia is a learned woman (Sall. Cat. 25); Fulvia is keen on gifts from suitors (Sall. Cat. 23.3). On Sallust's relevance for Jonson see Worden 1999.

 75.See Ewbank 2012, 4.

 76.See Bryant 1954, 272–273.

 77.Sanders (1998, 25–26) notes that Jonson privileges Cicero's speeches given in the senate as sources for his play. This is true with respect to the Catilinarian Speeches, but out of Cicero's consular corpus as a whole Jonson also has recourse to the Second Agrarian Speech delivered before the People.

 78.Jonson adapted the ‘speeches’ of other historical figures (Catiline, Caesar, Cato) as well, though obviously not from their speeches, but from Sallust's account: Sall. Cat. 20 (Catiline) ≈ I 1, 327–498; Sall. Cat. 58 (Catiline) ≈ V 4, 1–53; Sall. Cat. 51 (Caesar) ≈ V 5, 28–78; Sall. Cat. 52 (Cato) ≈ V 5, 99–147 (see Scanlon 1986, 22).

 79.See Curran 2014, 255.

 80.See Sanders 1998, 33.

 81.See Bolton/Gardner 1973, xvi; Worden 1999, 170–171; Ewbank 2012, 15; Cadman 2015, 169.

 82.For an overview of views see e.g. Warren 1973, 55–56; Worden 1999, 159–160; Wallace 2013, 98–99 with n. 40; for a discussion see also Norland 1978, 76–78. See e.g. Boehrer 1997, 99: ‘In sum, I believe that Jonson's appropriation of historical sources in Catiline tends to serve a consistent pattern: he places Sallustian and anti-Sallustian materials in extremely tight conjunction so as to reduce both to their lowest common ethical and political denominators. The Caesar of Jonson's Catiline, for instance, is light-years away from the noble and generous spirit extolled by Sallust; in both action and rhetoric he comes much closer to being the spiteful unindicted co-conspirator described by Felicius. Jonson's Cicero, on the other hand, clearly falls some inches short of the heroic status he achieves in Felicius's narrative; marred by vanity, verbosity, and physical cowardice, he presides, at play's end, over a highly equivocal triumph. As a general rule, thus, Jonson would seem to have unified the conflicting historical perspectives of his sources by winnowing out their terms of praise and retaining their detractions.’ Naturally, there is a focus on Cicero's revealing the conspiracy, but interpreting the issue of sight and revelation as the major issue of the play and linking it to the purpose of the theatre (thus Wallace 2013) might not be justified by the text.

 83.See Worden 1999, 170–171; Cadman 2015, 168–171.

 84.See Sanders 1998, 20.

 85.On the comments on Cicero's rhetoric see Bolton/Gardner 1973, xvi–xvii.

 86.On Brülow's biography see Skopnik 2013, 106; Hanstein 2013, 51–120. On the context of Brülow's dramatic performances in Strasbourg see Valentin 2000.

 87.On the custom of providing plays in Strasbourg see Brülow, dedication: ‘Sed quid obſtat, quo minus ad notiora deproperem? Ampliſſimus liberæ hujus Urbis ARGENTORATI SENATUS, quantos ſubminiſtrat ſumtus anniverſarios? omnes Academiæ hujus & Profeſſores & Præceptores, quantos exantlant labores atq; moleſtias, hoc ut Dramatum exercitium, multis abhinc annis ſummâ cum laude, mirabili ſolennitate, honeſtißima commendatione conſervatum, ad ſeros uſque propagent poſteros. Equidem inſignis horum exercitiorum fructus & utilitas ob oculos animúmq; verſatur.’

 88.On school theatre in Strasbourg see e.g. Kindermann 1959a, 315–325.

 89.See Hanstein 2013, 410.

 90.On a performance in 1616 attended by the Herzog von Württemberg and his wife see Jundt 1881, 46; Vogeleis 1911, 469.

 91.Brülow, dedication: ‘Cùm ergo tot viri graviſſimi ſtudium Dramaticum magni ſemper fecerint: ipſa quoq; Dramata uſum in omnes vitæ humanæ partes latiſſimè ſeſe diffundentem habeant: ego etiam annos abhinc aliquot, quorundam Academiæ hujus celeberrimæ Profeſſorum, Præceptorum meorum perpetuâ obſervantiâ colendorum, ſuaſu & ductu, ad ſtudium hocce arduum, ſublime, & variarum rerum cognitionem atq; experientiam requirens, animum meum appellere cepi: & Andromede ex Ovidio: Eliâ & Nebucadnezare ex Sacris: Charicliâ ex Heliodoro, in Theatrum datis; hanc materiam, huic exulcerato ſeculo convenientem, de primi Rom. Imperatoris, ejúsq; percuſſorum ingratiſſimorum tragico exitu, benevolâ conceſſione & approbatione Nobiliſſimorum atq; Ampliſſimorum Academiæ hujus Dominorum Scholarcharum, pro theatro noſtro, craſſo quidem filo contextam, Dramati incluſi. Tuæ verò Clementiæ, Illustriſſime & Celſiſſime Princeps, Domine PHILIPPE II. &c. Domine Clementiſſime, hunc C. Jul. Cæſarem, Theatralium mearum Actionum QUINTAM animo ſubmiſſo atq; humilimo dedicare, inſcribere, & tranſmittere volui, ut primùm publicum aliquod Patriæ meæ Patri benigniſſimo, Servatori ejuſdem optatiſſimo, Principi laudatiſſimo, locarem monumentum.’

 92.Brülow, dedication: ‘Quẽ enim ad modum Hiſtoriarum ſtudium non utile tantùm, ſed & jucundum eſt cognitu: ita quoq; eundem ſibi ſcopum & metam propoſitam habent Dramata, in quibus cernitur τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων ἀκίνδυνος πɛριοχὴ: memoria omnium rerum theſaurus excolitur: lingua, ſublatà omni hæſitatione, redditur expedita: Spectatorum animi à vitiorum illecebris ad virtutem, ab otio ad laborem, à voluptate ad temperantiam honeſtatémq; traducuntur: varij mores, velut in tabulâ aliquâ penicillo expreſſi, proponuntur: ut honeſti imitando effingi, turpes declinando ad Orcum amandari poſſint.’

 93.Brülow, Lectori Benevolo s. p. d.: ‘Dentur antiqui illi auditores; dabuntur, & multo quidem faciliore cum labore, antiquæ fabulæ: noſtris hominibus non in theatro amplo, ſed in conclavi atq; hypocauſto arcto exhibendæ. Illi autem, cùm perierint, ſanè quo minus tempori huic ſerviam, foro huic me accõmodem, quis improbaverit? Hic, hic Rhodus, & hic ſaltus. Interim autem nullo modo veterum majestati legum dicam ſcribimus: tantum enim abeſt, ut hoc faciamus, ut ad antiquitatem ipſam maximè ipsi provocemus: imò earum veſtigia in Dramatibus meis, ſucciſivis horis, Deo vires ſubminiſtrante, contexendis, obſervata deprehendes.’

 94.For an overview of the available versions see also Vogeleis 1911, 469.

 95.See Hanstein 2013, 411 n. 1076.

 96.Jacob Gerson is now identified with Jakob Gerschow (1587–1655), who completed the translation with the assistance of Johannes Georg Wolckenstein (see Hanstein 2013, 411 n. 1076).

 97.For a scene-by-scene summary see Gundelfinger 1904, 52–56. On this play see Gundelfinger 1904, 51–58; Skopnik 1935, 142–146; Grzesiowski 1991; Fitzon 2011, 296–303; Hanstein 2013, 410–471; on Brülow's dramas see also Valentin 2000.

 98.See Skopnik 1935, 144; Hanstein 2013, 417.

 99.Some of Cicero's utterances (like those of Caesar) are based on writings of the historical namesake, in content or wording, including references to the famous phrases from the epic on Cicero's consulship (I 2: Cic. F 12 FPL4; IV 3: Cic. F 11 FPL4). On the play's intertextual connection to classical and near-contemporary authors see Hanstein 2013, 417–443.

 100.On this scene see also Hanstein 2013, 415 n. 1096.

 101.See also Hanstein 2013, 419, 434.

 102.On the survival of Cicero's writings see also Hanstein 2013, 451–452.

 103.The character of Cicero thus contributes to exemplifying the play's political message and not only serves to satisfy the audience's desire for spectacle (thus Skopnik 1935, 144).

 104.See Müller 1930, vol. II, p. 62; Haas 1958, 109; Valentin 1983, vol. I, p. 94, no. 821.

 105.Not included in Sommervogel 1890–1909 or Duhr 1928.

 106.See Haas 1958, 109.

 107.On Jesuit theatre in Ingolstadt see Haas 1958.

 108.See van Eemeren 1988, 9 with n. 1.

 109.A manuscript in the Stadsbibliotheek Haarlem (187 B 33) is the only source for this drama (van Eemeren 1988, 9; Noak 2001, 342 and n. 15; http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Ceneton/BestebenCatilina1647.html). In this manuscript the text of the drama is followed by three songs dated to 19, 20, 21 September 1647 respectively.

 110.The spelling of the names (which varies in some cases throughout the text) follows the transcription in van Eemeren's edition. The modern standard version, as found in the online presentation (using a greater extent of normalization), is given in square brackets in cases of major differences between the two versions.

 111.On the political situation in the Netherlands at the time and its influence on dramatic literature see Noak 2002, 23–61, 219–234; on the treatment of Caesar's death in Dutch drama of the period see Noak 2002, 194–234.

 112.Potter (1981, 295) assumes that the piece was written for school performance. For a brief record of the play see Harbage/Schoenbaum 1989, 150.

 113.See e.g. Morrill 1991, 97–98.

 114.On the lost play see http://www.lostplays.org/index.php/Antony_and_Cleopatra.

 115.See Morrill 1991, 97.

 116.See Clare 2002, 42.

 117.On the printer Richard Cotes († 1653) and the bookseller John Sweeting († 1661) see Randall 1991, 38.

 118.For a brief description of the background and context of the play see the introduction in Clare 2002 (pp. 41–50).

 119.See Randall 1991, 34, 37, 40; Wiseman 1998, 74; Clare 2002, 43.

 120.Plutarch notes that what he gives is the version of some historians and adds that there is no mention of Philologus' treachery in Tiro's account (Plut. Cic. 49.4).

 121.For an overview of theories proposed and comments see Clare 2002, 44–49; for discussions of the play in its contemporary context see e.g. Potter 1981, 295–296; Randall 1991; Morrill 1991; Wiseman 1998, 72–79.

