CHAPTER VI 1815–1817

London — Little Ealing

[May 1815]

25. V. London. We breakfasted this morning at six, and at Seven left Dover with two Post-Chaises, Mrs. Adams and myself in one — Lucy and Charles in the other. ≈ The face of the Country from Dover to London was quite familiar to me — I had travelled the whole way twice, and the greater part of it, many times. Although eighteen years have elapsed since I was last in England, its outward appearance remains much the same, and the ride from Dover to London is one of those which present the Country in its most favourable light. — We met on the road a regiment of soldiers marching to Dover, to embark for Flanders; many beggars, and families of apparent paupers wandering about the Country without shed or shelter — The Cities have all the show of prosperity, but with an extraordinary proportion of Cards upon the houses advertising them for sale. ≈ We stopp’d at the Green-Man, Blackheath, at the six Mile Stone, and found there Mr. Williams, one of Mr. Beasley’s Clerks, with a Letter from him, informing me that he had taken lodgings for me, at N. 67 Harley-Street, Cavendish Square, and that we should find there our two eldest Sons, George, and John, who had just arrived from America — Mr. Beasley added that he lived in the same Street, and invited us to dine with him at half past six O’Clock — It was seven however when we received the Note, and eight when we arrived at our lodgings in London. We found our dear sons whom we had not seen for nearly six years — George grown almost out of our knowledge — John yet small for his age. Mr. Sam’l G. Perkins, in whose care they came from America, and Mr. Todd were at the door when we alighted, and promised to call to-morrow Morning — Mr. Beasley, shortly afterwards came in — Mr. Crawford had left the same lodgings last Monday, and our sons came into them the next day. Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Clay, as I expected, are in London — Mr. Bayard, at Plymouth, on board the Neptune; and so ill that he cannot be landed — Mrs. Adams was so much overcome by the fatigue of the Journey, following so immediately upon the Sea-sickness of the Voyage, and by the agitation of meeting so unexpectedly her long absent children, that she was obliged to retire, and twice fainted — She was relieved by a warm bath. There are public baths in the house where we lodge — My Sons gave me many Letters from my father, mother, and other friends, which engaged me until after Midnight.

29. VI. Lord Castlereagh had appointed eleven O’Clock this morning, for me to see him at his house, in St. James’s Square — After waiting nearly an hour beyond that time for my Carriage, I took a Hackney Coach and went there — The Duke of Orleans was with him, and I waited about another half hour before he received me. I gave him a copy of my Letter of Credence to the Prince Regent, upon which he said that he would take the Orders of His Royal Highness as to the time when he would receive it. There was some general Conversation upon the subject of the concerns mutually interesting to the two Nations. I assured him of the disposition on the part of the American Government to perform, with the utmost fidelity all their engagements contracted in the late Treaty of Peace, and to adopt every other measure calculated to consolidate the friendship, and to promote the Harmony between the two Countries.

[June 1815]

1. VI:30. Having risen earlier than heretofore since our arrival in London, I was able to write an hour or two this morning, and began the attempt to retrieve the arrears of this Journal — They have run from the day of our sailing from Havre; and I am apprehensive will be slowly brought up. I paid visits to Baron Jacobi the Prussian, and Baron Rehausen the Swedish Ministers, and at Mr. Goulburn’s. Neither of them was at home, but I saw Mrs. Goulburn — We also received visits from Mr. & Mrs. W. Vaughan, and from Mr. Grubb — I dined at Earl Grey’s — The invitation was for half past six O’Clock — I went at Seven, and found Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin just there. We were the first of the Company — Lord Rosslyn, Sir James and Lady Mackintosh, Sir John Newport, Mr. Horner, Mr. Kinnaird, and a Mrs. Clements were of the party. The Ladies withdrew after dinner, but the men sat not more than half an hour after they were gone — The Conversation was partly about Buonaparte, and partly about the business before Parliament. Lord Grey said something to me about America, and strongly expressed his hopes that we should continue on terms of friendship with this Country. But with regard to the impressment of Seamen, he spoke like other English Statesmen — It was between eleven and twelve O’Clock when I came home.

7. VI. Immediately after Breakfast this Morning, I called upon Count Lieven the Russian Ambassador, to enquire into the diplomatic forms and usages of the Court, of which he gave me the information that was necessary for me. Before two O’Clock I called upon Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Clay, and we went to the Office for trade — We found there, Mr. Frederic John Robinson, the Vice President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Goulburn, and Dr. Adams, who produced to us a Commission authorizing them to negotiate with us on the subject — On reading over this Commission there were in its recital of our authority to treat, two mistakes, one of which was noticed by Mr. Clay, and the other by me — The first was merely in the arrangement of our names, those of Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin being placed before mine — This was immaterial, and Mr. Gallatin remarked that in the British full-power for treating with us for Peace, in the recital of our power, his name had been placed first. The other mistake, I observed was more material — It recited our powers as having been given by the President of the United States with the consent of the Senate and House of Representatives. I referred to our Constitution, by which appointments are made by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, without the co-operation of the House of Representatives. Mr. Robinson said that the form had been copied from that of the Negotiation with Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney. Dr. Adams said that it was not material — It was the mere recital of our Powers, and was no more than if in our recital of theirs it was stated that they had been appointed with the approbation and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament — Mr. Goulburn said it would however be as well to make a minute of it, which he did. ≈

8. VII:30. The assistant Master of the Ceremonies, Robert Chester Esq’r. called upon me this Morning, and gave me the information, concerning the forms, and usages of Court presentations, for which I had yesterday enquired of Count Lieven. Mr. Chester’s report was however different in some particulars from that of the Count ≈ He promised to come again at a quarter past One O’Clock, and accompany me to Carleton-house; which he accordingly did ≈ It was almost three when the Prince Regent began to give private Audiences — The first was to Lord Grenville, who as Chancellor of the University of Oxford presented to him a Book containing an Account of the visit of the allied Sovereigns there last Summer. The second was to me — Lord Castlereagh, as the Minister of foreign Affairs introduced me into the Prince’s closet, where he stood alone; and as I approached him, speaking first, said, “Mr. Adams, I am happy to see you.” — I said — “Sir, I am directed by the President of the United States to deliver to your Royal Highness this Letter; and in presenting it, I fulfil the commands of my Government, when I express the hope, that it will be received as a token, of the earnest desire of that Government, not only faithfully and punctually to fulfil all its engagements contracted with that of Great Britain, but for the adoption of every other measure, that may tend to consolidate the Peace and Friendship, and to promote the harmony between the two Nations” — The Prince took the Letter, and without opening it, delivered it immediately to Lord Castle­reagh; and said in answer to me, that the United-States might rely with the fullest assurance upon his determination to fulfil on the part of Great-Britain, all the engagements with the United States — He then asked me if I was related to Mr. Adams, who had formerly been the Minister from the United States here — I said I was his Son. He enquired whether I had ever been before in England? — I had — with a public mission? — Once, with a special Mission during the absence of the Minister then accredited here — He said he had known two of the former Ministers of the United States here, who were Mr. Pinckney, and Mr. Rufus King — very gentlemanly Men — Mr. King was very much of a gentleman. — Where was Mr. Pinckney now. I said there had been two Mr. Pinckney’s here as Ministers from the United States — Ah! said he — but I mean the Mr. Pinckney who was here before Mr. King — I said he was now a General in the Army — In the Army? said he. I did not know that — Had he ever been in the army before? — I said he had — and where is Mr. King? — I said he was now a member of the Senate of the United States. — And, how did you like living there, at Bruxelles, said the Prince — Your Royal Highness probably means Ghent, said I — Ay! Ghent! so it was, said he — and how did you like Ghent? — I said we liked it very much for the result of what was done there — Oh! Yes! said he, but I mean did you find any Society there? — I said we had found Society — That Ghent was a very antient and venerable City, with proud recollections — That its inhabitants thought and talked much of Charles the fifth, and that it was now illustrated again as the Residence where a great Sovereign holds his Court. — Ay! said the Prince; there are a number of those great Old Cities there — Lord Castlereagh commented in a few words, upon the large Cities and the populousness of the Netherlands; and we then withdrew from the Prince’s Closet. ≈ Mrs. Adams and I dined at Lord Carysfort’s, where we met Earl and Lady Fortescue, Lord and Lady King, Mr. Thomas Grenville, Lord Proby, and Lord Carysfort’s three daughters, neither of whom is yet married — Lady Fortescue is Lady Carysfort’s Sister, and Lady King is a daughter of Lord Fortescue — I should not have recognized Mr. Thomas Grenville, nor did he recollect me, although we were well acquainted with each other at Berlin — After dinner there was a numerous party of both sexes who came, but there were no cards — Sir Humphrey Davy, who has very lately returned from Italy, talked much upon his travels there; much upon agriculture and farming; much upon the Art of Sculpture and the Laocoon and the Venus, and much upon his own chemical discoveries — If Modesty is an inseparable companion of Genius, Sir Humphrey is a prodigy — Lord King and Lord Fortescue went down to the House of Peers, to give their votes upon the Catholic question, which was discussing there — Lord Carysfort had given his proxy to the Marquis of Buckingham — Lord King returned, having found the question decided — I had some conversation with him on the prospects of War in Europe — He told me he believed Napoleon would beat them all — in which opinion I did not concur. It was about 12 at Night when we came home.

