Chapter 15
“We Enjoyed Our Fourth of July Hugely”
With no apparent hope of relief from Johnston, supplies dwindling, and starvation and disease rampant, virtually everyone in the city realized Vicksburg’s days were numbered. General Pemberton briefly entertained the notion of breaking through the Union lines so his army could live to fight another day (something General Johnston had encouraged him to do), but the physical condition of his men and animals made any such effort impossible. As confirmation, Pemberton received a communication late in June signed by “Many Soldiers” that read, “If you can’t feed us, you had better surrender us, horrible as the idea is, then suffer this noble army to disgrace themselves by desertion.” By July 2, Pemberton made his decision. He informed his commanders that he intended to surrender the garrison on July 4, apparently hoping that patriotic feeling among their foes would lead to more favorable capitulation terms.2
On July 3, a mounted detail that included Brig. Gen. John Bowen, one of Pemberton’s best generals, rode out of the city under a white flag. The party hoped to negotiate terms of surrender, but Grant’s reply ended that hope. As he had at Fort Donelson, he demanded unconditional surrender. Bowen left unsatisfied. Sporadic firing occurred until 3:00 p.m., when another white flag appeared. This time Pemberton himself rode out to meet with Grant. Pemberton trotted on horseback out the Jackson Road, where Grant and his staff awaited. The commanders met just outside the lines of Logan’s division, not far from the 17th Illinois, which gave the men of the regiment an excellent view of the historic proceedings. After a few curt and awkward exchanges between the two opposing generals, their respective staffs discussed details of the capitulation. Unable to reach a resolution that afternoon, Grant promised Pemberton his final terms would arrive that evening.3
In the end, Grant relented a bit and agreed to parole the Confederates in Vicksburg, meaning the soldiers would swear not to take up arms again until properly exchanged with Union prisoners. This would keep Grant from having to detail critically needed troops to guard the almost 30,000 men who would fall into his hands. Grant also hoped that many of the fatigued and dispirited enemy soldiers would simply return to their homes and stay there. To further pressure Pemberton, Grant instructed pickets posted near the enemy lines to let the Confederates know that Grant was offering them a chance to go home. This, he reasoned, would create a clamor within the Rebel army for Pemberton to accept the terms.4
Pemberton, of course, had no choice but to accept Grant’s offer, and he did so after midnight on July 4. The official time of the surrender was set for 10:00 a.m. on the 87th anniversary of the day recognized as the start of American independence. That morning, numerous white flags went up over the Vicksburg defenses and Confederates “came pouring over their works and stacked their arms,” recalled Frank Peats. Loud cheers reverberated along miles of elated Union lines. “We enjoyed our fourth of July hugely,” was how Peats put it. Officially speaking, the people of Vicksburg would not celebrate the Fourth of July again until 1945, just as the Second World War was winding down.5
The long siege was over. Vicksburg belonged to the Yankees, and the Mississippi River was now flowed “unvexed to the sea.” Pemberton surrendered nearly 30,000 men, the largest surrender of Americans in the nation’s history. The Yankees also confiscated 172 pieces of artillery, 38,000 rounds of artillery ammunition, 58,000 pounds of black powder, 50,000 firearms, and 600,000 rounds of small arms ammunition.6
Josiah to Jennie
“Vicksburg” Miss.
July 6th 1863
My Dearest Friend,
As you see the storm has passed and through the mercy of my heavenly protector my life and health are still preserved for which I hope I am truly thankfull and it is now with feelings of the highest pleasure that I once again come as it were to speak with the “dear one” at home.
Ah! Yes, I almost hear her say in a half suspicious manner—near time to speak with one who is claimed to be so highly regarded as to be ever held in constant remembrance—so indeed my dear Jennie does it appear, but it is not because you were forgotten; neither because I intended to make good what I said when I intimated that my next should be from “Vicksburg” tho such items are not by any means disagreeable when coinciding without the sacrifice of interests equaly as clear, but my dear Jane Elizabeth was not written to, because for several days before the surrender we were kept almost constantly on duty, each of your last two dearest little messengers came to hand while I was in the rifle pits, and one of them I had to read by a very dim light—It dont do to make too much light near where rebels are, they shoot so—but such letters must be read, and I think none were ever more highly appreciated, especially your last of the 22nd ult—Oh Jennie I think it one of the sweetest letters you have ever written indeed it seems the very counterpart of its dear author and tho I knew it was cruel yet I almost felt pleased to learn that that dear lovely writer was “all alone”—a partner in adversity—for you know dear lady that we are sympathetic beings and then I believe that my dearest friend could never write such a letter unless under the inspiration of that bright genus which seems to draw nearer as a dark and “dreary world” recedes—I wish I could see you just now for I think you would be more lovely than ever—the star gets more beautiful as the darker hours gather round. it is now almost six months since the sad parting of two dear friends—that evening is still present—the time is past and it seems to have gone as a dream tho it seemed an age ahead. now then what do you think of the next ten months?7 can they fly as swiftly? Oh I think I must have another furlough. Well I didn’t think. perhaps my dear Jennie could get a “leave of absence”. Wouldn’t that do as well? I presume it would be only necessary to secede.
Well my dearest friend as you are aware this great City fell on the “fourth” hadn,t we a big 4th yes the greatest ever I had or was ever had in these United States. you no doubt have heard the particulars of the surrender. the rebel troops are here yet tho they are being paroled as quickly as possible. Genr,l Grant did not wish to incur the expense of sending so many North as he says to be sent back immediately exchanged and ready to fight, but he paroles them here each takes his parole and starts for home and many of them say that they are done fighting for the rebelion in the West and will never return also a great many of the rebel troops are from West of the Miss river and when they once get over there, farewell to Pemberton’s great army only about 18,000 now but they lost very heavily scarcely a Regt. but had from 50 to 100 killed we had no idea that we killed so many—never did I see worse used up men—never did I think that I could feel sympathy for a rebel but when a poor fellow that has been living for several days on “mule meat” comes up like a child and begs for even a piece of “hard cracker” and when he gets it seems as thankful as tho he had received a treasure, I could not treat him coldly.
We had 1000 lbs extra on hand and I just divided them among about 3 Regts. and I never saw more thankful men they have the privilege of the entire works and our boys and them associate very freely and our boys have treated them so that I believe one half are almost converted. they say they never dreamed of such treatment from an enemy and seem quite overcome, but my dearest friend hoping that you will forgive this delay on account of the scircumstances and that this may find you well. I by leave to return your good night kiss with interest wishing to borrow again.
as ever, goodnight J. Moore
P.S. I shall write again soon tho please dont forget that some one will be lonesome if his beloved friend remains silent very long a week is too long, now Jennie aint it? I think so, dont forget goodnight J.M
* * *
News of Vicksburg’s fall led to wild celebrations throughout the North. Frank Peats’ wife wrote about one in Rockford, Illinois. “A hundred cannon were fired,” she reported, “large bonfires were made … the old torches of the wide awakes8 were hunted up and the people formed a torch light procession Our streets sang with national airs.” The exchange of letters between Peats and his wife was noteworthy for another reason. Bessie Peats had received Frank’s letter of July 5 and responded by July 9—a clear demonstration of the Mississippi River’s importance for rapid transport of all kinds of goods, including letters.