 122.Latin verses: I, purae Cicero pater loquelae, / I, jurista Quiritium supreme, / Post passas Latii furentis iras / I pernix, fuge, et Alitis Sabaei / Surgentis tepido ex rogo renatis / Vestitutus calamis, petas Asylum / Magni pectoris, aurei, sereni, / In quo Mercurius, Themista, uterque / Divini soboles Jovis triumphat, / Hermes eloquii fluentis autor, / Aequi diva parens Themista Juris.

 123.Van den Bosch, Opdracht: ‘De onde en hedendaeghſche Geſchichten brengen daer van ont allijcke voorbeelden te voorſchijn, maer geen van allen heeft my ſoo aenſienlijck deſelve ſpoorlooſheit konnen voorſtellen, als de oude en wel-bekende t'ſamenſweeringh van Lucius Catilina, ſoo omſtandelijck en welſprekende, van den beroemden Geſchicht-ſchrijver Saluſtius Criſpus, beſchreven, en de nakomelingen ter gedachteniſſe en voorbeelt nagelaten. Wy hebben dan, om ons deel aen deſe treffelijcke ſtoffe te hebben, onſe penne daer omtrent in het werck geſtelt, en deſelve tot een Treur-ſpel gebracht; niet op hoop van ſulck een Geschicht daer door meerder luyſter te geven, noch de werelt yets meerders voor te ſtellen, als alreeds in de beschrijvingh ſelve voorgeſtelt is; maer alleen om eenige ledige uren aen een eerlijcke beſigheydt te hangen. Het geen aen onſe ſtijl ontbreeckt, verhopen wy dat de ſtof eenighſints ſal goet maken; ten minſten vertrouwen wy dat wy daer door eenige verſchooningh ſullen verdienen.’

 124.Aen den Geeſt-rijcken Dichter Lambertus Van den Bosch, Op ſijn Treur-ſpel van Lucius Catilina: ‘Heb danck dan Van den Bosch, die de welſprekenthede / Van Cicero vertoont, ende oock hoe dat ſijn rede / Verraders macht verwint: Ons Maaghde-Stadt toon’ danck / Aen u, ſy is verplicht u gantſche leve lanck.’

 125.On this drama, especially its relationship to the contemporary Dutch political situation, see Noak 2001; briefly also Maes 2013, 249.

 126.Martello, Proemio (pp. 4–5): ‘In questa favola, la quale ha per fondamento la Storia, ho ancor riguardo a non alterarne le circostanze più rilevanti. Solamente la morte del nostro Tullio, secondo la comune degli Scrittori seguita assai più lontano da Roma di quello, che abbisognavami per terminar l’ azione dentro il prescritto giro di Sole, è stata da me un poco più avvicinata a questa Metropoli, con tal discretezza però, che cangiando il luogo alla stessa, non ho cangiato negli avvenimenti, nè la maniera, che l’accompagnarono, o la prevennero. Io dunque fo decapitar l’ Oratore poco di là da Frascati, che allora era Tuscolo, mentre s’ incamminava ver la marina, e così in sei, o al più sett’ ore di tempo provedo ai due viaggi pel gire, e pel tornare di L. Lena con gli altri assassini, e mi vien salva l’ economia dell’ azione per quanto da una notte all’ altra si opera, e dentro, e fuor della scena. Poca figura, e moltissima fa il nostro Protagonista in questa Tragedia; poca, perchè in sole quattro scene dell’ Atto primo egli parla, e parla assai parcamente; moltissima, imperciocchè sempre di esso ragionasi da ciascheduno in ogni scena della Tragedia.’

 127.On the role of Hanswurst and the comic tensions in this genre (with some examples from Die Enthaubttung) see Solbach 2015.

 128.Neither this individual nor a speech by Cicero on behalf of a person of that name are attested; the character may be inspired by Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, a supporter of Octavian.

 129.See Duhr 1928, 372 n. 2: ‘Von Dramen werden genannt: 1702 … 32 Tullius Cicero pro libertate patriae’ (on this basis mentioned in later scholarly publications).

 130.See Duhr 1928, 331–332 n. 3; Büsser 1938, 59; Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 704, no. 5454.

 131.See Büsser 1938, 59.

 132.See Büsser 1938, 59.

 133.On this play see Speck 1906, 30–32.

 134.For brief summaries of characteristics of and developments in Jesuit drama see e.g. Kindermann 1959a, 302–348; Roloff 1965, 672–676; McCabe 1983; Wolf 2000; Stork 2013, 5–35; for an overview of the development of Jesuit drama in German-speaking countries see e.g. Müller 1930; Valentin 1978; 1979; 1983/1984; 2001. For a bibliography of scholarship on Jesuit drama in German-speaking countries see Wimmer 1983; for a bibliography of scholarship on Jesuit school drama see Griffin 1976; 1986.

 135.On Cicero in Jesuit drama see Tilg 2012, 680 n. 18: ‘Cicero ist grundsätzlich ein seltener Protagonist auf der Jesuitenbühne. Nirgends außer in Innsbruck hat er mehr als ein Drama bekommen (Valentin 1, Nr. 821: Cicero Triumphans, “Der triumphierende Cicero”; Ingolstadt 1619; Valentin 1, Nr. 5454: Marcus Tullius Cicero; Fribourg 1741; Valentin 1, Nr. 6018: M.T. Cicero pro patria exul, “M.T. Cicero geht fürs Vaterland ins Exil”; München 1748; Valentin 1, Nr. 655: M.T. Cicero exul spontaneus, “M.T. Cicero geht freiwillig ins Exil”; Augsburg 1755). Obwohl sein Exil öfter dargestellt wurde, kommt er nur in Innsbruck nach Italien zurück.’

 136.For an overview of the development and characteristics of Jesuit drama in Munich (including extracts from the local Diarium) see von Reinhardstöttner 1889.

 137.See e.g. Rädle 2013, 195, 223. On periochae see Hänsel 1962, 33–91; Pohle 2010, 47–53; for a selection of periochae see Szarota 1979–1987. Rädle (1978, 403) notes that of the hundreds of Jesuit plays only very few are available in modern editions and that only the works of the more famous writers were published in contemporary prints.

 138.See e.g. Hänsel 1962, 88; Roloff 1965, 672; Szarota 1979, 9; Rädle 1988, 135–136; 2013, 186.

 139.See e.g. Rädle 1994, 867.

 140.See e.g. Bauer 1994. This is expressed by the Jesuits themselves: see Nicolaus Avancini (1611–1686), Poesis dramatica. Pars I, Cologne 1675, Ad Lectorem: ‘Nempè quæ in scenâ aguntur, viva sunt & animata: quæ leguntur, mera ossa & cadavera’ (available at: http://www.uni-mannheim.de/mateo/camena/avan2/jpg/s007.html).

 141.Performances of Jesuit drama in the German-speaking area were almost exclusively in Latin; the periochae, however, providing a scene-by-scene summary of the plot, were often bilingual (e.g. Valentin 1980). It used to be thought that the German parts of the periochae (on the different forms of combining Latin and German see Hänsel 1962, 61–62) were meant to help members of the audience not fluent in Latin to understand the plot (e.g. Bauer 1998, 231; on the use of Latin and German see Rädle 1988; 1994; Bauer 1998). More recently, however, it has been noted that the mixture of different languages and ways of performance was meant to indicate the achievements of the school, agrees with rhetorical theories of variation and includes learned discussions (esp. Hänsel 1962, 90; Pohle 2010, 499–500). Moreover, when there was not a sufficient number of periochae, it was often the members of the audience who might have needed them most who did not receive any (e.g. Hänsel 1962, 46).

 142.On the standard sources of Jesuit drama see Büsser 1938, 138: ‘Als Hauptquellen benützten die Ordensdramatiker für die Stoffe aus der Vorzeit und aus der Republik Livius, Justinus, Cornelius Nepos, Valerius Maximus, Plutarch und die Darstellungen von Foresti und Rollin; für die Stoffe aus der Kaiserzeit Tacitus, Suetonius, Caesar Baronius, Orosius und Paulus Diaconus. In den letzten Jahrzehnten jesuitischer Spieltätigkeit wird die alte Gewohnheit aufgegeben, die Dramen selbständig nach den Quellen zu schaffen. Es werden berühmt gewordene Stücke von Ordensbrüdern (Claus, Weitenauer) übernommen oder Vorlagen großer französischer Meister (Thomas Corneille, Racine, Voltaire) nach Gutdünken umgearbeitet.’ Von Reinhardstöttner (1889, 65) highlights that typically the Jesuits did not take their plots from other authors or existing dramas, but looked for potential stories in books available in their libraries such as the Bible or the accounts of ancient historians.

 143.Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736): M. Tulli Ciceronis filii vita, Simone Vallamberto Heduo Avalonensi autore. Accessit Andreae Schotti, S.I. Cicero, pater, a calumniis vindicatus. Cum praefatione Jo. Alberti Fabricii, D. et Prof. publ., Hamburg 1729 (available on Google Books).

 144.Stephanus Winandus Pighius / Steven Winand Pigge (1520–1604): Stephani Vinandi Pighii V. R. et Cl. Annales Romanorum; Qui Commentarii vicem supplent in omnes veteres Historiae Romanae Scriptores; Tribus Tomis distincti: E quibus duo posteriores Postumi, nunc primùm in lucem exeunt, recensiti, aucti, & illustrati operâ & studio Andreae Schotti Antuerp. è Societate Iesu. Cum Fastis Capitolinis à Pighio suppletis, Fastis Siculis à Schottio emendatis, & Indicibus in tres Annalium Tomos, summâ industriâ concinnatis. Antverpiæ, Ex officinia Plantiniana, Apud Viduam & Filios Ioannis Moreti. M. DC. XV (available on Google Books).

 145.On the role of Cicero in Jesuit teaching and Schott's view of Cicero see Nelles 1999.

 146.See Hänsel 1962, 52.

 147.Von Reinhardstöttner (1889, 65) remarks that it is easy to identify the sources of Jesuit dramas since they are listed in each perioche. This is true to some extent, but the authors often use further sources not mentioned.