11. V:45. ≈ I called this morning upon Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin — At seven in the Evening I went and took up Mr. Todd at his lodgings at the Blenheim Hotel, and we went and dined at Lord Castlereagh’s — Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin were of the Company — As were the Earl of Liverpool, first Lord of the Treasury, Earl of Westmorland, Lord Privy-Seal, the Marquis of Camden, Mr. Wellesley-Pole, Mess’rs Robinson, Goulburn, Adams, Bagot, Planta (Lord Castlereagh’s Private Secretary) Morier, Hamilton, and some others — There were no Ladies — Lord Castlereagh treated us with the politest attention — He seated me at his right hand, and Mr. Clay at his left. Lord Westmorland was at my Right — Lord Liverpool between Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin — The Conversation at table was here as every where else about Napoleon. Lord Castlereagh had a miniature picture of him on a snuff-box, which he said he had bought of Isabey at Vienna — It was the general opinion of all the Noble Lords present that Napoleon would shortly take refuge in America; for as to another Island of Elba, that was out of the question. That experiment would not be tried a second time — Lord Castlereagh spoke of him with studious moderation — Said he thought his speech to the Legislative Assembly this day received was a very good speech — That it noticed in moderate terms the late capture of a French frigate in the Mediterranean; but pretended that it was hostility in time of Peace — He said that last year at the time of the Fontainebleau Treaty Buonaparte had expressed the wish of coming to England, to which he, Lord Castlereagh had objected, as he could not have been answerable for the safety of his person here — That while he was going from Fontainebleau to embark for Elba, he had been at several places in great personal danger from the honest indignation of the People; but he Lord Castlereagh had much rather that he should have come back and be as he now is, than that he should have lost his life, while under the protection of the allies — Lord Castlereagh said he had never seen him, though he had felt a curiosity to see him; but the only opportunity that he had ever had for it was at the time of the Treaty of Fontaine­bleau, and then he had abstained, from delicacy.

22. V:15. Shortly after rising this Morning I received a Note from Lord Castlereagh’s Office announcing the splendid and complete victory of the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher, over the French Army commanded by Buonaparte in person, on Sunday last the 18th. In the course of the day, I received from the same Office two copies of the Gazette Extraordinary, containing the Duke of Wellington’s dispatch of the 19th. ≈ After dinner Mrs. Adams rode out with the Children — I took a walk in Hyde Park, and was overtaken by a shower of rain, which hastened me home.

[July 1815]

2. VI:30. I took a warm bath, in the house on rising this Morning, and then postponed the usual writing of my Journal, to prepare the draft, for our copy of the Treaty. The changes in the order of the parties were in the Preamble, in the first, second, and fifth Articles — I made the draft of them myself, and gave them to Mr. Grubb, to be copied, with the draft received from the British Plenipotentiaries — He called between ten and eleven, and I requested him to have the fair copy made out, and to bring it to me at the latest by eleven O’Clock to-morrow Morning. While he was with me, Mr. George Joy came in, and after Mr. Grubb went away, remained about two hours here in Conversation — As my opinions differ much from those of Mr. Joy, and as I am by nature impatient of contradiction I permitted this Conversation to become too warm on my part — It was interrupted by the coming of Mr. Clay, soon after which Mr. Joy withdrew. I shewed Mr. Clay the note received with the Draft of the Treaty yesterday, from the British Plenipotentiaries — In this Draft I told him, they had placed the marks for the Seals (L.S.) three and three in parallel lines by which it appeared that they meant to accede to our proposal as to the order of the signatures — They had also named the British Government and Plenipotentiaries first in the Preamble and throughout the Treaty, which was right for their copy — But at the close they had put, done in Duplicate, which was improper as the Counterparts of a Treaty are never called duplicates, and which might be, for the sake of insisting that there should be no variation between the two Copies — I had however directed that our Copy should be made out taking the alternative throughout the whole Treaty; always naming the American Government and Plenipotentiaries first, but without any change either of substance or in the words. ≈ I then shewed Mr. Clay the Instructions from the Department of State to me of 13 March — He said he thought it a matter of no consequence — That Mr. Monroe’s argument in the dispatch was a bad one — It was no good reason why we should make a point of such a formality because the European Powers thought it so important — For the most insignificant Powers, such as Spain, for instance, were those that insisted most upon these punctilios — I said this was a point to which all the European Powers always adhered — That I had always regretted that the United States had ever admitted a variation from it — That I had mentioned it to Mr. Gallatin at Ghent, and had then forborne to make a point of it, only because we had no Instruction to warrant us in so doing, and because I thought all the Precedents of our Treaties were the other way — This conversation on both sides was perfectly temperate, and good-humoured; and Mr. Clay left me — Within half an hour after, Mr. Gallatin came in — He shewed me a Note that he had written this morning to Mr. Robinson, requesting, that the term Convention might be inserted instead of the term Treaty, so that the American Plenipotentiaries jointly, or I as one of them, might be at liberty to bring forward the other objects of discussion, which we had agreed for the present to postpone — He also shewed me the draft of the dispatch to the Secretary of State, to go with the Treaty; and in which he had made all the alterations that I had proposed — It was a sort of argument in favour of the Treaty which I had requested him to omit, for two reasons — one because if the Treaty was a good one, it needed no argument from us to prove its merits; and the other that in assigning our motives for admitting objectionable parts we referred to circumstances which it would be unnecessary to make known here; which they would be if the dispatch should be published. Mr. Gallatin had made the alterations accordingly, though he said they never published the dispatches, when the Negotiation succeeded — I then told him that I had given the Treaty to be copied, and had taken the alternative throughout the whole Instrument — Upon which he said in a peremptory and somewhat petulant manner — “Oh! that is entirely wrong — it will throw the whole business into confusion — Why, you yourself said yesterday it was not necessary in the body of the Treaty” — I said I had observed that it was not so material, in the body of the Treaty — but if the British Plenipotentiaries gave up the point in the Preamble and ratifying clause it was impossible that they should object to the admission of the same principle in the body of the Treaty — I then shewed him the copy of the Treaty of Paris, which I have; printed in France, and in which the King of France is first named in the first Article as well as in the Preamble — He was yet however not satisfied, and asked me if I had told Mr. Clay, of the directions I had given for making out our fair copy, and what Mr. Clay had said to it — I told him that I had — That Mr. Clay disapproved the directions that I had given, as he did, and thought the whole point of no importance — Mr. Gallatin then said that I must give the transcriber orders to make out the copy, without any alteration in the body of the Treaty — which I peremptorily refused; and added in a heated and angry manner: “Mr. Gallatin, you and Mr. Clay may do as you please, but I will not sign the Treaty, without the alternative, observed throughout” — “Now don’t fly off in this manner,” said Mr. Gallatin — Indeed Sir, said I, I will not sign the Treaty in any other form — I am so far from thinking with Mr. Clay that it is of no importance that I think it by much the most important thing that we shall obtain by this Treaty — The Treaty itself I very much dislike, and it is only out of deference to you and Mr. Clay that I consent to sign it at-all — I should infinitely prefer to sign no Treaty at-all, being perfectly convinced that we obtain nothing by it, but what we should obtain by the regulations of this Government, without it — Mr. Gallatin said that was entirely a different ground, which I admitted to be true. ≈

3. VI:30. ≈ It was now twelve O’Clock, and we had agreed to meet the British Plenipotentiaries at half past eleven. I went down with Mr. Gallatin in his Carriage — Mr. Clay whom we overtook in Cavendish Square followed us — At the board of Trade we found only Mr. Robinson. He told Mr. Gallatin that they agreed to substitute the term Convention instead of that of Treaty ≈ Mr. Robinson took our Copy as made out by my direction — I took and read the British Copy — Not a word of objection was made by the British Plenipotentiaries to any of the transpositions in our Copy — There were in the British Copy several errors in the Copy — Mr. Ellis the Clerk who had made it out was called in, and made the corrections as the errors were noticed — Our copy was correct having been previously collated by Mr. Grubb and me this morning — The two copies were then signed and sealed by the Plenipotentiaries on both sides. The three signatures on each side in succession — and those of the two Parties on a line. The American signatures and Seals being first in our Copy — And the British Signatures and Seals first in the British Copy.