But before the book was closed on the siege, the 17th Illinois and the 38th Mississippi suffered tragic events on July 4. As the surrendering Confederates lined up in front of their fortifications, others gathered weapons that had been left in the trenches by the dead and wounded. One gun was still loaded with buckshot. The weapon accidentally discharged, and the projectiles struck Mississippian Samuel Miller. According to one of Miller’s comrades, the unfortunate soldier “turned around and inquired who did it, and never again uttered a word. He began to fall, and I saw the blood beginning to flow from his mouth. We held him and soon life was extinct.” “There was something peculiarly pathetic in such a death,” wrote Captain Jones, “and it touched deeply the grim soldiers who witnessed it. To have survived the dangers and horrors of the siege to die thus, how pitiful?”9
As if to balance the ledger, a similar misfortune struck the 17th. A handful of soldiers, thinking they were committing a harmless prank, rolled an unexploded shell into a mess tent. Henry Brown of Company E was drinking coffee inside when the shell exploded. A large piece of shrapnel struck Brown in the back and mortally wounded him. “The hardest part to bear was that it was the 4th of July morning and only a couple of hours before the rebs marched out and stacked arms,” wrote one of Brown’s friends. “He saw the fight through without knowing it and died at the moment of victory.”10
Pemberton later claimed that he surrendered, not for lack of food or ammunition, but because his men were suffering too greatly from exposure. Yet by the end of the siege, Confederate soldiers were receiving only a handful of rice and peas as a daily ration, so finding food for them now became paramount. Once more, the 17th Illinois helped out the 38th Mississippi. “On the night of the 3rd no rations were sent to us, and it was not until the evening of the 4th that General Grant supplied us,” recounted Captain Jones. “A fast of forty eight hours in our already starved condition made us ravenous. Our friends of the 17th Illinois fraternized with the 38th and aided us greatly by many acts of kindness. They would go out to their sutler’s tent with the greenbacks we had borrowed from their dead comrades and purchase food for us, and doubtless many a starving ‘Reb’ felt that his life was thus saved.”11
Jones also told a story of a lieutenant, perhaps from the 17th, who offered to give him the “trash” in his haversack. For Jones, those two pounds of ginger snaps and butter crackers were “luxuries I had not seen in three years.” The hungry Confederate quickly gobbled up the offering. “Could we meet, how gladly would I kill a fatted calf and prepare a feast for him, but I am sure it could never equal the luxury of the repast he afforded,” admitted Jones.12
General Logan’s division, including John D. Stevenson’s brigade and the 17th Illinois, was ordered to lead the Yankee approach into Vicksburg. The men started for the city about noon, just two hours after the surrender. A member of the 32nd Ohio, another regiment in Stevenson’s brigade, reported passing thousands of their former foes who were “very much down in the mouth. They said they had their last ration that morning.” He saw few civilians, but the ones he spotted “looked sad. I think they hid in their homes to keep from being seen.”13
The bands of the victorious troops played as they marched into town. They reached downtown Vicksburg around 2:00 p.m. A member of the 33rd Illinois Infantry saw “rebel officers and Union officers riding together … both so drunk they could hardly sit on their horses.” He also noted “the women were the most upset. They passed by … heads held high but with tears in their eyes.”14
According to Josiah, General Grant warned his men not to show any “sound or sign of exultation … over the fallen foe.” By all indications, the overwhelming majority of the Union troops obeyed the order. Not only did the victorious soldiers share their food with the starving men of the Vicksburg garrison, but a Confederate noted the Union men were also “respectful and considerate. No insolence of manner, and but little offensive taunting.” Another agreed, stating, “No word of exultation was uttered to irritate the feelings of the prisoners. On the contrary, every sentinel who came upon post brought haversacks filled with provisions, which he would give to some famished Southerner, with the remark, ‘Here, reb, I know you are starved nearly to death.”15
Once Joe Johnston received word that Pemberton had surrendered his Vicksburg army, he withdrew his Army of Relief back to the capital at Jackson. Grant ordered Sherman to pursue, and on the evening of July 16, Johnston abandoned the state capital without a fight. While Sherman’s men were dealing with Johnston, the 17th Illinois and the other troops of the Army of the Tennessee remained at Vicksburg. They now had to make the transition from siege to occupation. By the spring of 1864, black troops, raised as a result of President Lincoln’s order, made up about one-half the force garrisoning Vicksburg.16
* * *
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria June 29th 1863
My Dear Friend
The present moment suggests a quiet little chat with thee. I trust my dearest friend you will have patience to listen for a little while. Your welcome letter of the 10th inst arrived several days ago, having just mailed one to you the day before receiving it I thought you might not be pleased to have another missive so soon hence the delay in not answering your last dearest letter. how much pleasure it gave. I was feeling so lonely I can well say blessed be letters when coming from the hand of the loved one.
Mattie Cutler came out on Wednesday and staid with me until Saturday evening we had a real pleasant time. I felt a little lonesome after she left but it will be all right this evening for Mother dear is coming home I think when I get her home I’ll not leave her go away again. if Maggie wants to see her she will have to come home now dont you think that fair? thats just what I think. Poor George would not be half so lonely as I am.
That little “secesh article” came to hand on Saturday. I presume it came to the express office some weeks ago. They are very careless about delivering packages. The little “basket” is very pretty and doubly interesting from having been made by the hand of a secesh lady. please accept my thanks for the dear little gift. I must tell you my dear friend I’m very partial to one “lone star” and sad is my heart when I can not see it. Oh that it might be always present that would indeed be joy. The past would then be forgotten in the happy present.
The rebels are having quite a merry time in Pennsylvania.17 isent it too hard it does seem as though the eastern troops can not accomplish anything there must be a great wrong somewhere but it certainly is not for a lack of bravery among the soldiers. The west present a more hopeful picture, and if Vicksburg falls we may indeed look for that brighter day. How sad it must be for you to lose such good men from your Co. The influence of such persons is so much needed among the many careless ones yet it is a great consolation to know that they were better prepared to obey the call than the wicked ones. Capt Ryan while here gave me a rather sad picture to look upon he said the last time he saw you were putting one of your men in a box. Oh I did feel so sorry for you I knew it was a sad office for you.18
Well my dearest friend you have been such a quiet good boy while I’ve been talking with you. so I’ll not ask your kind attention longer but will say farewell for a short time. May God ever love thee and preserve thee from danger is the earnest prayer of one who kindly remembers the dear absent one.
Yours truly,
Jennie
P.S. I do hope you will “tease” me with another dear missive soon it gives me great happiness to be thus teased. Please don’t forget.
Jennie sends you a good bye (kiss) J.E.L.