 148.See Ratio studiorum, section 395: ad cognitionem linguae, quae in proprietate maxime et copia consistit, in quotidianis praelectionibus explicetur; ex oratoribus unus Cicero iis fere libris, qui philosophiam de moribus continent; ex historicis Caesar, Salustius, Livius, Curtius, et si qui sunt similes; ex poetis praecipue Virgilius, exceptis Eclogis et quarto Aeneidos; praeterea odae Horatii selectae, item elegiae, epigrammata et alia poemata illustrium poetarum antiquorum, modo sint ab omni obscaenitate expurgati. eruditio modice usurpetur, ut ingenium excitet interdum ac recreet, non ut linguae observationem impediat. praeceptorum rhetoricae brevis summa ex Cypriano, secundo scilicet semestri, tradetur; quo tempore, omissa philosophia Ciceronis, faciliores aliquae eiusdem orationes, ut pro lege Manilia, pro Archia, pro Marcello, ceteraeque ad Caesarem habitae sumi poterunt (text and English translation available in Pavur 2005 and at http://www.slu.edu/colleges/AS/languages/classical/latin/tchmat/pedagogy/rs/rs1.html; on the Jesuit syllabus and teaching practices see also Duhr 1896).

 149.See Sommervogel 1894 (Bibliographie V), p. 1430, no. 452; Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 767, no. 6018.

 150.Johann Jakob Vötter (active 1733–1765) took over the printing press from the widow of Matthias Riedl in 1747 and passed it on to Christoph de Mayr in 1750.

 151.Ancient sources indicate that both senators (Cic. Red. sen. 12; 31; Red. pop. 8; Sest. 26) and the knights (Cic. Red. sen. 12; Dom. 56; Sest. 26; Plut. Cic. 31.1; Cass. Dio 38.16.2) in particular showed support for Cicero in exile.

 152.According to Cicero, L. Aelius Lamia, who strongly supported him, was relegated from the city of Rome in 58 BCE (Cic. Red. sen. 12; Sest. 29; Pis. 64; Fam. 11.16.2; 12.29.1; Asc. on Cic. Pis. 23, p. 9 Clark).

 153.See Pighius 1615 (n. 144 above), tom. 3, p. 359 (on 58 BCE): ‘Cicero cùm bonorum consensu defendere se potuisset, ne cædes eius caussa fieret, ex vrbe, sua sponte concessit in Macedoniam.’

 154.Cf. Ps.-Cicero, Oratio pridie quam in exilium iret (in: C.F.W. Mueller [ed.], M. Tulli Ciceronis scripta quae manserunt omnia. Partis IV, Vol. III, Leipzig 1898, pp. 425–434; and: M. de Marco [ed.], [M. Tulli Ciceronis] Orationes spuriae. Pars prior. Oratio pridie quam in exilium iret, Quinta Catilinaria, Responsio Catiline, Roma 1991, pp. 13–26) 8.20 (p. 431 / p. 21): quas ob res ego inimicorum amentiae cupiditatique paucorum omnium salutis causa decedam, neque in eum locum rem deducam aut progredi patiar, ut opera mea manus inter vos conseratis caedesque civium inter se fiat, multoque potius ipse patria liberisque meis carebo, quam propter unum me vos de fortunis vestris reique publicae dimicetis. sic enim ab initio fui animatus, ut non magis mea causa putarem me esse natum quam rei publicae procreatum. A digital version of Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1493, foll. 28v–35r, is available at: http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/bav_pal_lat_1493/0068.

 155.According to NASA, solar eclipses occurred on 31 July 58 BCE and 21 July 57 BCE (http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEcat5/SE-0099-0000.html). But ‘recent’ must refer to the writer's own time: there was a solar eclipse on 25 July 1748 shortly before midday (http://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEcat5/SE1701-1800.html).

 156.Decurio is presumably meant as a reference to a kind of general.

 157.Plumbio occurs in Polemius Silvius' list of birds (MGH Auct. ant. IX, pp. 543.22 Mommsen) and seems to denote a bird called ‘diver’ in English (see http://www.cnrtl.fr/definition/plongeon//1). When applied to a human being, it is probably intended to denote a person who can only move with difficulty on land: a ‘lame duck’.

 158.The name Bovius is attested in an ancient inscription (CIL Suppl. I [ad V] 1178: L. Bovius), but here it is presumably employed humorously to characterize the bearer as an ‘ox’. A Franz Xaver Joseph Ochs (a Catholic priest with a Jesuit education and designer of sundials, 1677–1725) changed his name to the Latin version Franz Xaver Bovius.

 159.Perhaps a speaking name for an effeminate person: cf. OLD s.v. tympanotriba: ‘A person who beats a tympanum (a mark of effeminacy)’; cf. Plaut. Truc. 611.

 160.See Speck 1906, 33–34.

 161.See Carlson 1998, 75.

 162.Available at: http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10093602_00001.html.

 163.Available at: https://archive.org/details/journaletmmoir01coll.

 164.Chiari, Lettera Al Signor di Crebillon (1755, pp. 3–4): ‘Per assicurarvi, che questa Tragedia applaudita cotanto da tutta la Francia mi sia piaciuta all’ estremo, vi basti il rifflettere, che me sono addossata la pena increscevole di tradurla nel nostro idioma ad onta di mille occupazioni, che me teneano continuamente distratto. Se poi, traducendola, ho fatta nella medesima qualche mutazione non piccola, non lo attribuite a temerità, o petulanza; ma ad una sincera premura, che in Italia ancora vi fosse resa giustizia.… Per adattarmi a questa indole nostra nella mia traduzione; ho procurato di mettere sotto gli occhi degli spettatori alcune di quelle azioni, che voi maestrevolmente vi contentaste di raccontare, o supporre, quali son per appunto la prigionia di Probo, e quella frode medesima, con cui da Cesone deluso fu Catilina. Per una ragione consimile ho giudicato di ommettere tutta la prima Scena dell’ Atto terzo, levando a dirittura dalla Tragedia gli Ambassciadori de’ Galli, che azione non hanno in verun altro luogo della medisima. Quella scena, recitandosi in Francia, riuscir doveva bellissima, perchê rileva a maraviglia il carattere dell’ antica Nazione; ma dovendosi recitare in Italia, si riputerebbe soverchia, e pregiudicherebbe all’ altre, che le vengono appresso. Ho sostituita alla medesima una Scena tra Fulvia, e Tullia, che pare si ricerchi dal fatto, e ne rende più sensibile agli spettatori la rivalità, e il disinganno.’

 165.Van Elvervelt, Voorbericht: ‘Dit Stuk, waarin den Franschen Dichter Crebillon meerendeels gevolgd is, meer dan twintig jaaren onder andere Papieren gelegen hebbende, en by geval weder voor den dag gekomen, ook van zommige Liefhebbers geleezen zynde, had de Eere, als ik het zo noemen mag, van, ondanks de strengheid van ’t onderwerp, (gelyk bekend is, dat de Heer Crebillon tot meest alle zyne Tooneelstukken, als Rademistes, Idomineus, Semiramis enz. diergelyke onderwerpen verkooren heeft) eenige goedkeuring te vinden; inzonderheid by de Liefhebbers, die, onder de Zinspreuk In Deugd en Vreugd, zich in zedigheid vermaaken, met nu en dan een Stuk van oude en Laatere Dichters te vertoonen. Dit was oorzaak, dat gemelde Liefhebbers my meer dan eens verzochten, hen te vergunnen, dat zy dit Treurspel (dat ik den naam geeve van CICERO en CATILINA, schoon Crebillon het enkel CATILINA noemt) eens in hun gezelschap verdeelen en vertoonen mogten. Ik hebbe hun verzoek niet willen afslaan. Doch om het uitschryven van Rollen, dat niet alleen veel moeite is, maar ook doorgaande gebreklyk geschied, voor te komen, hebbe ik hun hetzelve Opgeöfferd, en verlof gegeeven om het te laaten Drukken, zo als het was; en zo verschynt het thans ook in ’t licht, om, met veel gelaatenheid, door goede en kwaade geruchten heen te wandelen, gelyk het Noodlot van veele Menschen is.’

 166.On this play see LeClerc 1992, 31–43; Aubrion 1997.

 167.See Cicero's words to himself at the end of the second act (II 4): ‘Malgré tous ses détours, j'entrevois ce qu'il veut; / Mais nous serions perdus, s'il osoit ce qu'il peut. / Employons sur son cœur le pouvoir de Tullie, / Puisq'il faut qe le mien jusques-là s'humilie. / Quel abîme pour toi, malheureux Cicéron! / Allons revoir ma fille, & consulter Caton; / C'est là que je pourrai, dans le cœur d'un seul home, / Retrouver à la fois, nos Dieux, nos loix, & Rome.’

 168.See LeClerc 1992, 32: ‘Catilina dominates the play: he is present in nearly two-thirds of its scenes and fully 45 per cent of its lines are his. Cicéron, on the other hand, has less than 10 per cent of the lines and is a figure of relatively minor importance, not only in terms of his status within the play but also, and more significantly, in his inability to counter Catilina's designs.’; also Aubrion 1997.

 169.I.e. Crébillon, via a pun on Château de Choisy, a residence of Madame Pompadour, where Crébillon is said to have read his Catilina to her, though this place is not in Normandy as Gisors is in the play (see Charles Collé, Journal et Mémoires, September 1748: ‘Catilina est effectivement achevé, et Crébillon a été aujourd'hui à Choisy, le lire à Madame Pompadour, et a pris jour pour le lire aux comédiens le 10.’ [available at: https://archive.org/details/journaletmmoir01coll]).

 170.cautelin: Cette rodomontade est deja dans Voltaire, / L'orateur de Gisors est il un plagiaire? / On pend tous les voleurs.’

 171.On Voltaire's reaction see Carlson 1998, 76 (see n. 181 below).

 172.Scene II 3 is defined as ‘Intercalaris’ or ‘Lust-Spill’, and it is likely that the group of simple farmers appeared in that scene.

 173.On this play see Speck 1906, 46–47; Stinchcomb 1934, 50.

 174.For the reperformance see Sommervogel 1892, 121. Maes (2010 816; 2013, 250) dates the play to 1745 and notes reperformances in 1749, 1757 and 1761.

 175.Geoffroy, Sujet de la tragédie: ‘L'intrigue eſt toute entière dans la liaiſon hiſtorique des faits; on n'y a fait que quelques changemens exigés par la ſévérité du Théâtre ſur lequel cet événement doit être repréſenté.’

 176.Geoffroy, Sujet de la tragédie: ‘Dans l'Hiſtoire, Curius est un Citoyen débauché, qui fait confidence de la Conjuration à Fulvius; celle-cy nomme les Conjurés à Cicéron; & la découverte de ce grand complot n'eſt dû qu'à l'indiſcretion, au hazard, & à la Paſſion; icy Curius eſt Fils du Pontife; il voit ſon Pere parmi ceux dont la téte a été proſcrite par Catilina; la Nature parle; il abandonne les Conjurés, & la crainte d'être parricide le rend Citoyen.’ For the historical Q. Curius, who contributes to Fulvia's betrayal of the conspiracy to Cicero, see Sall. Cat. 17.3; 23.1–4; 26.3; 28.2.