10. VI. ≈ Mr. Wilberforce paid me a visit, and expressed to me his high satisfaction at the restoration of Peace between our two Countries — He spoke about an abusive Article in the quarterly Review against America, concerning which he had received from America, letters from two Gentlemen, one of them enclosing an Answer to it which he had not had time to read. He found the Article was ascribed to Mr. Canning; he thought erroneously; and he should write to Canning about it — I said the Review was represented as being under the Patronage of Mr. Canning — but the Article, in two pamphlets answering it, which I had received from America, was ascribed to Mr. Southey, who had however denied being the author of it, in a Letter, published in a late Courier. I explained to Mr. Wilberforce the manner in which the friends of Great-Britain in America were affected, by such publications as that Article in the Quarterly Review — He said that he lamented it — but that those were not the general sentiments of this Nation, and that the Quarterly Review itself was a work of limited Circulation — Much more limited than that of the Edinburgh Review — I had Conversation with Mr. Wilberforce upon various other topics, and proposed to call upon him; but he said he was going into the Country for the Summer — The day was thus consumed until half an hour before dinner time; when I took a short walk; and a longer one after dinner with my three sons in the Regent’s Park.

11. VI:15. The forty-eighth year of my life has closed; and I this day enter upon the forty-ninth. It has in relation to Public Affairs been the most important year of my Life, and in my private and domestic relations one of the most happy years. May I be duly sensible of the hand from which the blessings have flowed; duly humble in prosperity, duly prepared for adversity, and enabled more fully and faithfully to discharge all my duties than I have been hitherto. ≈

12. V:45. ≈ I went to the House of Lords, and was there at a quarter before two ≈ I came home about three, and wrote until dinner time — In the Evening we rode to Kensington Garden, and left the Boys to play bat and Ball in the Park while we walked round the Garden — The walk was so much longer than we had expected, that Mrs. Adams was excessively fatigued, when we got back.

[August 1815]

10. V:45. I received this Morning a number of Letters, and in the course of the day wrote several short ones — Read with George and examined his Latin Translations — Returned the visit of Col’l Clitherow, which he made while I was in town, on Monday — Saw the Col’l, Mrs. Clitherow his Lady, and Miss Clitherow his Sister. They were all, and particularly the Col’l very much occupied — I made my visit short — Afterwards I took George with me, and went to Dr. Nicholas’s School, and saw John and Charles. The Dr. left them with me, and I found them both greatly discontented. They have never before been accustomed to the restraints of an English School; and both of them have been several Months released from all study, so that a return to it is irksome. They complain that the school is excessively numerous, and that they can learn Nothing — I did not however discover that there was any solid ground of complaint — We took a short Evening walk.

20. VI. Mr. Grubb left us this morning after breakfast and returned to town. I received a Letter from Mr. Bagot, to communicate the postponement of his departure for the United States — We all went to Church, and heard a Charity Sermon, preached by a Dr. Crane, before the Duke of Kent, for the benefit of the Charity School in the Parish of Ealing. The boys were catechised by the junior Parson of the Parish — Dr. Carr was not there — The text was from Hebrews xiii. 16 — “But to do good and to communicate forget not: for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.” The Sermon was tolerably well written, and very indifferently read. Though a Charity Sermon, it was not free from the tinge of an uncharitable Spirit — For among the excellences of the Institution for which the preacher was begging he did not fail to enumerate its tendency to preserve the boys, from the infection of methodism, or dissent from that most excellent, and perfect Church — the Church of England. There is something in the dress, in the gait, in the deportment, in the expression of countenance, and above all in the eye, of these Clergymen of the most excellent Church, that imports arrogance, intolerance and all that is the reverse of Christian humility — They will quote the words of the Publican with the tone of the Pharisee, and say God be merciful to me a Sinner, with an air as if they meant to take the kingdom of Heaven by violence — In this Church there is inscribed in gilded characters on the Pannels of the Gallery pews, all the donations for more than two Centuries, made to the Church or to the Parish, for charitable purposes — This is an excellent practice; well deserving of imitation — It is at once a testimony of gratitude for benefits received, and an excitement to others to like charitable deeds. — After Church we took a ride over Castlebar Hill, where the Duke of Kent resides, and on returning, I alighted with George, and walked home. I spent the remainder of the morning, in finishing the Journal of last Wednesday, which has occupied me two or three days, and in bringing up the arrears to this day. I was not in a disposition for close application. The dissipation of a day of entertainment always encroaches upon the Industry of the next day. I walked with George again after dinner; and Mrs. Adams, took John and Charles back to Dr. Nicholas’s School.

26. V:30. At seven, the Coachman came with the Curricle, and I returned home to Ealing, to Breakfast. But as I have not acquired the faculty after a day of dissipation of settling my Spirits down to a steady occupation, this day was in a great measure wasted — I wrote scarcely any thing. I paid a visit to General Dumouriez, who is almost my next door neighbour, and returned to him the Letters which were left with me about a fortnight since, with several Letters from the Post-Office. The Letters had given me some insight into the views and present situation of the man, and I had now a long conversation with him which gave me more — Dumouriez was at one time an important personage in the world — It is now more than twenty years since he was obliged to fly from the army which he had led to victory, and seek refuge among the enemies whom he had vanquished — He is now seventy five years of age, burning with ambition to return to France, and recommence a Career, in which by a confession more true than sincere, in one of the letters he said he had done nothing but de brillantes sottises. The uneradicable vices of his character are Vanity, Levity and Insincerity — They are conspicuous in his writings and were not less remarkable in his Conversation with me — Like all vain people his greatest delight is to talk of himself. He told me that he had been twelve years in the service of this Country — That he had first been sent for, to assist in a plan of defence for this Country against a French invasion — He had made his bargain with the British Government — They had offered him terms which he had accepted, and he lived upon them, comfortably, though not in opulence.

[October 1815]

10. V. As the Clock struck I left my bed. I am half an hour dressing, and at half past five I roused George — At six he began his French reading, which takes from half to three quarters of an hour — He has a mile to walk to School, and must be there at seven O’Clock. After writing a Letter to Mr. Russell at Stockholm, I called and paid a visit to General Dumouriez. He began by asking me, if we were quarreling again with England, and asked what they meant by their proceedings with the Creek Indians — I said that one of their officers had been endeavouring to make mischief, by a pretended Treaty offensive and defensive with the Creek Indians; but that the Government here had disavowed his conduct to me — He asked if it was not such a disavowal, as that of 1755. I said that was what I could not tell — He thought we should not be long without another War with England; and that there would soon be a separation of the United States. As our population increased he said, with such an immense territory, it would be too large for one Government — I said that as our Government is federative, I did not see any necessity for a separation, which would be contrary to the interests of us all. He said that mankind seldom pursued the system of their interest, and he thought our Union could not hold together long. He also thought we should soon be encroaching upon the Mines of New Mexico; and asked something about our establishment on the Columbia River. He spoke also of Canada, and the danger of the British possessions in North America, by their vicinity to the United States — Of the fur trade, and the diminution of the Indian hunting grounds. On all these Subjects he had some information; but it was all partial, and such as he had apparently imbibed from those with whom he converses concerning them here. In combating his prejudices, I did not expect to alter his opinions; nor would it that I know, have been of any use if it had.

13. V. ≈ I have purchased a pair of Pistols, for George and John to learn the practice of firing them; of their fencing Master, Mr. Barberi — As a trial of them was to be made, I chose rather to make it myself than that it should be made by either of them — Barberi had been running some balls, for them — I asked him to load the Pistols, and said I would fire one of them myself. He mistook the quantity of the powder, and put in a full double charge — I fired the pistol at a tree in the Garden, at twenty paces distant, but did not hit it — The pistol flew out of my hand, and fell at least ten feet distant from me in a diagonal line to my left, and backwards. It wounded my hand and fingers in four places. A lesson of Caution for the children in the use of the Pistols which I hope will not be lost. ≈

14. — V. On the fourteenth of November after the interval of an entire month, I am for the first time enabled to resume the pen. My whole course of life has been changed, and I am yet uncertain how far I shall be able to return to my occupations. Mrs. Adams has kept short minutes of the occurrences from day to day, from which I shall endeavour to preserve unbroken the chain of this journal. One of the wounds in my hand, festered in the Night, and was this morning quite sore. I wrote a few lines, but the principal hurt is on the fore finger of the right hand; and I must consequently drop the pen for some time.

23. V:30. Mr. Grubb and his Son, spent the Night here, and returned to London early this Morning — The weather was so bad the whole day, that I only found half an hour before dinner to walk as far as Brentford — I read in the Light of Nature all day — Finished the second, and began upon the third Volume. The incessant reading to which by losing the use of my right hand I have been reduced, has produced an inflammation in my left eye, which was noticed the day before yesterday by my wife, but to which I have myself paid no attention, until this Evening on going to bed I observed that it was considerably blood-shod. My hand has been slowly healing, and I expected to have been able to recommence to-morrow my ordinary course of occupations, and to have employed the usual portion of my time in writing. — Oh! blindness to the future!