The city’s surrender was a traumatic event for the residents of Vicksburg. When the campaign began, citizens and soldiers alike fervently believed that God would deliver them from the Yankees. “God being on our side we will assuredly gain the victory,” wrote one Confederate officer in March 1863. Just two months later, food had become more important than victory for the beleaguered city. The change in fortune made Southerners wonder why they had incurred God’s wrath. In the North, Vicksburg’s surrender on the day that celebrated the nation’s birth was taken as evidence that God favored the Union. Vicksburg’s fall on July 4 was not just a patriotic commemoration, it was also a moral and religious one. As one historian put it, for the people of both sides, “faith offered consolation but also provided set explanations for victory or defeat, ways for both understanding and coping with the vicissitudes of war.”19
Jennie’s negative view of the Union forces in the Eastern Theater was indicative of widespread sectional rivalries. In many cases, Western troops viewed the Easterners as “bandbox” soldiers, hardly up to the rigors the men of the Western theater were forced to endure. Troops in the East routinely disparaged their Western counterparts as more a backwoods rabble than a disciplined fighting force. Senior military leaders felt this tension as well. Writing about the Grand Review in May 1865, when the Eastern and Western armies marched in triumph through Washington, D. C., General Sherman would note, “Many good people, up to that time, had looked upon our Westerners as a sort of mob.”20
Josiah to Jennie
Vicksburg Miss
July 9, 1863
Miss Jennie,
My dear friend,
Permit me the honor of presenting you a copy of the Vicksburg Illustrated. tho my preference is decidedly for “northern pictures” tho I very much envy this now i.e. its privileges.
With the compliments of, yours as ever
J. Moore
P.S. Genl. Logan’s Div. has been left at this post, which is very fortunate for us. all the other troops started at the time of the surrender in pursuit of Johnston, and news just now comes that 5000 prisoners are on their way in here, if that is so the rebels are used up in this part, for Port Hudson cant stand long.21 I presume we will yet have to go East, however I think nothing better ever happened in the East for if they let Lee’s army ever return they should have their country laid waste but Lee had better be carefull or he will arrouse An old Pa ductch.22 J.M.
Three days after this letter, Addison Norton, the 17th Illinois’s colonel, resigned July 5 (effective July 9). He received a surgeon’s certificate of disability due to “Adema left leg, the sequel of a fracture of the tibia received May 4 1862 and also of an ulcer of the great toe of the left foot.” Norton claimed, “I have a family of small children,” and that his wife was ill. His resignation left the regiment in the hands of Lt. Col. Smith.23
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria July 24th 1863
My Dear Friend
The “Storm” has indeed passed and we have great reason to be thankfull for what our Western Army have accomplished. We are beginning to believe the rebellion is about at an end in the West. You well might have a “big” 4th” when it brought to such a happy event as the fall of Vicksburg. We had a very quiet fourth in Peoria, but when we received the news from Vicksburg it seemed like the 4th of July a few years ago.
I received your letter of 6th inst just four weeks from the day I received the one of the 16th of June. That wasent long was it? to wait for a word from the “dear one” Well when 3 weeks passed and no message came I then ceased to look for a letter. I thought by your not writing you were surely on your way home but alas I was doomed to be sadly disappointed, now why dont you come. I do want to see you Oh ever so much. I was so glad when I saw through the papers that Gen. Logans Div. were left in Vicksburg. I thought my dear friend would surely get a furlough then, and so I looked for Somebody but that dear somebody did not come. You ask, what I think of the next ten months24 they now look like so many years. I think that you will be just a real naughty boy if you dont come home before that time. I know your Mother will think so too and you know dearest friend it is always right to try to please her. Just to think of not seeing the dear loved one for ten months. O it must not be they would indeed be long long weary months.
George and Maggie and Mr. Louck and family came down on Friday evening. George had to leave home on business and Maggie thought it a good time to make us a visit. I told her I wished he would have to go away often so we would have her home but she thought it was awful cruel for me to wish such a thing. She is just as full of mischief as ever. You see dear friend there is not much chance for me to be “alone all alone” at the present time. yet with all around me I feel lonesome for the one dearer than all is absent. Oh why cant those bright days of the past return to us soon again. If you could only come home now how happy we would be. The thought of the next “ten months” would be lost in the happy present. I can scarcely write anything but Come home for it seems to be the one wish always present. Well dearest friend I am just now hoping you will have to read this miserable scribble by a “very dim light” I am sorry it’s such a poor return for your dear missive. I received your copy of the “Vicksburg Illustrated” it looks a little like hard times in Vicksburg. Your letter was dated three days before the note which accompanied the paper yet I received them at the same time. Well my dear friend I shall not try your patience longer but will bid you a kind good night hoping to see or hear from you soon.
Yours as ever
Jennie E. Lindsay
P.S. George and Maggie wish to be remembered to you. J.E.L.
Josiah to Jennie
Vicksburg Miss
9 P.M. July 28th 1863
How fares my dearest friend this lonely evening? I hope very well.
You will please excuse my partiality for this little “secesh relic25 tho I almost envy it now! dont you? however I hope its wayward work is over and that it may now engage in a more noble business than the bearer of little secesh messages. O dear I am ashamed to write a letter on such paper, but if it pleased the taste of the southern chivalry I presume that we Northron “mud sills” should say thy will be done. Still if it dont suit Jennie why I can write another on white peoples paper—wont that do?
Now then I have just come to renew that “quiet little chat”. O dear Jennie you cant imagine how lonesome I am this evening so much so that after tattoo had sounded I could not go to rest till I should have a few moments sweet converse with the “beloved one” far away—Your dear welcome letter of the 30th ult only came to hand on yesterday about a month on the way. O how anxiously I looked for it. I could not imagine what had happened—I had a letter from Mrs Currie by Capt Ryan forwarded from Helena and I thought you might have sent one too by him and it had been miscarried. indeed I did not know what to think, tho there was one poor “soldier boy” that felt very much as tho he had lost his “best friend.”
But marks on the envelope made the explanation, it had been sent by mistake to the 19th Ills which being in Rosecrans Dept. you can gain some idea of its travels it came all right and seemed to be well cared for—not opened like lost letters often are.
Shall I not soon have the pleasure of another dear message from my dearest Jennie I think it is near time. you must not send any more so far around and you need not fear my being “not pleased” by two coming about the same time—I scarcely even think of the time for when I am alone and as we are now not busy, it affords not a little consolation to reread and ponder over the dear words of the “loved one” who tho far distant is ever present on memories brightest page. Now dear Jennie you will please not forget this, tho I know you will not feel as lonely on the return of your dear Mother yet you know how it is to be left all alone.
I am glad those little articles had come to hand I had about concluded that they had been captured by the wrong party I am glad however that the “lone star” has been more fortunate i.e. in being captured by the right one. this you know my dear lady is a very important item in warfare. I hope that I am worthy of your very high compliment my dear Jennie, and I hope that I truly apreciate the favor of enjoying the sincere regard of such a dear friend whose presence seems as tho it would be happiness itself. but my dear friend while it is sad that such a cruel space must separate us yet we have reason for thankfulness to that God who thus far has preserved our lives as dear to him from all the ills and dangers of a sinful world. How many bleeding sorrow stricken hearts have been made since we first met?—parted never to meet below only in sad remembrance—our meetings have been joyous and partings tho sad yet not bereft of hope,s brighter rays—indeed the anticipated joy of meeting one so dearly beloved almost seems as thos it would compensate for parting sorrows, tho if it could be avoided I can asure you my dear Jennie my part of the experiment should be found wanting.