 177.Geoffroy, Sujet de la tragédie: ‘Dans l'Hiſtoire, c'eſt la vûë des ſupplices qui force l'Ambaſſadeur des Gaulois à livrer au Conſul les Lettres & les Noms des Complices; icy c'eſt l'horreur du crime propoſé, & une ſuite d'attentats qui l'obligent à rompre les engagemens qu'il avoit pris avec eux, ſans connoître aſſez l'étenduë de leur projet.’

 178.See Maes 2010, 816–817; 2013, 250.

 179.On Voltaire as a dramatist see e.g. Knapp 2000, 80–111.

 180.On Voltaire and Crébillon see LeClerc 1992, 10–22.

 181.See Carlson 1998, 76: ‘A more direct response was also among Voltaire's plans. Encouraged by his longtime supporter the duchess of Maine, and by Frederick II's complaints about historical inaccuracies in Crébillon's play (though on the whole he approved of it), Voltaire created his own version of the Catilina story, Rome sauvée, in eight days in August of 1749. He took special care to correct Crébillon's historical inaccuracies, having Catilina killed in battle rather than committing suicide, building up Cicero into a significant opponent, and omitting an ahistorical intriguing priest and an imaginary love plot between Catilina and Cicero's daughter, an obvious concession to the continuing desire for a romantic interest in any tragedy.’; Marquis de Condorcet, Vie de Voltaire (1789), in: Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, Paris 1883, vol. I, pp. 226–227 [available at: https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Vie_de_Voltaire_par_Condorcet/Édition_Garnier]: ‘Cette opinion de la supériorité de Crébillon était soutenue avec tant de passion que depuis, dans le Discours préliminaire de l'Encyclopédie, M. d'Alembert eut besoin de courage pour accorder l'égalité à l'auteur d'Alzire et de Mérope, et n'osa porter plus loin la justice. Enfin Voltaire voulut se venger, et forcer le public à le mettre à sa véritable place, en donnant Sémiramis, Oreste, et Rome sauvée, trois sujets que Crébillon avait traités. Toutes les cabales animées contre Voltaire s'étaient réunies pour faire obtenir un succès éphémère au Catilina de son rival, pièce dont la conduite est absurde et le style barbare, où Cicéron propose d'employer sa fille pour séduire Catilina, où un grand prêtre donne aux amants des rendez-vous dans un temple, y introduit une courtisane en habit d'homme, et traite ensuite le sénat d'impie, parce qu'il y discute des affaires de la république. Rome sauvée, au contraire, est un chef-d'œuvre de style et de raison; Cicéron s'y montre avec toute sa dignité et toute son éloquence; César y parle, y agit comme un homme fait pour soumettre Rome, accabler ses ennemis de sa gloire, et se faire pardonner la tyrannie à force de talents et de vertus; Catilina y est un scélérat, mais qui cherche à excuser ses vices sur l'exemple, et ses crimes sur la nécessité. L'énergie républicaine et l'âme des Romains ont passé tout entières dans le poëte.’

 182.See comments in Voltaire's letters: letter to L'abbé d'Olivet, 4 February 1749: ‘Tuum tibi mitto Ciceronem quem relegi ut barbari Crebillonii scelus expiarem.’; letter to Le comte d'Argental, 12 August 1749: ‘Le 3 du présent mois, ne vous en déplaise, le diable s'empara de moi et me dit: ‘Venge Cicéron et la France, lave la honte de ton pays.’ Il m'éclaira, il me fit imaginer l'épouse de Catilina, etc. Ce diable est un bon diable, mes anges; vous ne feriez pas mieux. Il me fit travailler jour et nuit. J'en ai pensé mourir; mais qu'importe? En huit jours, oui, en huit jours et non en neuf, Catilina a été fait, et tel à peu près que les premières scènes que je vous envoie.’

 183.See Speck 1906, 39–40; Carlson 1998, 76, 79. On Voltaire playing Cicero see Marquis de Condorcet, Vie de Voltaire (1789), in: Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, Paris 1883, vol. I, p. 227 (available at: https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Vie_de_Voltaire_par_Condorcet/Édition_Garnier): ‘Voltaire avait un petit théâtre où il essayait ses pièces. Il y joua souvent le rôle de Cicéron. Jamais, dit-on, l'illusion ne fut plus complète; il avait l'air de créer son rôle en le récitant; et quand, au cinquième acte, Cicéron reparaissait au sénat, quand il s'excusait d'aimer la gloire, quand il récitait ces beaux vers: … alors le personnage se confondait avec le poëte. On croyait entendre Cicéron ou Voltaire avouer et excuser cette faiblesse des grandes âmes.’

 184.E.g. ROME | SAUVÉE, | TRAGEDIE. | DE M. DE VOLTAIRE. | Répréſentée pour la premiére fois à | Paris par les Comédiens Français | Ordinaires du Roy, le Jeudi 24. Fé- | vrier 1752. | Le Prix est de 30. sols. | A BERLIN, | Chez etienne de bourdeaux, | Libraire du Roy & de la Cour. | M. DCC. LII. (available at: http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10251443.html).

 185.On the play's composition and performance history see LeClerc 1992, 61–83.

 186.Voltaire, Préface: ‘Nous avons toujours cru, & on s'était confirmé plus que jamais dans l'idée, que Cicéron est un des caractéres qu'il ne faut jamais mettre sur le théatre. Les anglais qui hazardent tout sans même savoir qu'ils hazardent, ont fait une tragédie de la conspiration de Catilina. Ben-Jonson n'a pas manqué dans cette tragédie Historique de traduire sept ou huit pages des Catilinaires, & même il les a traduites en prose, ne croiant pas que l'on put faire parler Cicéron en vers. La prose du consul & les vers des autres personnages font à la vérité un contraste digne de la barbarie du siécle de Ben-Jonson; mais pour traiter un sujet si sévére, si dénué de ces passions qui ont tant d'empire sur le cœur, il faut avoüer qu'il fallait avoir affaire à un peuple sérieux & instruit, digne en quelque sorte qu'on mit sous ses yeux l'ancienne rome.’

 187.See e.g. Gartenschläger 1968, 111. On Voltaire and Cicero see e.g. Gartenschläger 1968; La Penna 1968, 453–458; LeClerc 1992, 6–10; Chevallier 1997.

 188.See e.g. Gartenschläger 1968, 112.

 189.Œuvres complètes de Voltaire. Tome trente-huitième, Paris 1785, 541–542 (available on Google Books).

 190.Œuvres complètes de Voltaire avec des notes et une notice historique sur la vie de Voltaire. Tome dixième, Paris 1836, 28 (available on Google Books).

 191.On the drama's publication history and for a list of manuscripts, editions and translations see LeClerc 1992, 105–133.

 192.This was the first edition of the play authorized by Voltaire, including a ‘Préface’ and an ‘Avis au lecteur’. On the status of this edition see Voltaire's description in Avis au lecteur: ‘Cette piéce eſt fort différente de celle qui parut il y a plus d'un an en 1752. A paris ſous le même titre. Des copiſtes l'avaient tranſcrite aux repréſentations, & l'avaient toute défigurée. Leurs omiſſions étaient remplies par des mains étrangeres. Il y avait une centaine de vers qui n'étaient pas de l'autheur. On fit de cette copie infidele une édition furtive. Cette êdition etait defectueuſe d'un bout à l'autre, & on ne manqua pas de l'imiter en hollande avec beaucoup plus de fautes encore. L'autheur a ſoigneuſement corrigé la préſente édition faite à leipzik par ſon ordre & ſous ſes yeux, il y a même changé des ſcènes entieres. On ne ceſſera de répeter que c'est un grand abus que les autheurs ſoient imprimés malgré eux. Un libraire ſe hate de faire une mauvaiſe édition d'un livre, qui lui tombe entre les mains & ce libraire ſe plaint en ſuite, quand l'autheur auqeul il a fait tort, donne ſon véritable ouvrage. Voilà où la litterature en eſt reduite aujourd'hui.’

 193.See e.g. Sharpe 2015, 329–331. On this drama see Speck 1906, 37–43; Stinchcomb 1934, 50–51.

 194.Voltaire, Préface: ‘Deux motifs ont fait, choiſir ce ſujet de tragédie qui parait impraticable & peu fait pour les mœurs, pour les uſages, la maniére de penſer & le théatre de paris. On a voulu eſſaier encor une fois par une tragédie ſans déclarations d'amour, de détruire les reproches que toute l'europe ſavante fait à la france de ne ſouffrir guéres au théatre que les intrigues galantes, & on a eu ſurtout pour objet de faire connaitre Cicéron aux jeunes perſonnes qui fréquentent les ſpectacles.’

 195.See LeClerc 1992, 54: ‘In comparison with the texts already mentioned, the extent of Voltaire's reliance on Crébillon's Catilina can easily be demonstrated. The two plays differ radically in their portrayal of Cicero, but nonetheless there is sufficient replication of detail, versification, and organisation to indicate a significant use made by Voltaire of his rival's text.’

 196.Voltaire, Préface: ‘Leſ ſavants ne trouveront pas ici une hiſtoire fidéle de la conjuration de Catilina. Ils sont aſſez perſuadés qu'une tragédie n'eſt pas une hiſtoire; mais ils y verront une peinture vraie des mœurs de ce tems-là. Tout ce que Cicéron, Catilina, Caton, Céſar ont fait dans cette piéce n'eſt pas vrai; mais leur génie & leur caractére y ſont peints fidélement.’

 197.If Aurélie is meant to represent the historical Aurelia Orestilla, who was Catiline's second wife (Sall. Cat. 15.2), her father was Cn. Aufidius Orestes (cos. 71 BCE) rather than Nonnius. Nonnius was a later addition to the play (see LeClerc 1992, 77: ‘At about this time Voltaire also changed the name of the conspirator who is assassinated for treachery by Catilina's partisans from Fulvius to Nonnius and acknowledged this borrowing from Crébillon (D4541). On 28 August he announces that Nonnius is now Aurélie's father, ‘ce qui est beaucoup mieux, parceque Nonnius est fort connu pour avoir été tué. Si j'avais reçu votre lettre plus tôt, j'aurois glissé quatre vers à Catilina pour accuser ce Nonnius d'être on perfide qui trompait Cicéron’ (D4557).’