25. George’s reading is necessarily suspended — I had a Night entirely sleepless; the inflammation and swelling of my eye continuing to increase, attended with severe and almost continual pain — This morning I could scarcely open the eye, and could not bear the light of day upon it — I was still in bed when Dr. Cook called here, about ten in the Morning — He expressed his opinion that it was the Egyptian Opthalmia, with a purulent discharge of acrimonious matter, and intimated the opinion that the vision itself was in imminent danger. I had better hopes, and told him that I had once before, between five and six years since had a very similar attack, the course of which I described to him — He still adhered to his opinion, and advised an immediate application of leaches — He said however that he wished me not to be alarmed. I was however so averse to the use of leaches that he consented to wait a day or two longer to see if the inflammation would not subside without them. We tried the effect of physic, diet, or rather almost total abstinence; a hot foot-bath, and elder flower tea.

[November 1815]

10. ≈ Dr. Cook paid me his last visit for the present. I am to cease henceforth the use of medecines, and only to wash my eyes often with the Collyrium; and to return gradually to my customary diet — After eighteen days of confinement from walking in the open air, I this day took a walk for a quarter of an hour in the garden, wearing a pair of green eye glasses, and a green silk shade over them — Afterwards I rode out with Mrs. Adams and John — We went over Kew Bridge, to Richmond Hill, and through the Park — Mrs. Adams finished writing for me, the Letter to my Mother, begun last Tuesday — Continued also the minutes for the Journal, down to last Evening — George recites to me, every Evening, fifty lines of Homer.

[December 1815]

18. VI. ≈ At the Office I found Letters from William Parry, Thomas Cook of Georgetown, J. S. Cogdell of South Carolina, and Mr. Maury — Parry is a manufacturer of fire-arms or Ordinance, who has been to me several times and who wants to go to America. He is, or fancies himself, a great inventor or improver, and has written several volumes about gunnery, and the composition of Gunpowder, which he wishes the American Government to buy — He is moreover like all the other disappointed projectors, who have come to me in this Country a malcontent and a republican. I have been much upon the reserve with them all. This man however found out Commodore Barney when he was here, who as he says promised to recommend him to the Government. He now sends me a letter for the Commodore, with a box containing the four important volumes of manuscript, to be forwarded to him, and by him to the City of Washington — The Letter to me is merely to request me to transmit them, which I some time ago promised Parry that I would. Mr. Cook’s letter, enclosed one for my wife, and one for Mr. Murdoch, which I sent him by the two-Penny Post. The purport of them all was to inform us of the Death of our friend and brother in Law, Mr. Walter Hellen, of the City of Washington — He had been many years in a very infirm state of health, most of the time confined to his house, and scarcely expected to live from week to week. He had successively married Nancy and Adelaide Johnson, the eldest and the youngest sister of my wife; the latter of whom survives him; with one daughter of her own, and three children of the first wife. ≈ In our walk into the City this day, I was struck with the Gaz-lights which are introduced in the Streets, and most of the shops in the neighbourhood of the Mansion House — They are remarkably brilliant, and shed a light almost too dazzling for my eyes — They are also attended with an inconvenience of offensive smell, which I thought perceptible even in the Streets — and they are thought to be unhealthy. For lighting Streets however and open places, it is probable they will supersede the use of Oil.

[February 1816]

20. IX. I found myself utterly unhinged for writing of any kind, and I abandoned the day to reading Niles’s Register ≈ This Evening’s Post, brought several Letters ≈ And a Packet from Mr. Grubb, enclosing Letters from my father and mother, to myself, and my three Sons — dated in December, and to 12 January — They communicate information of the decease of Dr. Tufts; an Event which has much afflicted them. He was, excepting my Uncle Peter Boylston Adams, the only remaining friend and relation of the family of that Generation. They both write, and especially my Mother in a depression of Spirits which distresses and alarms me. My Mother at the latest date had been herself very dangerously ill, and was yet confined to her chamber — May it Please God to spare their lives, and to grant me the mercy of beholding them once more in this world!

[March 1816]

13. VII. Wrote a Letter to the Secretary of State, and made up the weekly packets to send to America. We sent for George to come home from school, and dined at three O’Clock. Went immediately after dinner into London, with Mrs. Adams and George. ≈ We went to the Oratorio at Drury Lane, and heard Israel in Egypt. The principal singers were Braham, Bellamy, Pine, Wulfingh, Mrs. Salmon, Mrs. Dickons, Miss Burrell, and Barnett, a boy about twelve years old — Braham, Mrs. Salmon, and Barnett were the best. Israel in Egypt was in two parts — to which were added a third part consisting of several foolish Ballads, and a Grand Battle symphony composed by Beethoven, to shew the triumph of Rule Britannia and God Save the King, over Marlbrook — Bad Music, but patriotic.

[April 1816]

4. VI. ≈ I dressed, went again to Conduit Street, where I took up Mrs. Adams, and we went to the Queen’s Drawing-Room at Buckingham-House. It was announced for two O’Clock, and precisely at that hour the Drawing-Room commenced — The forms of this presentation are different from those of the Circles on the Continent, and of those held by the Prince Regent at the Levees — The Queen does not go round the Circle. She takes a stand, before a Sopha — The persons attending the Drawing Room, go in from the adjoining Hall; go up to her and are spoken to [by] her in succession, after which they pass on to the Princesses and Princes who stand at her right hand, each of whom speaks a few words, and then the person files off by another door, and goes down Stairs to go away. Privileged persons however, among whom are the foreign Ministers, may remain in the Drawing Room, after having been presented. All the foreign Ambassadors and Ministers were there, excepting Baron Jacobi. I spoke to Count Munster the Hanoverian Minister, about my old friend Bussche, and bore testimony to the Sentiments he had always avowed to me. He said he had already taken some steps in Bussche’s favour, but there were reports in circulation much to his disadvantage — Especially of his having been too intimate with Mr. Caulaincourt, and even to have served him as a spy — I told him I was convinced Bussche never did act, and never would have acted as a Spy — That he was by his situation placed in a state of necessary intimacy with Mr. Caulaincourt, but that he always spoke to me of it, as a situation which he had been forced to accept, and that it had been invariably repugnant to his own feelings and inclinations — I mentioned that I had spoken upon this subject to Count St. Julien, while he was here with the Archdukes, and had entreated him if he should see Count Munster, to bear his testimony concerning Baron Bussche; and he had assured me that he would testify to the same facts as myself — The Count proposed to call upon me to converse further with me on this matter, but I observed to him that I resided out of town, and that I would call again upon him, to give him any more particular statement that he might desire — I spoke to Count Lieven, concerning my Letter of recall from the Court of Russia — He said that at the time when I had given him notice, last Summer that I had it, he had immediately written to take the Emperor’s orders concerning it — That Count Nesselrode, had replied it would be best to wait until the Emperor’s return to St. Petersburg, to make the official arrangements suitable to the occasion, and for transmitting to him the customary present to be given me, on his receiving from me the Letter, which he expected now to be very shortly authorized to do — I told him I was sorry there had been any delay on that account. That by the Constitution of the United States, their Ministers abroad were not permitted to accept Presents, from foreign Sovereigns, and that I had made this fully known to Count Romanzoff while I was in Russia, and when he was Chancellor; I regretted not having thought of it when I informed him last Summer that I had the Letter of Recall; but it was only because the idea had not at-all occurred to me, that any offer of a Present would be made. — The Count asked me, whether my distance from town was such that he could without indiscretion invite me to his house; to which I could only answer how much I was obliged to him — For one of my strongest reasons for remaining out of town, is to escape from the frequency of invitations at late hours, which consume so much precious time, and with the perpetually mortifying consciousness of inability to return the civility in the same manner. When the Drawing Room opened, the Corps Diplomatique first entered it, and went up and paid their Respects to the Queen. Mrs. Adams went with Princess Castel-Cicala, and Mrs. Bourke. The Ambassadors and Ministers afterwards succeeded, and Prince Esterhazy, presented his father — Mr. Chester accompanied me, as it was my first presentation at the Drawing Room, and after the Queen had spoken to me, he presented me to the Princesses Elizabeth and Mary, to the Duke of Gloucester, and his Sister the Princess Sophia — The Queen and Princesses Elizabeth and Mary, have a topic to speak to me about — My health — the Climate, and my residence in Russia — The Princess Sophia of Gloucester told me she was glad to see an American Minister here again, and she hoped we should long continue friends. I thanked her for the wish, and said it was the first duty of my station and the first inclination of my heart to promote the friendship between the Nations — The Duke of Gloucester said he was happy to renew the acquaintance he had made with me last Summer at Earl Grey’s — The Dukes of Kent and Sussex, also spoke to me; the latter came late, because he said he thought proper to take his time. The Duke of Clarence was there, but I had not the opportunity of speaking to him. After passing through all the presentations we stood and saw the succession of others pass through theirs for about an hour. The Duke of Sussex and Lord Graves came up and conversed with my wife, with whom they remembered their antient acquaintance at Berlin. We left the Drawing Room between three and four O’Clock.