But I must tell you my late troubles. I have lost Lieut McClanahan.26 He resigned on the 24th and went home he had been speaking of resigning for some time but I did not think of him going so soon. He resigned on account of his Father’s death—he required some strong plea of that kind so as to succeed. he goes home an honorable faithful and worthy soldier we had been tried friends and I will very much miss him not even having another officer in the company—he will no doubt call at Peoria on his way home, tho I think he now goes by way of Ohio for a partner. aint he sensible? so now you see poor me is left all alone. now Jennie wont you please remember this. I shall.
Andie was out to see me a few days since he is quite well he anticipated a few days rest while Capt Wilson took a trip to New Orleans.
As I said I had a letter from Mrs Currie a few days since and shall answer it soon. How does she like “southron airs”?—she mentioned about receiving the fan and about you being in then at their house they have gone to her fathers she says to live.
We are still staying in the suburbs of Vicksburg tho I hear some talk of moving but as yet hear of no place designated indeed we may stay all summer.
Most of our troops have returned from Jackson we did not go out there Logan thot his troops had done enough.27
Johnston got a way and made a pretty good escape after all our troops pursued a short distance but he out ran them and got away so we are not in much danger now of being surrounded indeed I think that the rebellion has played out in the West. never again can they get hold of the Miss. I am trying to make Grant believe that the war is about over in the West when I think I have this nearly accomplished I shall ask him to let me go home. wouldnt that be taking the advantage of him?
But I fear that I have not only “teased” but very much wearied my very dear friend with too long a letter. So hoping to hear from you very soon and that this may find you in good health. I now bid thee my dearest friend “good night” sweet dreams.
as ever J. Moore
a goodnight kiss to dear Jennie
P.S. I cannot make this a complete secesh rig for want of an envelope but a union will do as that will finaly comprehend all anyhow—perhaps even some “little secesh” also. I’ll go now, goodbye—only for a very short while. J.M.
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria Aug 11th 1863
My Dearest Friend
Oh what joy it would be to gaze upon the face of one so dearly remembered. How my heart prays for that happy meeting. Sometimes that bright day looks so far away that I almost despair of ever seeing it realized. I do hope you can persuade Grant to leave you come home soon for what is the use of you staying now I think you have done your share in fighting. Is he generous enough to give your place to some one else just think of the many men now at home who are anxiously awaiting an opportunity to serve their country, but alas there is no place for them, for the very reason that you soldiers will persist in staying until peace be restored. Now I do think that very unkind and selfish surely all ought to have a chance to prove their love for their country by offering their life as a sacrifice. Now my very dear friend I trust you will think of this.
Poor boy, I can imagine how much you will miss Lieut McClanahan. I am real sorry for your sake that he resigned it must have been very pleasant to have a good companion one in whom you could trust. Well I think you will have to resign to. Oh how I wish you could.
Your dear welcome missive of the 28th ult came to hand on yesterday. I was just beginning to feel a little mite cross at you when nearly six weeks had passed and no answer to my letter of the 30th inst. But I had no idea of it taking such a journey. I shall now expect to hear from you very often, as you say you are not very busy. Now please dont forget.
Maggie and George left us on Saturday evening, it seems so lonely without them. I tried to persuade Maggie to stay all Summer but it was no use. Mr Currie went with them to Chicago to see Walter he was on his way home and was taken sick at the Sherman [The back page of this letter is illegible].
Josiah to Jennie
Vicksburg, Miss
August 14th, 1863
My dearest Jennie,
I hope that you are well this pleasant evening. I must tell you of the very happy surprise occasioned by you last dear epistle of the 24th ult. I rec’d it when about going to supper but not recognizing anything familiar in the outer style I put it, with some others, by, for a more convenient season, so supper being over, I sat down to look over my letters—several were opened and hastily glanced at, and then came one and it was opened in about the same indifferent manner as the others—But see the contents! There, is the dear familiar handwrite of a dearest friend—Could it be so? I expected a message from the dear one but such is a daily expectation—nor could I feel persuaded of the fact till I had seen the signature—when confidence was immediately restored and sweet joyous memories quickly recalled. Whether or not you intended such a ruse, I can assure you dear friend that you succeeded most admirably, but the humble subscriber has only to say in the words of the “Old Reader” “Try, Try again.”
Well dear Jennie I must congratulate you on being not “all alone” tho I presume that Maggie would not thank me for such a compliment since it is so much at her expense—I can almost imagine what times she and dear Jennie will have—each one beset on sportively plaguing the other, but tho Maggie may be as “mischievous as ever” yet I have no fears but what her more sedate and quiet sister will keep up her own side. “Smooth water” they say “runs deep”. Yet what a happy scene, the sweet mirthful and innocent asociation of two dear loving sisters? What more noble, more heavenly? And tho I may be deprived of the pleasure of being even a casual observer yet I rejoice to know that amid the carnage of war and ruins of society there still remain “unbroken ties”—sacred and undisturbed by the grim Destroyer and that the one ever dear to me is among that happy number.
Now Jennie please accept my thanks for your kind concern for my dear mother28—and if I am a “naughty-boy” I assure you it will be no fault of mine for I think I shall try and see the “dear loved one” even before the expiration of the “ten months”—only nine now but as yet dear friend I have no idea of how soon, of course I would not say for certain and then be compelled to disappoint my beloved lady—but I believe that I have never in all my life felt more lonsome than since the fall of this place. I constantly find my self wishing for the presence of one without whom life is only a dreary waste—spent without an object, but dear lady perhaps I should not presume too much. Yet I flatter my self that my regard for you has not been formed by the impulse of the moment, from a partial friendship it has grown stronger and stronger till thy presence seems as tho it would be happiness itself, and I have reason to believe that my dear friend has not been wholly indifferent to this high esteem, for O what a source of joy those dear missives have been—each seems to set forth the sweet and noble disposition of their beloved author, yes beloved, Jennie you have well said “blessed be letters.” Would that I could repay such noble worth “but I trust I shall shortly see thee and then we shall speak face to face.”
I was not a little surprised yesterday on calling on the 77th to hear that Andie had gone home. He had been to see me and said that he would come and stay a few days while Capt. Wilson was away on business but I presume the captain concluded to go home and take Andie along, so you will have the pleasure of seeing him again.
I hear some talk of our Div. going to Memphis but as yet nothing certain. My health is quite good and with my best wishers that this may find thee in joy and peace, I bid my beloved Jennie a kind goodnight.
As ever
J. Moore
P.S. With your pleasure, please remember me with sincere regard to my very kind host and hostess—George and Maggie, tell Maggie that I would not wish George to leave her only just as often as you would want her to come and see you, aint that fair? Please write soon, now goodbye sweet sleep pleasant dreams J.M.
After the near-constant skirmishing and anxiety of the campaign, Josiah acknowledged that this quiet period had aggravated his feelings of loneliness and his longing to return home. There is a noted absence in his letter of the vitriolic language Josiah used to describe his Rebel opponents after the death of John Stephenson. It could be that his deep sorrow over Stephenson’s death had subsided a bit over time. It is also quite possible that Josiah’s many interactions with Confederate soldiers made him see his enemies in an entirely different light. It was not uncommon for the hatred on both sides to ease after personal encounters. One Union soldier who had been captured in 1862 was amazed to learn that Confederates were as devoted to the same religious faith as he was. He said there was “nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers.” An officer of the 59th Illinois noted his surprise when “last night we heard one preacher preaching in the Rebel lines and another preaching in our lines” and realized the prayers and petitions were the same.