 198.On Voltaire's sources see LeClerc 1992, 43–60, 289–292 (with a detailed list).

 199.Voltaire, Préface: ‘Je ſuis de plus en plus perſuadé que notre langue eſt impuiſſante à rendre l'harmonieuſe énergie des vers latins comme des vers grecs; mais j'oſerai donner une legére eſquiſſe de ce petit tableau peint par le grand homme que j'ai oſé faire parler dans Rome ſauvée, & dont j'ai imité en quelques endroits les Catilinaires.’

 200.Voltaire, Préface: ‘Céſar était un grand homme; mais Cicéron était un homme vertueux. Mais que ce consul ait été un bon poëte, un philoſophe qui ſavait douter, un gouverneur de province parfait, un général habile, que ſon ame ait été ſenſible & vraie, ce n'eſt pas là le mérite dont il s'agit ici. Il ſauva rome malgré le ſenat, dont la moitié était animée contre lui par l'envie la plus violente. Il ſe fit des ennemis de ceux mêmes dont il fut l'oracle, le liberateur & le vangeur. Il prépara ſa ruine par le ſervice le plus ſignalé que jamais homme ait rendu à ſa patrie. Il vit cette ruine & il n'en fut point effraié. C'est ce qu'on a voulu repréſenter dans cette tragédie: c'est moins encore l'ame farouche de Catilina que l'ame génereuse & noble de Cicéron qu'on à voulu peindre.’

 201.On this piece see Speck 1906, 51–54.

 202.Chiari, L'autore a chi legge (1755, p. 4): ‘Il suo fondo è storico, qual esser deve, e gli arbitrj, che mi son presi nella medesima quanto a’ luoghi, a’ tempi, a’ nomi, ed alle circostanze, giustificati sono abbastanza dall’ uso, dalla necessità e dall’ esempio. Questo punto di storia non è mai stato da altri tentato, per quanto io mi sappia, che dal Martelli; ma una strada egli tenne totalmente diversa; e la Tragedia sua è più da leggersi, che da tollerarsi in iscena. Il nome di Cicerone è sì noto anche nel volgo, che tutti ponno trovar piacere nel vederne il carattere, e le vicende, e la morte. Da un fatto istorico sempre qualche cosa s’ impara; nè v’ è maniera più facile d’ imparare, che quella di studiare per passatempo.’

 203.Crébillon, Préface: ‘Il y a peu d'exemples qu'un homme de quatre-vigt & un ans, âge qui semble inviter à l'indulgence, se soit vû aussi cruellement traité par la cabale que je le fus à la premiere apparition de cet Ouvrage; il est rare en même-temps que le Public se soit jamais déclaré si vivement & si promptement contre des manœuvres odieuses qui l'avoient indigné, puisqu'à la seconde représentation de cette Tragédie, il me prodigua plus d'applaudissemens que je n'en reçus de ma vie à aucune de mes Piéces: on eût dit qu'il se faisoit on point d'honneur de protéger un vieux nourrisson qu'il a paru adopter dès ses premieres productions.’

 204.On Vötter see ch. 4.19, n. 150.

 205.There seems to be a misprint in this edition (contrast the 1756 edition), with Cicéron being identified as another triumvir rather than as a consul.

 206.Duhr (1928, 240–241 n. 4) notes for Augsburg: ‘Von den Stücken werden genannt: 1701 … 55 Cicero exulans, quem ut exhibere cum dignitate possemus, gratiosi aediles 200 flor. impendio scenas parari jusserunt, quae urbem referent; nam eae solae theatro adhuc deerant.’

 207.While the Latin and German provide roughly the same information, the two versions are not identical: the Latin tends to be more detailed, and the German presents the situation in ancient Rome in a style accessible to a contemporary audience.

 208.See Duhr 1928, 240–241 n. 4; Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 827, no. 6553.

 209.On Joseph Anton Labhart († 1760?), a printer in Augsburg, see Paisey 1988, 148.

 210.See Pighius 1615 (see ch. 4.19, n. 144), tom. 3, p. 359 (on 58 BCE): ‘Cicero cùm bonorum consensu defendere se potuisset, ne cædes eius caussa fieret, ex vrbe, sua sponte concessit in Macedoniam.’

 211.For an overview of the history of Jesuit drama in Innsbruck, a list of attested performances and topics see Nessler 1906; on Jesuit drama in Innsbruck (and Tyrol) from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries see Tilg 2008; 2012.

 212.See Tilg 2012, 678–680.

 213.The German version is not a literal translation of the Latin: the plot is distributed over the individual scenes slightly differently, technical terms are avoided or replaced by contemporary expressions, and there is a tendency towards simplification, but the story is basically the same.

 214.See Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 875, no. 6998; not listed in Lechner 1909.

 215.Michael Anton Wagner († 1766) ran a family-owned printing press and publishing house in Innsbruck (see Paisey 1988, 275).

 216.Apparently, these are different printings of the same text.

 217.The overview gives the same basic plot in the Latin and in the German versions. Yet the German version, on the one hand, avoids technical terms and sometimes leaves out details, and, on the other hand, elaborates where necessary to clarify the action.

 218.In listing the sources for Jesuit dramas Nessler (1906, 31) accordingly states for this piece: ‘Werke des röm. Staatsmannes’.

 219.See Sommervogel 1893 (Bibliographie IV), p. 635, no. 175; Nessler 1906, 25; Lechner 1909, p. 112, no. 198; Valentin 1984, vol. II, p. 892, no. 7142.

 220.On Michael Anton Wagner see ch. 4.28, n. 214.

 221.This play includes Cicero's son among the characters, but not Cicero (available at: http://digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/werkansicht/?PPN=PPN746281897).

 222.For a brief overview of characteristics of Bodmer's dramas see Bender 1973, 55–58; on Bodmer's presentation of Roman characters as heroes or anti-heroes see Beise 2010, 307–314.

 223.Gellius, Vorbericht des Herausgebers (pp. A2r–v): ‘Einer von unſern Dichtern hat mir gegenwaertiges Trauerſpiel in der Abſicht ueberſchickt, um es oeffentlich bekannt zu machen. Er erweist mir durch ſein Vertrauen viele Ehre. Ich ſuche daſſelbe zu verdienen, indem ich hiermit ſein Werk dem Drucke uebergebe. Er hat mir Aenderungen im Auſdrucke vergœnnt; und ich habe mich zuweilen der Erlaubniß bedient; doch bin ich eher zu behutſam, als zu kuehn, geweſen. Im uebrigen ueberlaſſe ich das Stueck, ohne ihm meine Anpreiſung oder Kritik vorzuſetzen, dem Urtheile der Kenner.’

 224.On the Caesar play see Gundelfinger 1904, 102–106; Scenna 1966, 119–126.

 225.After Caesar's assassination, the historical Cicero frequently complained that the job was only half done since Mark Antony had not been killed (Cic. Phil. 2.34; 2.89; 2.117–118; Att. 14.4.1; 14.5.2–3; 14.6; 14.9.2; 14.10.1; 14.11.1; 14.12.1; 14.14.2–5; 14.18.4; 14.21.3; 14.22.2; 15.4.2–3; 15.11.2–3; Fam. 10.28.1; 12.1; 12.3.1; 12.4.1; Ad Brut. 1.15.4; 2.5.1–2; Off. 1.35; see also Vell. Pat. 2.58.2; Flor. 2.17.1–3; Plut. Brut. 18.1–6; 20.1–2; App. B Civ. 2.114).

 226.The first mention of a play on Cicero can be found in a letter of 9 October 1761 that Bodmer sent to Johann Heinrich Schinz (1726–1788): ‘Ich trage in meinem Kopf einen Plan des Ciceros Todt herum, der ein Trauerspiel werden könnte, wenn ich Muße genug hätte.’ (quoted from Scenna 1966, 82).

 227.On this play see Scenna 1966, 82–88.

 228.On Protestant school theatre see e.g. Kindermann 1959b, 408–440.

 229.Speck (1906, 47 n. 4) assumes Alexandrines.

 230.The German version of the plot summary is printed as ‘Anhang III’ in Speck 1906, 95–98.

 231.On this play see Speck 1906, 47–48.

 232.Stieff, Preface: ‘Diu autem mecum de eligendo praeſentis huius dramatis argumento deliberatus, ideo CATILINAM aliis praeponere conſtituebam argumentis hiſtoricis: partim quia haec conſpiratio et conjuratio multivariam fandi et fingendi copiam ſubminiſtrabat, partim quia copioſiores, etſi nonnumquam inter ſe variantes, proſtant de eadem hac materia Hiſtoricorum relationes, et partim quia hinc major mihi evenit ad obſervandum et hic mihi quaſi praeſcriptum acturorum ex ſuperiore ac inferioribus ordinibus numerum ſubſtrata occaſio. Non mihi quidem plane incognitum eſt: Crebillonium, gallicum quemdam ludorum ſcenicorum ſcriptorem, tragoediam quamdam gallico idiomate et ſtilo poetico exaraſſe, quam Catilina inſignitam et Pompadouriæ ſacratam Tomo II. operum huius ſcriptoris Pariſiis 1759. 8. edito inſertam reperimus; quae tamen tragoedia vel ex mente ſaltim mea non ſolum multum aberrare mihi videtur ab ipſa huius conſpirationis hiſtoria, ſed etiam ob paucitatem perſonarum mihi multo minus auxilii adferre poterat, quo certius unicuique Lectorum huius tragoediae gallicae apparebit, auctorem eius non modo contra omnem huius coniurationis historiam Tulliae, filiae Ciceronis, cuius pater infenſiſſimus erat Catilinae hoſtis et verus patriae ſuae pater, amorem erga Catilinam ſub ſpeciali perſona ſcenica immicuisse, ſed praeter complures inſuper dictiones et fictiones amatorias ipſum Catilinae excidium non ſatis congrue relationibus hiſtoricorum deſcripſiſſe. Quare quidem ac imprimis Salluſtium partim ex recenſione Sigberti Havercampi et Gottl. Cortii ac partim quoad bellum Catilinarium ex verſione germanica B. Thom. Abbtii ad inſtar Apollinis delphici in conſilium vocare nunquam intermiſi; ita quidem, ut reſpectu potiſſimum Ciceronis, qui contra Catilinam praeſertim Romae primariam egit perſonam, Plutarchi vitas Parallelas ex recentiſſima B. Reiskii editione graeco-latina, cuius hic volumen IV Ciceronis vitam continet, atque ex duplici M. Io. Christoph. Kindii (Plutarchs Lebensbeschreib. VII Th.) et Gottl. Bened. a Schirach (Biographien Plutarchs VII. Th.) verſione germanica ſimul conferre ſtuduerim; nihilo tamen minus praeter Florum ex editione Claud. Salmaſii (Franequ 1690. 4.) et Io. Freinshemii (Argentor. 1655. 8.) et Dionem Caſſium ex recentiſſima et optima B. Reimari editione alios quoque ſcriptores, quos inter Rollinum, Middletonum, Boyſenium, Guthrieum, Goldſmithium, anonymicam allgemeine ſynchroniſtiſche Weltgeschichte et ex gallico idiomate in germanicum transverſa Duportii Geſch. alter und neuer Verſchwoerungen vel ſaltim nominaſſe ſufficiat, attenta mentis obſervatione perlegere atque perſcrutari nullus dubitavi.’