11. VI:30. Wrote to Mr. Luke, the Consul of the United States at Belfast in Ireland — Remainder of the Morning I was employed upon this Journal; walked only to Ealing, and Brentford — Heard the boys speak their pieces which they are to deliver at the approaching exercises at the school. This morning I received a Letter from Col’l Aspinwall the Consul; and this Evening a Note from Lord Castlereagh, concerning the Slaves carried away from the United States after the Ratification of the Treaty of Peace. There is nothing further to be done at present — This Evening I finished reading Mr. Worcester’s third Letter to Mr. Channing on the Trinitarian controversy. Whether from an original bias; from a preconceived prejudice against Mr. Channing, whose political violence and factious preachments had disgusted me, or from the real superiority of his adversary in this argument, I find myself growing more strongly Trinitarian every new pamphlet that I read on either side of this dispute. I believe I shall never be converted to the Unitarian faith.

17. IX:15. We had just finished Breakfast, when Mr. Joy came in, and took my three Sons with him, upon his party to Hampton Court; but it was too late to go in a day to Windsor and Eton College; so that that part of the Expedition was postponed for another opportunity — I had hoped and intended to have written industriously part of this day; but the reading of the New-York Papers lent me by Mr. Moses absorbed much of the Morning, and I had barely time to answer General Mina’s Note appointing 3 O’Clock next Friday for seeing him at Craven Street, when Mr. Prince Sanders, the Black Gentleman, came for the purpose of spending the day with my Sons; and being disappointed by not finding them at home, he stayed and spent it with me — Mrs. Adams was very unwell the whole day; She rose between three and four in the afternoon; and sat down to dinner with us; but was obliged immediately afterwards to leave the table again and return to bed. She had this Evening a very smart fever. Mr. Sanders took a short walk of half an hour with me before dinner, and dined with me — I had much Conversation with him upon the subject of his visit to Hayti, as he calls it, or St. Domingo, and found he was in the highest degree delighted with his new connection there, with king Henry (Christophe) of whom he spoke in high terms of praise and admiration; but he was very reserved, with me, in speaking of his own present Mission, and of his future views — He gave me to understand however that his mission had reference to religious affairs — That King Henry was determined to admit no more Roman Catholic Priests into the Country; but that his intention was to introduce religious worship there according to the rites of the Church of England. Sanders says that King Henry was displeased with the State Coach that was built in this Country and sent out to him — It was too tawdry for him; and he sent word to the maker, that he supposed he had taken him for a king of Congo, who was to be caught with show. — Sanders was just going away, when Mr. Joy came in with the boys from their tour to Hampton Court — He then stopped an hour longer, and returned to town with Mr. Joy — He also persuaded me to give permission to the boys to go in to Town to-morrow to see him, and Captain Bronson of the New Packet who is now in London — It was with him that George and John, and Mr. Sanders, came to England.

[May 1816]

16. VI:15. ≈ We reached the Palace at Buckingham house, in very good season, at half past one O’Clock ≈ The crowd and the heat were so great that several of the Ladies fainted — I introduced Mr. Smith to Lady Castlereagh, who invited him to her evening parties on Saturdays after the Opera — She told me she had mentioned them to Mrs. Adams; but supposed it might be inconvenient to us, to come in, so far from the country — I spoke to Lord Castlereagh, about the Algerine affairs — Mentioned the motion said to have been lately made in the French house of Peers, by the Vicomte de Chateaubriand — which was, that the king of France should be requested to instruct his Ambassadors at the different Courts of Europe, to propose that they should all unite in the endeavour to prevail upon the Barbary Powers, to abolish their practice of making slaves of Christians — I enquired if any proposal of that sort had been made by the French Ambassador here — He said there had not; and, with a sneering smile, added that he thought it was only a project of Sir Sidney Smith’s, which would not meet with much encouragement — We came away just before the Drawing-Room closed. It was with the utmost difficulty that we made our way down the Stair-case; and at the door we were stopped to make way for the Princess Charlotte and her husband; and after them, for the Duchess of York to go.

[June 1816]

2. VI:30. This Morning I wrote Lord Castlereagh a Note, asking a permission from this Government for the exportation of rollers, and any Other Articles which may be wanted for the use of the Mint of the United States — Attended Church with my three Sons. Dr. Nicholas read the Church Service for Whitsunday, including the Creed of St. Athanasius — Mr. Millman preached from 1 Corinthians XII—10, 11, “To another divers kinds of tongues; to another the interpretation of tongues. But all there worketh that one and the self-same Spirit, dividing to every man severally as he will.” I know not whether it be his fault or mine, but I can never give attention to Mr. Millman’s Sermons — They are at once flashy and flat. I can hardly sit and hear them — Notice was given again that he had applied to be ordained as a Priest by the Bishop of Oxford on Trinity Sunday; that is next Sunday. There was also notice that to-morrow and the next day were to be kept as Holidays, and there would be religious service at the Church — Mr. Bourke the Danish Minister and his Lady came out and paid us a morning visit — Three of the Schoolmates of our Sons, Chi­chester and two Drury’s came and dined with them. I dined with Lord Holland, at Holland House, his Country Seat. It is about midway between the Brentford and Acton roads, and the entrance gate is at the side of the Kensington Turnpike — A very large Brick House, built in the Gothic Style, and four or five hundred years old. The library is in a central Hall which extends through the whole breadth of the house, nearly two hundred feet long, but not more than thirty wide. The company were, Count and Countess Lieven, with whom there came a young English Lady — Count Beroldingen the Minister from the king of Wurtemberg — the Earl and Countess of Jersey, the Earl of March, eldest Son of the Duke of Richmond, Lord and Lady Granville, Sir James M‘Intosh, and some other Gentlemen — eighteen sat down to table — The dinner was elegant; the wines choice; the dessert excellent, and might have seemed to me better; but that Madame Bourke an accomplished epicure had forewarned me that Lord Holland had the best Confectioner in London. The tone of Society was easy and agreeable — Lady Holland, was perfectly well bred; and by several unaffected marks of maternal attachment to her Son, Henry, a boy about twelve years of age who was present, bespoke a favourable opinion of her domestic character — Lord Holland introduced the Earl of Jersey to me, at his request. I sat between Count Lieven and Sir James M‘Intosh at dinner, and had much Conversation with the latter. I had much also with Lord Holland after dinner; and was pleased with every part of the Conversation except my own. I offended Count and Countess Lieven, by bluntly saying, that I had never known such a thing as hot weather in Russia — I said two or three silly things to Sir James M‘Intosh, and was altogether stiff and dull, beyond my usual measure — I asked Sir James M‘Intosh if he was engaged upon a History of England — He told me he was — from the Revolution of 1688. He asked me, if I thought Dr. Franklin had been sincere in the professions which he made here that he lamented the Revolution which was to separate the Colonies from Great Britain, which he said he did, the day before he last left London; even to tears — I told him I did not believe Dr. Franklin wished for the Revolution — Nor Washington — He asked me if any of the leading men had — I said, perhaps my father — Samuel Adams — and James Otis — He asked me if we had any popular writers in America — I said none — Any good History of the Revolution? I mentioned Gordon, Ramsey, and Marshall’s life of Washington. He said he had met in India, several masters of American Merchant Vessels; particularly from Salem; and found from them that America had two strong characters of English descent. A multitude of Newspapers and Stage Coaches — He also told me that he had last year introduced Walter Scott to Mr. Clay — the first of his admirers that he had ever seen from Kentucky. He spoke of Scott’s three Novels, as admirable delineations of Scottish Manners and of characters — The construction of the Stories, to which I objected, he said was good for nothing — I thought there was in the last of the three no new picture of manners peculiarly Scottish. That is, nothing which had not already been painted in Waverley and Guy Mannering. He mentioned The Antiquary himself — I said the character was well drawn; but I did not perceive it to be peculiarly National. He said there was its pedantry; altogether Scotch — He was himself a Scotchman, and he understood that whatever contest there might be about other qualities, the palm of Pedantry was universally awarded to his Country. I observed, that there must be something very powerful in the principle of legitimacy, which made the Scotch nobility and gentry now proud of their rebellions in favour of the Stuart’s, and instanced the late addresses to Louis 18 in presenting him the Gaelic Ossian, and to the Prince Regent, also in Gaelic — He said there was a sort of concession — “even in their errors” — I told him that I had great admiration for the principle of legitimacy, but I hoped he would give it the finishing stroke in his History — It was to me, like Octavius to Cicero — ornandus and tollendus — He said he should certainly not think it laudandus — It was merely the fashion of the day — Hume himself, in speaking of this principle said it was admirable; inferior only to the more exalted principle of the rights of the People. Hoadley was made a Bishop in the reign of George the second; and Horsley, who somewhere called Hoadley the Republican Bishop, was made a Bishop in the reign of George the third — the first for preaching against the principle of legitimacy, and the second for preaching in favour of them — My conversation after dinner with Lord Holland, turned much on a comparison between the political Institutions of this Country, and of the United States. He enquired about our forms of Representation, of which I gave him an account; and told him that the result of them was that the very great proportion of our public men were lawyers — He said it was precisely the same here — The theory of their Representation in the House of Commons was bad, but perhaps no theory could produce a more perfect practical Representation of all Classes and interests of the community — Even the close boroughs, often served to bring in able and useful men, who by a more correct theory would find themselves excluded — Men of property could always make their way into Parliament by their wealth. Men of family; such a man as the Earl of March, might go into the house of Commons for a few years in youth; to get experience of public business, and employ time to useful purpose; and there was no man of real talents who in one way or another could fail of obtaining sooner or later, admission into Parliament — But a great proportion of the House of Commons were lawyers; and most of the business of the house was done by them — In the house of Lords, all that was of any use was done by Lawyers. The great practical use of the House of Lords, was to be a check upon mischief that might be done by the Commons. Many Bill pass through that house, without sufficient Consideration — The Chancellor is under a sort of personal responsibility to examine, and stop them — His character depends upon it — He is at the head of the Nobility of the Country, and all that judge; and his Consideration depends upon his keeping this vigilant eye over the proceedings of the Commons — All the ordinary business of the house therefore rest upon a lawyer — Lord Holland observed that from what he had heard, the most defective part of our Institutions in America was the judiciary; which I admitted — Count and Countess Lieven went away immediately after dinner. The Countess had an Evening party at her own house, to which we were invited — Mrs. Adams was to come with the Carriage for me, about eleven, and I had specially directed the servants to send me in word when the Carriage came — But this was neglected, until I had stood waiting until past Midnight. There still remained there The Earl and Countess of Jersey, Lord and Lady Granville, and Sir James Macintosh, who sat round the fire in the Library conversing upon the Methodists, Foster’s Essays, the Church, the Athanasian Creed, and other miscellaneous subjects — Sir James Macintosh and Lady Granville had been this morning to Church, where Sir James said they had heard a mild and moderate Sermon; . . . But, said I by way of atonement for his moderation he gave you the Athanasian Creed . . . . . Sir James said yes — to be sure — . . . they had that — Lord Holland said there were many Church Clergymen, who at their peril took it upon them to omit reading it; and that the Duke of Grafton always got up and went out of Church, when it was begun to be read — Lady Jersey said she wished she could go to a Methodist chapel, without being known. — About half past twelve a Servant came, and told me that my Carriage was at the door; and on going down I found Mrs. Adams had been waiting there ever since eleven — I had been all the same time waiting for the Carriage, and had thoughtlessly neglected to enquire of the Servants if it had come — It was too late to go to Countess Lieven’s, and we returned home; which we reached soon after one in the Morning.