While in occupied Vicksburg, members of the 20th Illinois, the regiment that had created riots and drunken binges less than two years earlier, wrote that they attended the local Methodist church, “which was sometimes presided over by our Army Chaplain, and sometimes by their regular pastor, a southern man.” Even President Lincoln noted the same conundrum in 1862 when he noted, “Each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God.” However, the president did not let that fact weaken his resolve. “Both may be, and one must be, wrong. God cannot be for and against the same thing at the same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party.”29
Robert W. Rogers was a private in Company F of the 17th Illinois. This image was taken by Barr & Young, which is clearly stamped on the lower-front of the photograph. D. P. Barr and J. W. Young was one of the first photography companies to set up shop after the capture of Vicksburg. Author
The second paragraph of Josiah’s letter, in which he referred to the happy reunion of the two sisters, provides another indication of the war’s disparate impacts. While towns like Peoria remained physically unscathed, Josiah participated in the destruction that had created such misery for Vicksburg’s civilians.
Robert M. Campbell served as a corporal in Company F of the 17th Illinois, and later a captain in the 47th U.S. Colored Troops. This image was also taken by Barr and Young in Vicksburg. Author
Vicksburg, Miss
9 P.M. August 21/63
My Dearest Jennie,
I hope is well this evening. I just come to bid her “goodbye”—I hope for only a short time however.
Our Brig’d starts tomorrow on a ten days scout west of the Mississippi.
For several days I’ve looked anxiously for a dear message from my dearest friend but as yet none has come but I shall expect one on my return—I know my beloved friend will not disappoint me.
I shall not detain her longer for she begins to look sleepy I know she will excuse this abrupt interruption but I could not leave without a short call.
So while I’d gently steal away, those dear lips I’ll kiss and say—Goodnight my own dear Jennie.
Sweet sleep pleasant dreams and joy be ever thine is the bright hope of yours as ever.
J. Moore
Sanford A. Kingsbury was the chaplain of the 17th Illinois. This image was taken by Capitol Gallery in Springfield, Illinois. Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum
The “ten day scout” Josiah mentioned was an expedition under Brig. Gen. Stevenson to Monroe, Louisiana. Although Henry Bush of Company D mentioned taking part in the same reconnaissance, the Official Records do not list the 17th as a participant. This is likely the same expedition Grant authorized to go into the countryside and find former slaves who could be pressed into service as Union soldiers. In August 1863, Grant wrote to Lincoln that he gave the arming of blacks his “hearty support” and that, along with the Emancipation Proclamation, it was “the heaviest blow yet given the Confederacy.” That was an interesting statement coming from the man who captured Vicksburg—certainly a heavy blow against the Rebels—and a man who had once owned a slave. Given that he had freed his slave rather than sell him, it could be that Grant was ambivalent about the institution. A week after his letter to Lincoln, Grant wrote to his friend and political patron Elihu Washburne, a Congressman from Illinois: “Slavery is already dead and cannot be resurrected. I never was an Abolitionist, not even what could be called anti-slavery, but I try to judge farely & honestly and it become patent to my mind early in the rebellion that the North & South could never live at peace with each other except as one nation, and that without slavery.”30
As Grant came to the realization that emancipation was a weapon to “punish slaveholders, weaken the Confederacy and protect the Union from future internal strife,” so did more of his soldiers, and even those who held racist views. One conservative Democrat in a Missouri unit told his wife in December 1863 that it was pointless to debate emancipation because “slavery is already dead and buried.” As the war continued, the desire to end slavery grew among the men of the Yankee army. As occupiers in slaveholding areas, soldiers personally witnessed how the loss of slave labor affected the South’s ability to make war. The fall of Vicksburg alone sent tens of thousands of former slaves streaming into the city. One female plantation owner said her entire region became “almost depopulated of negroes.” Even in areas the Union armies had yet to reach, rumors of a Yankee presence had a striking impact on the slaves. They often slowed their work or ceased working altogether. Some slaves threatened their soon-to-be-former masters, knowing that Yankees and the promise of freedom were nearby. When one slave refused an order he simply said, “Mr Paxton, I want to tell you that that thing is played out.”31
An increase in religious feeling also swept through both Yankee and Confederate camps in the fall of 1863. In June, during the Vicksburg siege, Harold Penniman, the assistant surgeon of the 17th Illinois, observed a lack of notice paid to Sunday. “Sabbaths come and go unheeded, no difference; same cannonading, same duties, and all,” he complained. “It is a fact, that the blessed Sabbath has passed more than once, and I did not know it.” Now, perhaps due to the unprecedented death and destruction caused by the war, there was a significant surge in religious feeling among soldiers on both sides and in all theaters of operation. This movement came to be known as the “Great Revival of 1863.” In Northern camps, the fact that more soldiers had come to see slavery as a moral threat that “angered God” might have spurred the revival.32
For some soldiers, embracing religion could have been a way to push back against the amoral influences of army life, or a means of saving their souls after a campaign of killing, stealing, and destruction. A similar passion had swept army camps the previous fall and winter, so the explanation could simply be that soldiers alleviated the boredom of winter camp by turning to religion. However, combat seemed to make men more devout, and it was common for soldiers to credit God for keeping them safe.33
Other men remained immune to the Great Revival. Many scoffed at the need to observe the Sabbath or even recognize God. A member of the 8th Illinois wrote that he “couldn’t imagine the soul of a soldier who had died in the defense of his country being consigned to an orthodox hell.”34
Although combat seemed to make men more inclined to look to God, not all could find Him. One young soldier on his deathbed, encouraged by a chaplain to come to Jesus, moaned piteously, “He is not here, He is not here.” Nonetheless, those men who wanted to avail themselves of religious service could, although their less devout comrades might commence “gambling and cursing within earshot of a Sunday service.”35
The men also had to deal with the uneven quality of the military chaplains. The soldier gave many religious men high marks, particularly if they shared the deprivations of campaigning and followed the men into battle. Not all were held in such high regard. General George Meade, the curmudgeonly head of the Army of the Potomac, divided the army’s chaplains into two camps: those who “do nothing” and those who “make themselves obnoxious by interfering in matters they have no business with.” Even Penniman, the assistant surgeon of the 17th, grumbled about the regiment’s religious leaders. “The chaplains are of little account, and generally keep regimental post-offices; attend to such light duties, and, so far as I learn, are discouraged in endeavoring to reform abuses. Our regiment,” he added, “has had not chaplain for nearly a year. From all I can learn, his acquaintance had but little or no confidence in his piety.”36
Josiah made no mention in his letters of any revivalist events in the 17th’s camp, or anywhere else for that matter. It could be that Josiah, who received a leave to return home and was absent from late September 1863 until almost January 1864, simply missed these activities. However, it could also be that the spiritualism of the Great Revival never reached the 17th Illinois or surrounding units. In many camps, North and South, Sunday continued to be just another day.37
* * *
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria Sept 3rd 1863
My own dear Friend,
I’ve just come to answer your kind “good bye.” These two little words bring to my heart a feeling of loneliness. Somebody has gone. I know it must be so, yet I get very impatient sometimes because I cannot see thee.