 233.That the interludes have more fanciful characters and a moralistic tendency is in line with the conventions of Protestant school theatre at the time (see e.g. Kindermann 1959b, 413–414).

 234.In this play Brutus is revealed as Caesar's son: this takes up a suggestion mentioned in Plutarch that this might be the case (Plut. Brut. 5.2).

 235.On this play see Speck 1906, 56–58; Reimers 2016, 122–123.

 236.Croly, Preface (pp. xii–xiii): ‘the present writer has seen but three tragedies on the subject, those of Ben Jonson, Voltaire, and Crebillon; but, even if he had considered himself entitled to adopt the thoughts of others, he found nothing in those works that coincided with his purposes. Jonson's play has the habitual eloquence and research of his style: but it has the evidences of authorship secure of triumph. A striking scene is sometimes degraded by the humility of those on either side; the living are linked to the dead, and the dead subdue the living. Cicero and Sallust are translated with diligent fidelity, and the history is delivered in a length of harangue which no actor would venture to recite, and no audience could be prevailed on to endure. Yet there are masterly, compensating passages; and the general learning and language of the play sustain the honour of a name, second only to Shakespeare's in poetry, and Milton's in literature. Voltaire's and Crebillon's plays are written on the model of the French stage; and, according to the national taste, make up for nature and incident by affected sensibility and feeble declamation.’

 237.See Sachs 2010, 262.

 238.Milner, Preface (pp. v–vi): ‘some apology may be considered due to the author of the dramatic peom of Catiline, as well as to the public, for reprinting what might be deemed a mere garbled abridgment of that beautiful work. The real motive for this publication is identically the same as that which influenced the manager of the Coburg Theatre to its production, a desire that so admirable a drama should not be lost to the world in theatrical representation. Why this splendid tragedy should have been neglected by the directors of the patent theatres it is equally out of our power to decide, as it would be foreign to our purpose to inquire. In adapting it to a minor theatre, not only the omission of more than one third of the poem was necessary, but many alterations and additions, which were considered material to its effect on the boards of that theatre for which it was intended. It can be available to provincial or private theatres only in its altered state; and that it might be represented at such places, is one of the principal reasons for its publication in its present form. In adapting it to the stage, I have adopted some passages of Ben Jonson's play on the same subject, I have also made use of M. de Voltaire's: I am myself responsible for the scenes in which the Plebeians are introduced, and likewise for the dialogue between hamilcar and cethegus, in the last scene but one of the play, and which I thought necessary to balance the importance of hamilcar's character against that of catiiline's. These and some lines interspersed through the piece, principally with the view of concluding the scenes and facilitating the exits of the characters, constitute the amount of my sins of commission, which I doubt not the highly gifted author of the tragedy, will find more difficult to pardon, than my reprinting such large portions of his excellent performance. That this publication should in the slightest degree supersede the original poem in the closet, is almost impossible; abounding with beauties as every page of it does, and of which we here give little more than half. How fortunate were it for the British stage, if the author of Catiline would more frequently devote his fine talents to its service. Powers such as his must inevitably overcome managerial opacity or prejudice, and thus, too, would he rescue his highly polished productions from so unworthy a metamorphosis as has befallen the present.’

 239.The title page does not give the author of the alterations, but the preface (p. vi) is signed by ‘H. M. Milner’ (‘St. Andrew's Terrace, Waterloo Road. June 5th 1827’).

 240.Croly, Preface, p. xiii.

 241.Croly, Preface (p. xiv): ‘The writer has to apologize for the anachronism of Cicero's exploits against the Cilician banditti; for making Catiline, and Cethegus, &c. Marians; and some similar matters.’

 242.Croly, Preface, p. x.

 243.Croly, Preface, p. xi.

 244.Croly, Preface, p. x.

 245.See Sachs 2010, 261–270.

 246.Croly, Preface, p. xi.

 247.Croly, Preface, p. xiii.

 248.On this play see Reimers 2016, 123–125.

 249.‘Cicero’ (IV 6): ‘Nein! Nimmer soll die Rücksicht auf mich selbst / Nur einen Schritt von meinem Streben lenken! / Denn mich entflammt Rom's Glück, mich drängt der Ruhm. / Soll man, um lang zu leben, schön nicht leben? / Nein! ich bin überzeugt: es wird mich Rom / Bei seinen Rettern immer dankbar nennen, / Es wird mich jeder Römer liebend ehren, / Und meine Thaten meinen Schriften gleichen. / Fall’ ich, ein Opfer Rom's, dem Dolch der Frevler, / Und kann ich nicht die schönste That vollbringen – / Dann, werthe Freunde, laßt mir Recht gedeih'n! / Denkt, was ich wollte, nicht was ich vollbrachte! / Sallust erzähle dann in Rom's Annalen / Der Nachwelt, was ich that, und was ich strebte. / Vergeßt nicht, daß Terentia meine Gattin! / Liebt meinen Sohn, den noch unmündig Kleinen! / Erzieht ihn, eurer würdig – seid ihm Väter / Für den verlornen Vater! / Und was dann ich dem Staat nicht konnte sein, / Sei ihm der Staat!’

 250.The historical Cicero asked historians of his acquaintance to write a monograph about the Catilinarian Conspiracy, highlighting his achievements (Cic. Fam. 5.12), though not the historian Sallust. Sallust obviously produced an (extant) account of the Catilinarian Conspiracy, but does not focus on Cicero; no historical works showcasing Cicero's role ever materialized in the ancient world.

 251.Dalban, Préface (pp. v–vj): ‘On sentira, sans que nous le disions, pourquoi, en tête de cet ouvrage, nous rappelons l'imitation de quelques scènes d'une tragédie à laquelle nous devons cependant si peu de chose. Dans un moment où toutes les conversations sur ce sujet vont prendre un nouveau degré d'intérêt, où la translation d'un théâtre anglais à Paris va fixer tous les esprits sur les avantages de deux scènes rivales, nous avons cru à propos d'appeler l'attention sur une pièce étrangère du même sujet que le nôtre. Nous ne pouvons disconvenir qu'à l'exception de deux ou trois scènes, tout dans cette pièce nous a paru indigne d'une imitation raisonnable, et que, sans vouloir répéter les critiques de Voltaire, nous sommes entièrement de son avis sur cette tragédie. Nous ajouterions que, loin de penser que la scène française ait rien à gagner d'un rapprochement qui va fixer momentanément l'attention publique, nous imaginons que le théâtre anglais y peut contracter des avantages dignes d'une nation placée par ses philosophes au premier rang des nations savantes, et qui a quelquefois pris un si grand essor en poésie; mais il y a, dans les mœurs et les habitudes des peuples, des raisons de leur manière d'être si indépendantes des règles du goût et de la raison même, que tout ce qu'il est permis d'espérer sur ce sujet, c'est que les choses en demeureront au point où elles en sont. Il reste à nous justifier d'avoir osé traiter un sujet supérieurement traité par Voltaire; mais il y a des choses qui ne peuvent être excusées que par l'audace qui les fait entreprendre. Il peut exister deux bons ouvrages sur le même sujet traité différemment. C'est la meilleure excuse à alléguer dans notre position; encore sentons-nous qu'elle ne vaut rien pour nous.’

 252.Dedication (p. 2): ‘Of this little work, pressed into notice at the request of friends, it is necessary to say a few words, – the fewer perhaps the better. Circumstances have obliged me to abridge it considerably; it has been reduced nearly by one half, so that it must appear more insignificant than ever, when placed beside that great work on the same subject by one of our most considerable by-gone poets, from whom I have differed, in supposing Cæsar unconnected with the conspiracy, in making Curius a new character on our stage, viz. a Roman fop, &c. Amidst the many faults you, Sir, will at once detect, is, that I have divided among several what is transmitted to us as parts of the orations of one man.’

 253.Sallust mentions L. Saenius as a senator at the time of the Catilinarian Conspiracy (Sall. Cat. 30.1), but an initiative of his in connection with deciding the fate of the arrested conspirators is not attested.

 254.The election result is announced by ‘Cæsar (presiding Consul)’ (I 3). ‘Cæsar’ is not listed among the dramatis personae. Historically, this ‘Cæsar’ must be L. Iulius Caesar, one of the consuls of 64 BCE. This Caesar is different from the one who later speaks on the fate of the conspirators in the senate (III 1): he must be Gaius Iulius Caesar, the future conqueror of Gaul and dictator.

 255.Later it turns out that Cato is biased in his own way and can only see Catiline in a negative light (II 2).

 256.Cæsar's reference to what Silanus said ‘yesterday’ (arguing for the death penalty) is therefore odd: according to the historical chronology, Cæsar's and Silanus' speeches for and against the death penalty were given at the same meeting of the senate (Cic. Cat. 4.7), and according to the chronology in the drama the incident at the Milvian Bridge happened in the night before that senate meeting (III 1).

 257.Reade, Advertisement (pp. vii–viii): ‘this Drama was composed, many years since, during the Author's residence abroad, which must account for his having been unaware of the existence of another work on the same subject by an accomplished poet [* Rev. george croly]. Had any resemblance been detected between the Dramas, on examination, he should have suppressed his own; but he was not a little gratified in discovering that in no single feature did they bear the slightest resemblance. Each Author had taken his own ground and view from sallust; and each had, perhaps, equally benefited by the scholastic work of our “rare ben jonson”. On two points further only will the Author dwell before leaving catiline to the reader. He believes that he is the first who has endeavoured to bring out the character of julius cæsar as a boy. He has availed himself of accorded license in giving cæsar a youthful attachment to fulvia – a character in which he has endeavoured, however inefficiently, to infuse some points of originality; that of sempronia as drawn by sallust being inadmissible. Such an attachment might have existed, and was not improbable: this sole point conceded, as it must be, it becomes natural; which is all the Poet requires. The speech of cicero in the Senate-house against catiline has been drawn, as a matter of course, from the oration of the consummate orator; that of catiline to his troops, from the master-hand of sallust. The Author has only to add, that the Drama is not now put forth with the remotest view towards the Stage; being solely designed for private circulation.’