5. VI. The arrears of my Journal are a continual pressure upon me. I shall probably be very soon compelled to change my plan, and to notice the Events of every day in the most summary manner; and in a very few lines. This morning I rose earlier than has of late been usual with me, but it brought me only to the 12th of last Month — Soon after breakfast I went in to London — I had appointed to meet Mr. Couling at my Office at three O’Clock — I returned him his Letter of proposals; and he engaged to furnish me with another next Saturday — There was a Mr. Conan whom Mr. Smith introduced to me, and who mentioned the accounts from America, of the Death of Mr. S. Dexter of Boston. Received a Note from Lord Castlereagh enclosing a copy of an Order from the Lords of the Treasury to the Commissioners of the Customs, to repay all extra Tonnage duties, levied upon American Vessels — Three Letters from my Mother, one to George, and two to my wife. A Letter from Thomas Pride, a Land Surveyor and Draftsman in Monmouthshire; wanting to go to the United States — A pamphlet — the Account and Plan of the Society of Friends of Foreigners in Distress; sent by the Treasurer, Mr. William Vaughan — Mr. J. A. Smith went with me to the City of London Tavern, in Bishopsgate Street, where we dined with this Society. ≈ Count Lieven and Prince Esterhazy, before dinner hinted to the Duke of Kent, that if their Sovereigns should be toasted or themselves, they could not make speeches — He said laughing that if they would tell him in three words what to say he would speak for them — But that I could speak English very fluently, and I must speak for them all — The hour appointed for the dinner was precisely half past five O’Clock, and the company actually sat down about six — The dinner was good, and the toasting began early ≈ after which the Duke of Kent gave, the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers present, prefacing it with remarks upon his personal satisfaction, at seeing so large a number of them, Ministers of Peace, from Countries with whom this Nation but a few years since, had unfortunate differences — The Hall he said in this respect, exhibited a contrast, most auspicious to this Country to the aspect which it would have had, only four years since — The Duke then, with the assent and request of all the Ambassadors present, called upon me to answer the toast; which I did nearly to this effect — “Gentlemen — Deeply sensible as I am, to the honour done me, by my illustrious and excellent colleagues, in calling upon me to make our common acknowledgments for that which you have done us in the toast just given by His Royal Highness from the Chair, I feel myself no less at a loss for words than they can be, suitably to make this return for your goodness to them and to me — For although I am indebted for this distinguished charge, to the accidental advantage of speaking the same language as most of you; yet I must intreat your indulgence when I say that expressions suitable to convey the sense of their gratitude and mine, are at this moment as little at my command as at their’s. ≈ Gentlemen, to give utterance to the feelings which fill the bosoms of my noble colleagues, and my own, in return for the notice bestowed upon us by such an Association, is beyond the powers of language possessed by us all. We can only say in the honesty and simplicity of our hearts, we thank you.” — This address was very well received — Lord de Dunstanville, Mr. Villiers, and the Russian and French Consuls complimented me civilly upon it. Mr. Villiers asked me if I had been prepared for it — I told him I had not had a conception until the moment when we sat down to dinner, that I should be called upon to answer for the whole Corps Diplomatique — But the truth is, I was not gifted by nature with the talent of extemporaneous speaking; and on this and all the other similar occasions, I have felt myself in much embarrassment, and have got through without discredit, only by revolving during the dinner time, what to say; a process not remarkably favourable to the enjoyment of the conviviality of the table — My awkwardness was this day aggravated, by an observation of a Gentleman, who sat opposite to me at the table, that he had heard at one of these same dinners, some years ago, a Speech from Mr. Pinkney, which he should never forget, and of which he spoke in an extasy of admiration — I confess the eulogy might have come at a more acceptable moment — But this Table-Cloth Oratory, is one of the duties of an American Minister in this Country, which I had not anticipated.

[July 1816]