I suppose you have returned ere this as your “ten days” had passed before I received your “good bye” of the 21st. I would I could hear of your coming in place of going. The time seems so long, to look forward to the next nine months O dear it seems like ages. It must not be so Surely dear friend thou canst “steal awhile away.”
We paid “Camp Mather” a visit on yesterday. The grounds are beginning to look like old times again they are making great preparation for the coming fair. While there the place recalled to my mind the happy past, and with the thought of the dreary present I could not help repeating Come again bright days of hope and pleasure gone.
Well dearest friend I see you are getting real sleepy so I’ll not tease the dear one any longer with a good night kiss I will say unto thee, my own dear friend farewell for a short time.
Jennie
Josiah was granted a 20-day leave to return home, effective September 28 through October 18. He stopped in Peoria first to visit Jennie and then took sick at some point soon thereafter. The illness prevented him from rejoining his regiment at the appointed time, and he was listed absent without leave from October 18 through December 24. While he was gone, the regiment participated on an expedition from Vicksburg to Monroe, Louisiana, and had a skirmish at Bogue Chitto Creek on October 17.38
It was typical for soldiers on leave to feel conflicted. Josiah clearly had a burning desire to get back to Peoria to see Jennie, and to travel home to see his family. However, as the man charged with overseeing the welfare of the men of Company F, he probably thought about them just as often and felt the pull to return to them.39
Josiah to Jennie
Galena Ills Oct. 12th 63
DeSoto House
My dearest Jennie,
As you see I’ve almost reached home but not quite able yet tho I expect to try in a few days. I reached here on the 7th inst after a severe trip of ten days during which I was sick all the time. This has been my first day to be up a little since my arrival but I think the fever is broken and I shall soon recover, I shall soon try and go home as the Dr thinks there is the best place to cure my voice.
I think I shall not be able to move round much before 2 weeks.
But dear Jennie I shall not detain you longer with my poor scrible at this time it is only to give some idea of my whereabouts and I hope to hear from you soon my address will be Hanover Ills for two weeks at least I think.
Hoping that this may find thee dearest friend in good health I bid thee a kind goodnight.
As ever yours,
J. Moore
P.S. Please write. J.M.
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria Oct 17th 1863
My Dearest Friend,
Never before had I been so anxious to hear from you as at the present time, so I need not tell you dear friend what relief your dear missive of the 12th inst brought to mind, although it gave me sorrow to hear of your long illness. I was so glad to know that you had a at last arrived so near home. I’ve been real unhappy ever since I received your letter of the 23rd ult. I was so afraid you would not be able to leave Vicksburg, but you are now with the dear ones at home and you know good care will add greatly to you recovery. Poor dear boy, you surely have had a hard time, but I hope all will soon be well again.
Andie leaves us on Monday next for Vicksburg. Although his health is very good I almost dread to see him leave for fear of his getting sick again. Yet I suppose I ought to remember, “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.” I think there are but few persons who keep this in mind, for it seems a part of human nature to honour trouble.
George paid us a short visit on Tuesday. He left us real provoked because I would’ent go home with him so he tried to get Mother to promise to let me spend the winter with them. They plead they are so lonesome it is so pleasant to be with all the dear ones so I scarcely know how to decide the question.
Well dearest friend I know you are tired of this scribble so I’ll not detain you any longer but may we not hope, my beloved friend to have you with us soon. We would try to take good care of our dear invalid wont you trust us? How I wish you would. Please let me hear from you soon, as I shall be very anxious about you. Hoping this may find thee in better health. I now bid my beloved friend a kind good night.
As ever yours,
Jennie
P.S. I think dear friend this poor little scribble hath great reason to cry out pardon, yet to well it knows it pleads its cause to a humane judge. Good bye J.E.L.
Josiah to Jennie
“Home” Hanover Ills.
Nov. 3rd 1863
My dear Jennie,
Another happy moment permits me to commune with the dear one; it seems like a long time since I wrote the last and still longer seems the time when I had hoped of laying aside this dull medium, but even the subjects of hope are sometimes disappointed.
I need not tell you how welcome your dear missive of the 17th ult. was. I rather fear that I proved a barrier to your “Chicago visit”—if so I am sorry that any persons should be disappointed on my account, since my wanderings are so uncertain at present; but I think George should be satisfied when he got one. What do you think Jennie?
Well dear lady you perhaps will think strange that I am keeping so quiet and that I’ve not been moving round—and I must say it is no fault of mine. It may be that I am lazy only such disposition never troubles me. But I’ve been having a renewal of my sickness. The fever returned worse than ever last week and tho broken now I feel not very brave. I am trying to march round some but think I’ve forgotten how tho I may learn. I cannot talk very much yet and hence you know I would be in a bad condition to wage war with the ladies, unless I could get some on my side.
I am in hopes however that as I get stronger my voice will improve. The drs can’t do much in such business.
I expected to be able to move ere this but it seems almost as distant as ever now. I would like if I could just go part of the way perhaps then I’d not be in such a hurry. I would almost like to comply with dear Jennie’s request but fear that my mother would not like to see a sick boy go away—well I can go when I’m well wont that do?
Hoping that this may find beloved Jennie in the enjoyment of good health surrounded by the love and friendship of good and dear friends.
I remain as ever
J. Moore
P.S. I think I shall not leave here before the last of next week or the 14th inst. A letter comes in 3 days so if convenient dear Jennie please write. O much oblige, Yours J.M.