 258.On the motif of Vestal Virgins in Catilina plays, prominent from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, see Speck 1906, 87.

 259.E.g. L'Église et L'État. Réponse sommaire à quelques assertions concernant la papauté, l'église gallicaine, révolution et la monarchie. Par C.-E. Guichard, Paris/Lyon 1860 (available on Google Books).

 260.For information on Claudius Guichard / C.-E. Guichard I am grateful to Laurent Deverriere of the Bibliothèque municipale de Lyon.

 261.Cf. Dictionnaire de l'Académie française, 6th edition (1835): ‘ROMANTIQUE se dit encore De certains écrivains qui affectent de s'affranchir des règles de composition et de style établies par l'exemple des auteurs classiques. Il se dit également Des ouvrages de ces écrivains. Auteur, écrivain, poëte romantique. L'école romantique. Poésie romantique. Style romantique. Poëme romantique.’ (available at: http://artflsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/dicos/pubdico1look.pl?strippedhw=romantique).

 262.On this play see Martin 1984, 242–244. – Martin (1984, 242) believes that Guichard follows Sallust's narrative closely. While this is generally true, there are also noteworthy additions and modifications.

 263.Cf. Macrob. Sat. 1.24.10–11: ipsius enim Maronis epistula, qua compellat Augustum, ita incipit: [11] ‘ego vero frequentes a te litteras accipio’; et infra: ‘de Aenea quidem meo, si mehercle iam dignum auribus haberem tuis, libenter mitterem, sed tanta inchoata res est ut paene vitio mentis tantum opus ingressus mihi videar, cum praesertim, ut scis, alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora impertiar.’

 264.On this play see Speck 1906, 58–59; Stinchcomb 1934, 51–52.

 265.On this play see Fox-Ballí 2006, 78–107; Saura 2006; Maes 2013, 253.

 266.See Speck 1906, 61–62 n. 5.

 267.On this play see Speck 1906, 61–65; Reimers 2016, 125–134. – Speck (1906, 63) highlights that most members on the side of the senatorial party display negative characteristics. Reimers (2016, 128) stresses that Catilina is portrayed as a freedom fighter and the Catilinarian Conspiracy as a pre-modern version of class conflict.

 268.This description includes the information ‘Der Censor Piso hat den liederlichen/Sallust aus dem Senate gestoßen.’ (I 2). This comment may imply that the playwright distances himself from the historian whom he has used as a source.

 269.On this play see Speck 1906, 65–67; Reimers 2016, 134–138.

 270.See Speck 1906, 65.

 271.On this play see Deutschmann 2017, 275–280 (including a summary of the plot in German).

 272.See Lingg's comments in his autobiography (Hermann von Lingg, Meine Lebensreise. Autobiographie, Berlin/Leipzig 1899), pp. 105–106: ‘Im Juni 1858 erschien ein Bericht des dramatischen Preisgerichtes in München. Unter den Namen der von der Beurteilungs-Commission ausgelesenen Stücke war auch der meines Catilina. Ich überarbeitete das Stück nochmals gründlich mit Zulegung der bisher durch den Besuch des Theaters erworbenen Bühnenerfahrung und liess es im Druck erscheinen. Zur Aufführung kam es jedoch erst am 19. Dezember 1866, worüber später.’; p. 122: ‘Ärgerlich über meinen Erfolg waren allerdings manche und gaben ihrem Verdrusse Ausdruck, besonders, dass Catalina, der ein gar so schlechter Mensch gewesen, als Held dastände, wollte nicht gefallen. Dies kümmerte mich wenig, gerechten Tadel suchte ich durch Verbesserungen zu begegnen, ich sah wohl ein, dass mein Stück an Längen litt, und berücksichtigte dies in späteren Umarbeitungen. Es war ja mein erstes Drama, das ich auf die Bühne brachte, und keine Schule hatte mich gebildet und niemals eines Meisters Hand meine Anfänge geleitet.’ (available at: https://archive.org/details/meinelebensreis00linggoog).

 273.Note in Dramatische Dichtungen (1897, 2): ‘Zum erstenmal aufgeführt zu München am Kgl. Hof- und Nationaltheater den 19. Dezember 1866’.

 274.Hermann von Lingg, Meine Lebensreise. Autobiographie, Berlin/Leipzig 1899, p. 106: ‘Man kann den Charakter Catilinas nicht besser schildern, als es sein grösster Gegner nach dem Sturze der Verschwörung gethan hat. Er besass Merkmale aller Anlagen zu grössten Tugenden, sagt Cicero von ihm, aber alle waren sie verdunkelt von seinen Fehlern. Diese Worte waren mir Richtschnur bei Zeichnung meines Helden. Kein Erlöser und Befreier, wie er manchen erschien, aber auch kein Niederträchtiger und Bösewicht war er, und Gutes und Böses waren in ihm gemengt, Züge von wahrer Grösse und tiefster Verworfenheit, schuldvolle Tage hinter sich und das Streben nach höchsten Vorzügen, Edelmut und dämonische Tücke, das beste Wollen und wilde Zerstörungslust – so stellte ich mir diesen Römer vor, einen Vorläufer der Cäsaren und Erben der alten republikanischen Grösse.’ (available at: https://archive.org/details/meinelebensreis00linggoog).

 275.The comment in Sallust that Catiline had an affair with a Vestal Virgin in his youth (Sall. Cat. 15.1) is developed into a love story: in the play Catilina is attracted to her again and tries to prevent her punishment (II 2; III 11; III 13; III 14).

 276.When a statue of Jupiter is seen to be erected and Cicero gives this incident a political interpretation (IV 4), there is a basis in the historical Cicero's Third Catilinarian Oration (Cic. Cat. 3.19–21).

 277.See Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, s.v. BETTOLI, Parmenio (http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/parmenio-bettoli_(Dizionario-Biografico)).

 278.On this play see Speck 1906, 75–77.

 279.The dedication (‘Ai petrolieri della republica francese il più esatto fra i ricorsi storici della congiura di Catilina intitolo questo mio dramma’) may indicate that the play presents a ‘historical’ parallel to the political and economic struggles of workmen in contemporary France.

 280.This conclusion is explained by the following note (n. 38 to Act V, p. 230): ‘Siccome, per le esigenze della scena, i discorsi che Cicerone rivolge a Catilina rispondono in qualche guisa alla prima interpellanza ch'ei gli diresse realmente e siccome udita questa, “Catilina diedesi a pregare i padri con dimesso volto e voce supplichevole.” (sallust. Catil. XXXI): cosi non abbiamo reputato oltraggiare la essenza storica dei fatti, col chiudere la parte di Catilina in una fuga, che somiglia assai al contegno ch’ esso tentò assumere in Senato.’

 281.Hans Pöhnl, Deutsche Volksbühnenspiele. Volume 1, Wien 1887, p. 106: ‘Ich selbst habe ein Stück geschrieben “Catilina”, welches auf Dingelstedts Wunsch von Wiener Hofschauspielern in Brünn aufgeführt wurde, einen großen Erfolg hatte – und von dem Dingelstedt behauptete, es sei die einzige deutsche Tragödie, welche in ernster Shakespear'scher Charakterkenntnis gedichtet sei – …’.

 282.On this play see Speck 1906, 77–78; Reimers 2016, 145–149.

 283.Available at: https://archive.org/stream/francescoferrucc00moliuoft#page/n7/mode/2up.

 284.Molinari, La Congiura di Catilina (p. 3): ‘La congiura, che Catilina romano tramò contro la sua patria nell’ anno 691 dalla fondazione di Roma, 63 av. Cristo, è uno dei fatti più noti e più orribile, che registri la storia. I principiantelli, che bevono i primi sorsi alle fonti classiche, ne sone informatissimi, e restò sempre ne’ teneri animi della gioventù, sin nel buio medio evo, come una memoria d’ orrore e d’ esacrazione. A me pure, a cui Sallustio e Cicerone, scrittori della medesima, furono ognora in amore, fece grande impressione, ed a quest’ impressione devo, se la feci argomento di Tragedia.’

 285.Available at: http://www.internetculturale.it/jmms/iccuviewer/iccu.jsp?teca=MagTeca+- + ICCU&id=oai:www.internetculturale.sbn.it/Teca:20:NT0000:FOG0206254; http://www.internetculturale.it/jmms/iccuviewer/iccu.jsp?teca=MagTeca+-+ ICCU&id=oai:www.internetculturale.sbn.it/Teca:20:NT0000:FOG0215362.

 286.For a brief note on the play see Stefanelli 2012.

 287.Bleibtreu, Größenwahn (p. 87): ‘Die Gestalt Catilinas und seiner Mitverschworenen tauchte unwillkürlich vor Leonharts Geiste auf. Wie sie sich alle zusammenfanden, die Unglücklichen und die Verbrecher, die Bedrückten und die Verkommenen, die Rachgierigen und Genußgierigen, um sich gegen die satte Gemeinheit der Glücklichen zu verbinden! So entstand ihm in raschem rohem Entwurf realistischer Urkraft das folgende düstere Fragment, indem er dem herostratisch zerstörenden Größenwahn die wahre schicksalmäßige Größe gegenüberstellte und zugleich den Größenwahn der Weiber-Emanzipation in der Gestalt der vornehmen Catilinarierinnen geißelte, die ihr Kapital in die Verschwörung steckten, um es mit Zins und Zinseszins aus dem Staatsbankrott wieder herauszuschlagen.’

 288.Bartels, Vorwort (p. VII): ‘Der „Catilina“ wurde ebenfalls zu Lahr vom 15. März bis 11. Juni 1892 geschaffen. Er geht in der Idee gleichfalls bis in die Sekunda zurück. Sehr bestärkt wurde ich in meinem Plan, wie ich mich noch erinnere, durch die Charakteristik des Cicero in Jensens Roman „Nirvana“ und durch die Bemerkung Hebbels in einem seiner Reisebriefe: „Ohnehin ist mir Cicero von jeher zuwider gewesen; ich interessiere mich mehr für Catilina als für ihn.“ Zur Ausführung hat mich vielleicht das Erscheinen des Ibsenschen „Catilina“ (den ich jedoch nicht gelesen habe) angetrieben. Ich benutzte zu den Studien außer Ciceros Reden, Sallust, Plutarch Mommsens „Römische Geschichte“. Da mir in jener Zeit Nietzsche näher trat, hat wohl auch sein „Jenseits von Gut und Böse“ auf das Werk eingewirkt.’