12. VI:15. After the Journal of yesterday and finishing the despatch to the Secretary of State, I had time for no more writing at home, and soon after breakfast went with Mrs. Adams, who took Lucy with her, to London. ≈ At seven O’Clock, I went and dined at Lord Castlereagh’s with a Company somewhat curiously composed — Part of the Diplomatic Corps, in full Court dress, and the rest, English nobility and gentry, most of them in frocks, and undress — The Marquis d’Osmond was the only Ambassador — and the Ministers of Portugal, Denmark, Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Hanover were there; and Baron Nicolai — The Dukes of Beaufort and Rutland, Lords Poulett, and Clanwilliam, Mess’rs Arbuthnot, Hamilton, Planta, and nearly an equal number of persons whom I did not know — in all, a company of thirty persons — no Ladies — The company were received before dinner in Lord Castle­reagh’s Cabinet — They were more than half assembled when he appeared. — The varieties of dress made a motley appearance, and before dinner was announced, Mr. Planta went round among the Diplomatic guests, and requested that they would not all sit together, but would scatter among the others; to avoid the appearance of two distinct companies — Lord Castlereagh told me that they had just received despatches from Mr. Bagot, by the Packet from New-York; but he had not yet read them — I mentioned to him that I had received instructions from the Government of the United States to propose an additional commercial Treaty or Convention — I should soon address a Note to him on the subject, and should be glad to have some previous conversation with him, when it might suit his convenience — He said he should go out of town to-morrow for some days and appointed next Thursday at one O’Clock to see me at the foreign Office — He enquired what were the objects upon which the American Government were desirous of treating — I said, in the first place, the old subject — Seamen — The President had at two successive Sessions of Congress recommended the passing an act for excluding foreign Seamen from our naval Service — An act to that effect would probably have passed at the last Session, but it was thought best to make the proposal to establish the principle with this Country, by Treaty, which would make the arrangement reciprocal. — It was thought by the American Government that the present time was peculiarly favourable for such an arrangement, as by a mutual exclusion of each others Sailors at present during peace, the questions upon which there was a difference of principle between the two Governments, would be altogether avoided, and a system might be concerted which in the Event of a future maritime War would prevent the collisions which were so strongly to be deprecated by both Nations — He said, they would be ready to receive our proposals, and to agree to any thing which might tend to diminish the inconveniences heretofore experienced — Another subject of the proposed Negotiation, I said was the commerce between the United States and the British Colonies in the West Indies, and in North-America. By the operation of the Commercial convention of 3 July 1815, connected with the regulations subsequently adopted by the British Government, the whole of that trade was exclusively carried on by British Vessels — the operation of which was so injurious to the United States, that it could not continue long in its present State — The American Government were desirous that it should be regulated by an amicable arrangement, and had therefore instructed me to propose this negotiation, in preference to adopting in the first instance legislative measures to counteract the exclusive British measures — He said that those exclusive measures arose, from the long-established colonial system. It was the essential character of that system to confine the trade of the colonies to the mother Country — To admit foreigners therefore to trade with them was an indulgence, for which it would be necessary to expect some equivalent; and as the United States had no Colonies it did not appear how any arrangement of that nature could be made reciprocal — He enquired as with an air of doubt, whether there was any considerable Commerce between the United States, and the British Colonies in the West-Indies? — I told him there was a great deal, and that its present condition was such, as left the United States no alternative but either the regulation of it, by concert with Great-Britain or by internal measures of legislation — He said we would converse further upon the subject at our meeting — I enquired of Mr. Planta, whether any Press-warrants had recently been issued — He said no; at least not to his knowledge — Col’l Aspinwall had written me that there were rumours to that effect in circulation, and requested me to make the enquiry, as if it should prove true, some measures of precaution would be necessary for the protection of American Seamen — The dinner at Lord Castlereagh’s was very light — Served upon Plate and Porcelain of many different kinds, looking as if they had been collected from a pawn-broker’s shop. The Servants were all out of livery. I sat at table between the Chevalier de Freire the Portuguese Minister and Lord  the latter of whom spoke French to me half the dinner time; for which he apologized when he finally discovered that I could speak English — The hour appointed for the Prince Regent’s Ball was ten O’Clock, at which time, I went to Carlton House, by the entrance at the Horse Guards — Happening to arrive just at the time when the Queen was passing, the Carriage was stopped some time, before it could obtain admission. I was shewn immediately into the building where the Ball was given — a Rotunda, adjoining Carlton House, and connected with it, by a covered Stair-case — A large Rotunda in the form of a Marquee, with a Roof in the Umbrella-form — It was erected two years ago, for the purpose of entertaining the Emperor of Russia, the king of Prussia, and the other Imperial and Royal Guests of that time. It is upwards of 100 feet in diameter; and would easily contain one thousand persons — There were not more than seven hundred present this Night — Mrs. Bourke, and Mrs. Adams were there already when I arrived. The company in general were not so punctual to the hour, and it was past eleven when the Queen went round the circle, arm in arm with the Prince Regent — The Princess Charlotte of Wales was not there, having been confined the whole week to her chamber by indisposition — The dancing, Waltzes and Cotillions began about twelve O’Clock, and at half past one the party went to supper — There were special tickets for the Queen’s table, to about one hundred and fifty persons, including the Ambassadors, but not the foreign Ministers of the second order. They were generally dissatisfied at this, and agreed to go away without waiting for the supper — We assented the more readily to this, not being in the habit of supping. Mr. and Mrs. Bourke, the Chevalier de Freire, Mr. Pfeffel, Mrs. Adams and I came away together; but were obliged to wait a full half hour, before our Carriages could be brought up — While there, we walked to and fro about the Hall, occasionally meeting, and having scraps of Conversation, with almost all our courtly acquaintance. The most extraordinary attentions were shewn to Countess Lieven, who was seated at the Queen’s right hand, and with whom Lord Castlereagh danced a Waltz — He introduced Col’l Gordon to me, and Mr. Bourke in the Antichamber as we were going away introduced Lord Morley to us — After some difficulty and delay, we obtained our Carriage went and took up Lucy at Craven Street, and reached home at four in the morning just before Sunrise.