While Josiah and Jennie exchanged letters during his illness, a story in the Peoria paper highlighted Senator Lindsay’s political difficulties. On November 3, the Daily Transcript took obvious delight in reporting on another exchange between former law partners Lindsay and Colonel Ingersoll. The senator was taking Ingersoll to task for abandoning democracy and going over to abolitionism. “Don’t talk to me about democracy,” retorted Ingersoll. “I was a democrat in 1856 when you was a Black Abolitionist. I was a democrat when you helped dress young ladies in black and put them in a procession to represent ‘Bleeding Kansas.’ If the Republican party ever had anything to do to bring on this war, you had your share in it, and no man is so contemptible as he who gets into a scrape and then runs away and abuses him for what he himself is guilty.” The Daily Transcript concluded, “Lindsay was silenced.”40
Ingersoll’s rebuke of Lindsay is a good example of the increasing disdain in which the members of the military held the Peace Democrats. Contempt for those who wanted “peace at any cost” united the men in the ranks, whether they were abolitionists, emancipationists, anti-black, or even longtime Democrats such as Ingersoll.41
In July 1863, New York City was rocked by violent uprisings over the implementation of the draft. Rioters burned, looted, and even killed, taking particular aim at the city’s black residents. New York was not an altogether unlikely site for such an event. The city had a high population of both poor and immigrants who adamantly opposed the draft, and its business leaders and elected officials remained concerned over the war’s impact on their commerce with the South. The violence of 1863 did not end until Union soldiers were brought into the city and fired volleys into the mobs. More than 300 people died in the strife.42
Far from being horrified at the government action, the army strongly supported the violent end to the riots. In the eyes of the soldiers, the rioters were traitors, not innocent citizens, and their actions helped prolong the war. When soldiers heard about people back home sowing seeds of discontent, they looked forward to delivering retribution to those who were hurting the war effort. Sometimes the presence of soldiers home on leave precipitated brawls, including an incident in Charleston, Illinois, in March 1864. Rather than apologize for these domestic skirmishes, the soldiers rationalized their behavior. They felt they were the ones who knew what was necessary to win the war, and they needed the full support of those at home.43
Compounding the distress over the “fire in the rear” were widespread reports of Copperhead-driven conspiracies in the North. One reported scheme involved an attempt to free Confederate prisoners in Illinois and arm them for an advance on the state government in Springfield. In Columbia County, Pennsylvania, a Union officer was shot to death when authorities moved against an area known as the “Fishing Creek Confederacy,” where it was believed deserters, Copperheads, and anti-abolitionists had congregated. The army rounded up more than 40 people, tried them, and then shipped them off to Fort Mifflin in Philadelphia. Certainly, many on the home front understood the soldiers’ frustration and attempted to offer support. A Methodist clergyman declared, “Those at the front kill rattle snakes, we at home must kill copperheads.”44
The Confederacy faced its own internal divisions. Pro-Union sentiment was strong in parts of Georgia, northern Alabama, and eastern Tennessee. The western counties of Virginia ultimately split off and formed the new state of West Virginia in 1863. A North Carolina trooper wrote to a friend in August 1863 and advised him to “get up a company and go to Raleigh” to kill the editor of the local newspaper because he had “come out in favor of the old union.” In Mississippi, Confederate veterans, deserters, and freed slaves in Jones County rose up in armed insurrection against the Confederate authorities, and even tried to create their own government. In general, though, government opposition was more sporadic and less organized there than that in the North, perhaps because the South lacked a political focus like the Peace Democrats. The presence of Union troops in large parts of the Confederacy also helped unify Southerners against a common threat.45
As the fall 1863 elections approached, the rank and file in the Union armies watched the political developments on the home front with some trepidation. They remembered well the Copperhead gains in 1862. Men who had never followed election campaigns began taking a keen interest in political affairs back home, particularly those from Ohio, where the infamous Clement Vallandigham was running for governor. When the election results showed a resounding defeat for the chief Copperhead, men from all states rejoiced. Ninety-five percent of Ohio’s military men voted for Vallandigham’s opponent.46
* * *
Jennie to Josiah
Peoria Nov 7th 1863
My Dear Friend,
As you say, I did indeed think it very strange not to hear from you. Sometimes I thought you might be coming soon therefore deferred writing. But when days numbered into weeks and still no words either verbal or written came to cheer the weary hours passed in uncertainty. I fear Hope had almost faded into doubt yet your dear missive of the 3rd inst chased all the clouds away and hope once again brightens the present.
This is such a beautiful day how I wish you were here to help me enjoy it remember dearest friend I am looking for such a pleasure soon now please dont disappoint me.
Sarah Currie left on Tuesday for Chicago. She intends staying with Maggie until the last of next week, that is if she dont get homesick.
Well dear friend the thought of talking with you soon almost puts to flight the idea of writing, yet I wanted to tell you to be sure and come next week. Do take good care of your self for somebody is very anxious to have the dear one well again. I will give you the news when we meet. Go with many kind wishes for thee, my dearest friend. I will say good bye.
I remain as ever yours,
Jennie E. Lindsay
Josiah to Jennie
“Home”, Hanover Ills Nov. 24th 1863
My Dear Jennie,
You will no doubt think strange that I still write from “Home”—but so it is—indeed it is a very pleasant place but I scarcely seem inclined to leave it, tho I think it realy seems high time. I have fixed on several times to move but disappointment that bane of earthly sorrows still denied the right.
I think, I can soon travel, now however, and I shall try to move a little. I am gaining strength pretty fast but my voice does not keep pace, tho it has improved some. I think this cold climate is not good for it. I must have a warmer.
Your dear letter of the 7th inst. came duly to hand and I could have replied sooner but at one time I thought to dispence with such reply, as I intended to leave this week but when the time came I had to travel to bed and hence my disappointment, so dear Jennie you will please excuse my delay.
If all is well I have now calculated on next week—tho I expect I shall go by way of Monmouth and perhaps spend a few days. I will write you again when I leave here.
If you were here now we might have a good sleigh-ride as quite a snow fell today, but of course it will be just as good at Peoria—indeed you may be even now enjoying its pleasures. But I must go to sleep and dream of more happy times—this is already tedious.
So dearest Jennie wishing you good health, happy dreams with sweet sleep, and in the joyous anticipation of an immediate and happy meeting I remain as ever Your affectionate friend
J. Moore
Josiah to Jennie
Cairo Ills
Dec. 20th 1863
My dear Jennie,
Having a little spare time I devote it to sending you a few lines ere I leave the pale of civilization, thos it is not long since it was my painful task to use those thrilling words “goodbye” yet I can scarcely think that they are past.
I reached the train in due time and took passage for Cairo, but had to stop at ElPasso till about night i.e. from noon. The day was pretty cold and you may be sure I [illegible] fell into the temptation of Lot,s wife—many a lingering look was cast toward the dear happy days of the past week when with the beloved one all seemed joyous as a [illegible]. I spent the night on the cars arriving here about 8 a.m. Saturday. I was much surprised to find no snow this of course recalled our sleighride—still there is a pretty sharp frost. You will ask why I am locating at Cairo. Well dear Jennie I might have gotten a more desirable place but so it is and I cant better it. Very few boats are now mooring. I do not expect one till evening. This makes “time fly” very slowly but I must make the best of it—last sabbath was unpleasant outside—how sadly are the times reversed. This is all sunshine without but dark and lonely within. I shall try however and live not so much in the present—i.e. only stay here.
I shall write again on reaching V—till then and ever, with sweet memories of the happy past and brighter anticipation of a brighter future, with the best wishes of a devoted and loving friend I again bid my beloved Jennie a kind adieu.
J. Moore
P.S. Please excuse a hasty scrible goodbye J.M.
Josiah finally rejoined his regiment on Christmas Day. Lieutenant Colonel Smith, writing to Major Peats who was back in Illinois on a recruiting mission, reported that Josiah’s health “is not good but much better than when you saw him.”47
One of the members of the 17th Illinois reported on how the men were faring with occupation duty. “Usual routine of camp duty and a small amount of drill intermixed is about all we have to do,” he said, although he did add, “Vicksburg is full of women now.”48
In his letter a year earlier on October 7, 1862, Josiah had informed Jennie, “Find enclosed a secesh letter I got it among some secesh baggage at Iuka.” On November 23, 1863, the Peoria Daily Transcript published a “secesh letter picked up by one of our boys.” It may well be that this letter, from a wife to her husband in the Confederate army, is the one Josiah mentioned. Even if it is not, it offers a fascinating, heartfelt glimpse into the suffering war also brings to the folks at home:
Seat yourself down to let you know that we hain’t had nothing to eat! The cows is got so they don’t give no milk. Since you and the three boys were conscripted I’ve had to see to everything. I have to go barefooted all the time. My feet is full of sores and splinters. I close by saying we are sick and hellish mad. I remain your slavish wife until death which hain’t fur off without a great change!