 289.When Catilina's candidature in 63 BCE is defined as the third time, both his candidature in 64 BCE and his application for candidature in 66 BCE, when he withdrew or was rejected (Sall. Cat. 18.2–3; Asc. on Cic. Tog. cand., p. 89 Clark), are counted.

 290.On this play see Speck 1906, 82–86; Reimers 2016, 155–162.

 291.Available at: http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb11336431_00007.html.

 292.On this play see Speck 1906, 79–80; Reimers 2016, 149–155.

 293.Eduard Bernstein, ‘Zwei historische Dramen von Theodor Curti’, Die Neue Zeit 10, 1891–92, 2. Bd. (1892), H. 38, pp. 362–368, H. 39, pp. 402–407 (available at: http://library.fes.de/cgi-bin/neuzeit.pl?id=07.01129&dok=1891-92b&f=189192b_0362&l=189192b_0368; http://library.fes.de/cgi-bin/neuzeit.pl?id=07.01136&dok=1891-92b&f=189192b_0402&l=189192b_0407). On Bernstein's reaction see also Reimers 2016, 153–155.

 294.On this play see Speck 1906, 81.

 295.On Lublinski presenting his dramatic heroes in such a way see Pirro 2008, esp. 364.

 296.Holding a secret meeting in a private house is what the historical Cicero reproaches Catiline for (Cic. Cat. 1.6; 1.8).

 297.The list of characters does not reveal the full names or their roles; instead, it lists the age of each person. Cicero's age is given as 39 years: this would make Cicero younger than the minimum age required for the consulship in the late Republic and does not match a plot apparently set in 63 BCE, when the historical Cicero's date of birth is 106 BCE. Generic figures are not included in the list of characters.

 298.For this information I am indebted to Mindy Babarskis, Reference Specialist at the University of Kansas Libraries, who checked the Library's MS 299, Box 1, Folders 17 and 18, and sent me scans of Sinclair's letter and the legal document.

 299.Ammirata, Nota introduttiva: ‘Cicerone e Catilina, due protagonisti della tarda repubblica romana, sono antagonisti per natura e destino. Marco Tullio Cicerone, di famiglia borghese-contadina, finirà per divenire il paladino degli aristocratici e dei loro privilegi, mentre Lucio Sergio Catilina è un aristocratico che va contro la sua classe, proponendosi, oltre al proprio interesse il progresso sociale della plebe. Cicerone, esaminato con una moderna lente, risulta diverso da quel perfetto “padre della Patria” che si gloriava di essere. I suoi atteggiamenti sono assai contraddittori (è capace di difendere pubblicamente – vedi Murena e Catilina – le stesse persone che poi si accingerà a combattere con ogni mezzo). Catilina, invece, può essere oggi rivalutato per certe virtù assolute, quali il coraggio, la fierezza e l'ostinazione nella sua battaglia contro gli abusi del potere acquisito a scapito dei diseredati. Alcune ragione politiche, familiari e intime delle loro rivalità, mi sono servite per comporre un momento-multiplo (fra il 64 ed il 62 a.C.) adatto al genere “giallo”. Il teatro ha esigenze che costringono a trascurare la precisione storica, ma ho la coscienza d'aver rispettato il fondo dei caratteri dei personaggi e dell'epoca.’

 300.Prologo: ‘danzatrice. Ecco Marco Tullio Cicerone, uno dei famosi Arpinati, che voi conoscerete come “Padre della Patria” … Ma non è tutt'oro quel che luce e potrete ora scoprirne le ombre e magagne. Nacque borghese-contadino, ma si accorse che la parte del potere costituito, anche se aristocratico, anche se lontano dalla sua stirpe, gli si addiceva come un peplo dipinto sulla sua pelle e divenne il paladino delle istituzioni e delle tradizioni. Il conservatorismo codino, mi spiego? Quello caro ai Catoni dall'animo terso, ma dalla mente limitata. E guerra mosse Marco Tullio a …’.

 301.‘catilina. Appunto sono uomini che vorrei responsabilizzare di più; vorrei migliorare gli uomini, capisci? – marco. Ma prima dovresti migliorare le leggi: solo attraverso leggi migliori avrai uomini migliori. Gli uomini non sono tutti uguali. – catilina (Furioso). Gli uomini sono tutti uguali! Io accuso il sistema. Accuso il sistema e le sue leggi inique! Io …’.

 302.‘terenzia (Interrompe perentoria). Basta, basta col Tevere. L'hai già usata mille volte questa immagine del fiume in piena che travolge la legalità della repubblica … – marco (Sconcertato). È una frase che ha sempre grande effetto. Tutti ricordano l'inondazione del tempo di Mario e i suoi danni paurosi …’.

 303.Böttiger, introductory note (p. 3): ‘Die Handlung spielt im Jahr 43 vor Christi Geburt. Nach der Ermordung Cäsars wäre die römische Republik mit ihrem Menschenbild zu retten gewesen, hätten es die Republikaner geschafft, die sozialen Spannungen abzubauen und das Gemeinwesen neu zu ordnen. Mit dem Untergang der Republik drang die in Persien entstandene und in den Perserkriegen abgewehrte Reichsidee ins Abendland vor. Die Idee des freien, für die Entwicklung des Gemeinwesens politisch verantwortlichen Bürgers überwinterte die nun folgende Zeit des moralisch politischen Zusammenbruchs im Christentum nur in religiöser Form. Erst die Renaissance vermochte diese Idee ihrer religiösen Form zu entkleiden und sie politisch neu zu denken.’

 304.Poulton (2017, 5): ‘The plays Robert [Harris], Greg [Doran, Artistic Director] and I identified, lying below the surface of the trilogy, concerned Cicero's destruction of the power-crazed and vicious Sergius Catiline, and Cicero's attempt to prevent Mark Antony from succeeding to Julius Caesar's dictatorship. The background to all six linked plays is Cicero's duel with Caesar, and its aftermath. It's a story of natural humanity, and good laws versus military ambition. Cicero succeeds in one case, and achieves a partial success in the other. But this flawed master of political oratory carries with him the seeds of his own destruction. He is, ultimately, brought low by young men – the next generation – he has trusted, taught and nurtured.’

 305.Harris (Imperium, Part, I, Programme Booklet): ‘We had extensive conversations about the structure of the plays, and with great reluctance agreed that the Verres trial and Cicero's rise to the consulship – the content of the first volume of the trilogy – would have to go, so that we could concentrate on Catiline (in the first play) and the Philippics (in the second).’

 306.Harris (Imperium, Part, I, Programme Booklet): ‘Really, the novels – and the plays in turn – are about the clash between two different conceptions of the role of a political leader. The Ciceronian view is that a statesman is essentially a doctor to the body politic, trying this remedy or that to keep the nation healthy. But as he himself wrote, Caesar never for a moment conceived his role in those terms. Caesar sought personal glory for its own sake. The Roman constitution – which Cicero revered – meant nothing to him. Caesar is a Napoleon, even in some respects a Hitler, willing to wipe out hundreds of thousands in pursuit of power.… And the characters were recognisable archetypes still familiar to us today: the pragmatist Cicero, the ideologue Cato, the businessman-politician Crassus, the soldier Pompey, the demagogues Catiline and Clodius …’; Poulton (2017, 5): ‘These six plays deal with a period of history when the political values and certainties of local government were overwhelmed by a world in turmoil – does that sound familiar?’

5 Conclusion

 1.On the tension between ‘history’ and ‘fiction’ see Robert Harris (Dictator, Author's Note): ‘My aim has been to describe, as accurately as I can within the conventions of fiction, the end of the Roman Republic as it might have been experienced by Cicero and Tiro. Wherever possible, the letters and speeches and descriptions of events have been drawn from the original sources.’

 2.Müller (2013, 292) also notes that the Catilinarian Conspiracy is among the incidents from Cicero's life taken up most frequently in modern literature. Maes (2010, 812, 814) initially says that Catiline was most popular with poets in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; later he (2010, 818) comments that the reception of Sallust's monograph flourished particularly in nineteenth-century revolutionary Europe, when Catiline was presented as a paradigmatic pioneer.

 3.See also Maes 2013, 249; Reimers 2016, 120.

 4.See also Reimers 2016, 246.

 5.This was noted by Stinchcomb (1934, 52) for the plays studied by him.

 6.Quint. Inst. 10.1.112: quare non inmerito ab hominibus aetatis suae regnare in iudiciis dictus est, apud posteros vero id consecutus, ut Cicero iam non hominis nomen sed eloquentiae habeatur. hunc igitur spectemus, hoc propositum nobis sit exemplum, ille se profecisse sciat cui Cicero valde placebit.

 7.See also Müller 2013, 290.

 8.Cic. Fam. 5.12.4–6: quod si te adducemus, ut hoc suscipias, erit, ut mihi persuadeo, materies digna facultate et copia tua; a principio enim coniurationis usque ad reditum nostrum videtur mihi modicum quoddam corpus confici posse, in quo et illa poteris uti civilium commutationum scientia vel in explicandis causis rerum novarum vel in remediis incommodorum, cum et reprehendes ea, quae vituperanda duces, et, quae placebunt, exponendis rationibus comprobabis, et, si liberius, ut consuesti, agendum putabis, multorum in nos perfidiam, insidias, proditionem notabis. multam etiam casus nostri varietatem tibi in scribendo suppeditabunt plenam cuiusdam voluptatis, quae vehementer animos hominum in legendo tuo scripto retinere possit; nihil est enim aptius ad delectationem lectoris quam temporum varietates fortunaeque vicissitudines: quae etsi nobis optabiles in experiendo non fuerunt, in legendo tamen erunt iucundae, habet enim praeteriti doloris secura recordatio delectationem; ceteris vero nulla perfunctis propria molestia, casus autem alienos sine ullo dolore intuentibus etiam ipsa misericordia est iucunda.… quo mihi acciderit optatius, si in hac sententia fueris, ut a continentibus tuis scriptis, in quibus perpetuam rerum gestarum historiam complecteris, secernas hanc quasi fabulam rerum eventorumque nostrorum; habet enim varios actus mutationesque et consiliorum et temporum.