SS Tynne
PS I hain’t in humor to write.
PS How can I write when I hain’t got nothing to eat? Sis Boone is dead and I am glad of it.
1 Giambrone, Illustrated Guide to the Vicksburg Campaign, 89.
2 Shea and Winschel, Vicksburg is the Key, 170-173.
3 Woodworth, Nothing But Victory, 449;. Shea and Winschel, Vicksburg is the Key, 173-178; Frank Peats letter to wife, July 5, 1863.
4 Shea and Winschel, Vicksburg is the Key, 177.
5 Peats letter to wife, July 5, 1863; Gordon Cotton and Jeff Giambrone, Vicksburg and the War (Gretna, MS 2004) 153.
6 Shea and Winschel, Vicksburg is the Key, 178. The surrender not only ended the suffering of Vicksburg’s military garrison and the civilians but prevented more bloodshed among the Federals. If Pemberton refused the surrender terms, Grant was prepared to mount another frontal assault on the defenses on July 6. Woodworth, Nothing But Victory, 447.
7 The ten months are a reference to to the length of time Josiah had left in his three-year enlistment..
8 The Wide Awakes was an association of young Republican supporters who would march in oil cloths and carry torches. David Donald, Lincoln (New York, NY, 1995), 254.
9 Cotton and Giambrone, Vicksburg and the War, 105; Jones, The Rank and File at Vicksburg, 30.
10 Phil Rayburn, “Three Galesburg Men in the Civil War,” Www.thezephyronline.com/wellsbros.htm.
11 Winschel, Triumph and Defeat, 149; A sutler was a private contractor who traveled with the army and sold a wide variety of goods to the soldiers.
12 Jones, The Rank and File at Vicksburg. 30-31.
13 Woodworth, Nothing But Victory, 451.
14 Edwin C. Bearss, The Vicksburg Campaign: Unvexed To The Sea (Dayton, OH, 1985), 1296
15 From a memorial address given at Woodhull, Iowa by Josiah Moore on August 8, 1885. In collection of author; Woodworth, Nothing But Victory, 454.
16 Bearss, The Vicksburg Campaign, 1279; Grant, Personal Memoirs, 576; Jeff Giambrone, To Die By the Flag Rather Than Disgrace It, Black Mississippians in the Union Army, March 30, 2012 blog.
17 A reference to Robert E. Lee’s second invasion of the North. Following his victory against Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker at Chancellorsville, Virginia, in early May, Lee moved west into the Valley and then north into Pennsylvania. On June 28, Maj. Gen. George Gordon Meade replaced Hooker as commander of the Army of the Potomac. The two armies met for three days of battle (July 1 through July 3) at Gettysburg, where Meade repulsed Lee’s assaults and won the first clear cut, large-scale victory of the war in the Eastern Theater.
18 This was probably Henry Pressly, who had been killed the previous month in the collapsing trench.
19 Boatner, Civil War Dictionary, 331-339; Manning, What This Cruel War Was Over, 115; Rable, God’s Almost Chosen Peoples, 264-265.
20 Wiley, The Life of Billy Yank, 321-322; William T. Sherman, Personal Memoirs of William T. Sherman (New York, NY, 1890), 378.
21 Josiah was right. Port Hudson. The last Confederate strongpoint on the Mississippi River surrendered on July 9 after a real seven-week siege, the longest in American history. After Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and Gettysburg, people on both sides of the Mason Dixon Line began to realize the course of the war was turning decidedly in favor of the North. Shea and Winschel, Vicksburg is the Key, 203.
22 Josiah and his comrades had not yet received news that Lee had been defeated six days earlier at Gettysburg.
23 Military and pension records of Addison Norton in NARA.
24 Jennie’s reference to the “next ten months” was a response to the same term used in Josiah’s July 6 letter. It refers to the length of time he had left in his military service. Josiah’s three-year enlistment was scheduled to end in May 1864.
25 The “secesh relic” is the piece of very crude brown paper upon which the letter was written. This is likely something Josiah found after he entered Vicksburg.
26 Lieutenant William McClanahan was one of the Monmouth students who had joined the company at its formation. After William’s father, John McClanahan, had been mortally wounded earlier in the year at Fort Donelson, William resigned on July 24, 1863, to return home and assist his family. He would reenlist in May 1864 and commissioned captain of Company A, 138th Illinois Infantry. Monmouth College, Oracle, 39. Company F suffered both Lieutenant McClanahan’s resignation that July and its last wartime death. William Voris, the man who had attempted to steady the skittish men of the 53rd Ohio at the battle of Shiloh, died of disease at the Union hospital at Milliken’s Bend. Duncan, Company log; Military records of William Voris in NARA.
27 Occupation duty had its own perils. On July 25, John Rook, a soldier in the 17th’s Company A, was killed by the accidental explosion of a shell while serving on outpost duty. Military service file of John Rook, NARA.
28 Josiah’s reference to Jennie’s concern for his mother is likely related to the death of Josiah’s father on August 10, 1863. Josiah was unable to return home for the funeral.
29 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 199, 200.
30 Diary of Henry Bush, Co. D 17th Illinois, Regimental files F-278, Vicksburg National Military Park; Simpson, The Civil War: The Third Year, 488, 500-501.
31 Gallagher, The Union War, 2, 143; Levine, The Fall of the House of Dixie, 155-158.
32 Blaisdell, Civil War Letters, 130; Manning, What This Cruel Was Over, 119.
33 Woodworth, While God Is Marching On, 190, 193, 196-197, 214; Rable, God’s Almost Chosen People, 306.
34 Ibid., 189, 259.
35 Ibid., 176, 204-207. Woodworth, While God Is Marching On, 182, 190.
36 Woodworth, While God Is Marching On, 154-158; Rable, God’s Almost Chosen Peoples, 118; Blaisdell, Civil War Letters, 128.
37 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 188.
38 Dyer, Compendium, 783.
39 James McPherson, For Cause and Comrades, 87.
40 Peoria Daily Transcript, November 3, 1863.
41 Ramold, Across the Divide, 115.
42 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 609-611; Stashower, The Hour of Peril, 203; Adams, Living Hell, 32.
43 Ramold, Across the Divide, 12, 15, 128-134, 140-141.
44 Ibid., 131; Jonathan W. White, Remembering the Fishing Creek Confederacy, Pennsylvania Heritage Magazine, (Summer 2014), 6-13; Rable, God’s Almost Chosen Peoples, 231, 232.
45 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 297-304; Sally Jenkins and John Stauffer, The State of Jones: The Small Southern County That Seceded From The Confederacy (New York, NY 2010), 2-5. Letter from A. A. Bethune to G. W. Graham, August 12, 1863. Used with permission of Mary E. Stuart Perrin.
46 Ramold, Across the Divide, 136-137, 143-146; Weber, Copperheads, 121.
47 Letter from Lt. Colonel Frank Smith to Frank Peats, February 2, 1864. Peats collection.
48 Letter from Wes Hull to Frank Peats, December 13, 1863. Peats collection.