18. VII:30. The journal of yesterday employed me until breakfast time. Immediately after, I went to town with my wife, who took Lucy with her. I went immediately to Downing Street, and was there precisely at one. Lord Castlereagh was not there, and the Servants, attending there told me that he had sent a Note to me last Evening, to Craven Street — I went there and found the Note, which stated that the Prince Regent had directed Lord Castlereagh to attend him this day between twelve and one O’Clock, and as he might be detained, requested me to call at the Foreign Office at half past one O’Clock, instead of One. After returning to Silvester’s, and looking at the Seal upon which he is to engrave my device, which he says will be ready in three weeks, I returned to Downing Street — It was forty minutes past one, but Lord Castlereagh had not come in. I waited until two when he arrived, and received me. I told him I had mentioned at his house last week, in general terms, the subject upon which I had requested this conference. I shewed him the Letter from Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, to me, of 21 May last, containing the authority and Instruction from the President to negotiate a new Commercial Convention, if the British Government should be disposed to such a Negotiation — I said that the first and most urgent subject to be treated of, in the View of my Government, was that of the trade, between the United States, and the British Colonies, in North America, and the West-Indies — He enquired, and said he did not recollect how that had been left, by the Convention of 3 July 1815 — I said that the British Government, had at that time declined to include it, in the Negotiation. But said Lord Castlereagh, was there not then some discussion concerning it? — A. “There was — But it was before I arrived in England. The conferences, your Lordship will recollect had commenced by Mess’rs Clay and Gallatin; and they had proposed that there should be an Article in the Convention, to regulate this part of the trade; but it had been declined by the British Plenipotentiaries, so that after my arrival nothing was said about it — The state of things however in relation to the trade between the United States and those Colonies was however, very different then, from its state now — The Commerce then was allowed in the vessels of both Nations — The Convention, equalized the duties upon British and American vessels in the intercourse between Europe and the United States, and thereby admitted British Vessels, into the Ports of the United States, upon terms of equal competition with American vessels — But since that time, the exclusive system of colonial regulations had been resumed in the West-Indies, with extraordinary rigour — American Vessels had been excluded from all the Ports; and some Seizures have been made with such severity, that are cases upon which, I shall be under the necessity of addressing this Government in behalf of individuals who have suffered and who consider themselves entitled to the restitution of their property. The consequence of these new regulations, as combined with the operation of the Commercial Convention is, that British Vessels being admitted into our Ports upon equal terms with our own, and then being exclusively received in the British West-India Ports, not only thus monopolized the trade between the United States and the West-Indies, but acquired an advantage in the direct trade from Europe to the United States, which defeated the main object of the Convention itself, of placing the shipping of the two Countries upon equal terms of fair competition — In North America, the same system is pursued, by the Colonial Governments, and I was specially directed to notice the measures of the Government of Upper Canada — An Act of the Colonial Legislature was passed at their last Session, vesting in the Lieutenant Governor and Council of the Province, the power of regulating their trade with the United States; and immediately afterwards a new Tariff of duties was issued, by an order of the provincial Council dated the 18th of April, laying excessively heavy duties upon all Articles, imported into the Province from the United States, with the exception of certain articles of provisions of the first necessity; and a tonnage duty of twelve and sixpence per Ton, upon American vessels, which is equivalent to a total prohibition” — C. “I have not been in the way of following the measures adopted in that quarter; and was not aware that there had been any new regulations, either in the West-Indies or in North America. In time of war, I know it has been usual to open the Ports of the West-India islands, to foreigners, merely as a measure of necessity, and it was not until your attempt to starve them, by your embargo acts, that they were driven to the resort of finding out resources from elsewhere. But in time of Peace it has been usual to exclude foreigners from them — What is the nature of your trade with them? and is it very considerable”? — A. “It is, my lord; and even in time of Peace; highly necessary to the Colonies — in respect to some of the imports, indispensible to their subsistance; and by the exports extremely advantageous to the interests of Great-Britain by furnishing a market for articles which she does not take herself and which could not be disposed of elsewhere — At the very time of which your Lordship speaks, during our Embargo, the Governors of the Islands, so far from adhering to the principle of excluding our vessels issued proclamations, inviting them, with promises even that the regular papers should not be required for their admission, and encouraging them to violate the laws of their own Country, to carry them supplies — I mention this now only to shew how necessary to the Colonies this trade was felt to be then — In time of Peace, it is undoubtedly not so necessary — Still however it is so in a high degree. The mother-Country can supply them in part — But she does not produce some of the most important articles of their importation. Rice, for example and indian corn which are the best and cheapest articles for the subsistence of the Negroes — Even wheat and flour, and provisions generally were much more advantageously imported from the United States than from Europe, being so much less liable to take damage, in those hot climates, by the comparative shortness of the voyage — Their other importations from us, are of lumber; which is necessary for buildings upon the plantations, and which after the hurricanes to which the islands are frequently exposed, must be had in large quantities — But it is not now on the usual ground of your necessities, that the American Government propose that those Ports should be opened to American Vessels — Neither do they ask for a participation of the British trade with them — Great-Britain may still prohibit the importation from the United States, of such articles as she chuses to supply, herself — But they ask that American vessels, from the United States may be admitted, equally with British vessels, to carry the Articles which can be supplied only from the United States, or which are supplied only to them — The effect of the new regulations that I have mentioned, has been so injurious upon the shipping interest in America; and was so immediately felt, that the first impression upon the minds of many, was that they should be immediately met, by counteracting Legislative measures of prohibition — a proposal to that effect was made in Congress; but it was thought best to endeavour in the first instance to come to an amicable arrangement of the matter with the British Government if possible — immediate prohibitions would affect injuriously the British Colonies — They would excite irritation in the commercial part of the British community — The consideration therefore of enacting Legislative regulations was postponed, and I was instructed by the Government to make this proposal of a new Convention” — C. “The subject shall be taken as soon as possible into Consideration, and you may be sure it shall be with the most earnest disposition in this Government, to concur in the general purpose of promoting the harmony, between the two Countries — But I cannot be now prepared to enter upon the particular points of the question, owing to the absence of Mr. Robinson” — A. “There is no immediate urgency, to enter upon the details of the Negotiation; and my object now is merely to give your Lordship, a general outline of the general objects which the American Government is desirous of embracing in the Negotiation — That the determination may be taken, whether the British Government is disposed to the discussion of those objects or not — This subject of the trade with the British Colonies is the most pressing of any; but the great anxiety of the American Government, to guard against the recurrence of those causes of dissension which heretofore unfortunately terminated in hostility, makes them extremely desirous of settling if possible, by Treaty all the points of collision between neutral and belligerent rights, which in the event of a new maritime War in Europe might again arise — Blockade — Contraband — Visits and Searches at Sea — Colonial Trade; and that between the Ports of Enemies — But most of all, the case of the Seamen — The proposal is that each party should stipulate, not to employ in its merchant or naval service, the Seamen of the other” — C. “But how shall we avoid falling into the old difficulty of the disagreement between us, who we are to understand by the Seamen of the other? — do you propose to include in the stipulation, only native Citizens and Subjects, and if not how is the question to be escaped, whether any act of naturalization can avail to discharge a man from the duties of his original allegiance?” — A. “It is proposed to include in the arrangement only natives, and those who are on either side naturalized, already — so that it would not extend to any person hereafter naturalized — The number of naturalized persons included in it would of course be very small; for our Laws respecting naturalization [are such] that there are excessively few British Sailors, who have taken or could take the benefit of them — So few, that it could be no object to Great-Britain to except them.” — C. “But by what regulation would you propose to carry the stipulation into effect?” — A. “If the principle be agreed to, there can be no difficulty in concerting regulations which would carry it into execution. I can now only say, that I shall be ready to agree to any regulations which Great-Britain may think necessary to secure the bona fide fulfilment of the engagement, and consistent with individual rights.” — C. “Is it expected by the American Government, that by agreeing to this stipulation, we should abandon the right of search which we have heretofore used; or is the stipulation to stand by itself; leaving the rights of the parties as they were before?” — A. “It is undoubtedly the object of the American Government, that the result of the Stipulation should ultimately be the abandonment of the practice of taking men from American Vessels.” — C. “But then, how shall we escape the old difficulty — The People of this Country consider the remedy which we have always used hitherto, as the best and only effectual one — I am not sure that it is so — With all its advantages and all its inconveniences, I am not myself certain that it would not be better to substitute something else. But such is the general opinion of the Nation, and there is a good deal of feeling connected with the sentiment. If we give up that how will it be possible to devise any regulation depending upon the performance of another state, which will be thought as efficacious as that which we have in our own hands?”* A. “I am not prepared to say that an Article could not be framed, by which the Parties may stipulate the principle of mutual exclusion, without at all affecting or referring to the rights or claims of either Party — Perhaps it may be accomplished, if the British Government will assume it as one of the objects to be arranged by the Convention” — C — “In that case there will not be so much difficulty — If it is a mere agreement of mutual exclusion, tending to diminish the occasion for exercising the right of search; and undoubtedly if it should prove effectual; it would in the end operate as an inducement to the forbearance to exercise the right entirely” — A. — “There is one point, upon which there has been much discussion between the two Governments, and upon which Notes have passed, between me and Lord Bathurst, as well as between your Lordship and me — It relates to Slaves carried away from the United States, by British Commanders after the Peace.”

{*N.B. The following part of the dialogue should come immediately before the asterisk in the [22nd] line [above], after the word “hands” — C. continues: “I am for myself convinced that in this respect the policy of the American Government has changed — That its policy formerly was to invite and encourage our Seamen to enter your service; but that at present their policy is rather to give every encouragement to your own Seamen; and I was in hopes that the effect of their internal, Legislative measures would be to diminish the necessity of our resorting to the right of Search” — A — “Your Lordship has made a similar observation to me, on a former occasion; and as it is now repeated, it is my duty to take particular notice of it — I do not know that any thing I can say will have the effect of removing the impression from your mind — I am nevertheless under the most perfect conviction that it is erroneous. The American Government never did in any manner invite or encourage foreign Seamen generally, or British Seamen in particular to enter our Service” — C — “I meant only to say, that their policy arose naturally from the circumstances, from the extraordinary, sudden and almost unbounded increase of your commerce and navigation, during the late European Wars, you had not native seamen enough to man your ships, and the encouragements to foreign seamen of which I spoke followed from that state of things” — A. “I understand your Lordship perfectly; but what I assert is, my profound conviction that you are mistaken on the point of fact — That without knowing whether any thing I can say will change your opinion, I must in the most earnest manner assure you that it never was the policy of the American Government to encourage British Seamen to enter our Service. I know not how the policy of any Government can be manifested otherwise than by its Acts — now there never was any one Act, either of the Legislature, or of the Executive, which could have even a tendency to invite British Seamen into the American service” — C. — “At least then, there was nothing done to prevent them.” — A. “That may be, My Lord — But there is a very material distinction, between giving encouragement, and doing nothing to prevent them — Our naturalization Laws certainly hold out to them nothing like encouragement. You naturalize every foreign Seaman, by the mere fact of two years service on board of your public ships — Ipso facto, without cost or form of process. — We require five years of residence in the United States — Two years of notice in a Court of Record before the Act of naturalization is granted, and a certificate of character — Thus far only may be admitted, that the great and extraordinary increase of our commerce, to which you have alluded, had the effect of raising the wages of seamen, excessively high — our government certainly gave no encouragement to this — neither did our merchants, who would surely have engaged their seamen at lower wages if possible — These wages no doubt operated as a strong temptation to your Seamen to go into the American Service; your merchant service could not afford to pay them so high. — The wages in the king’s ships were much lower, and numbers of British Seamen accordingly find their way to America, and into American Vessels; but encouragement from the American Government they never had, in any manner. — They were merely not excluded — and even now, in making the proposal to exclude them; it is not from any change of policy, but solely for the purpose of giving satisfaction to Great-Britain; and of stopping the most abundant source of dissension with her — It proves only the earnestness of our desire, to be upon good terms with you.” — C — “In that general disposition, it is impossible for the American Government, to be more desirous to promote the harmony between the Countries than we are.” — A — With regard to the proposal for excluding each other’s Seamen, I am not prepared to say &c.}

C. “After the Peace? you mean between the signature of the Treaty of Peace, and the ratification of it, do you not?” — A — “No, My Lord, I mean Slaves, which had been taken during the War, and which after the ratification of the Peace, were carried away by the British Commanders, contrary, as the American Government conceive, to the first Article of the Treaty — But as the British Government appear to be decidedly of a contrary opinion I am directed to propose that the question be referred to the determination of a third party, to a sovereign the common friend of both; a mode of arrangement already agreed upon, by the Treaty of Ghent, in the Event of a final difference between the parties upon other questions” — C. — “By an Arbitration? — I was not aware that there had been any Slaves carried away from the United States, after the Peace; and as to the supposed sales by our Officers, of those that were taken, there are several answers of Officers, who have been referred to, of which I have requested Mr. Hamilton to send you copies. They are indeed expressed in very strong terms; but you will consider them as having been addressed to their own Government only. To the Admiralty, in answer to Letters sent them for their Reports upon the complaints. They all deny the charges in the most positive manner.” — A. My Lord, the charges were of a nature to be denied; but in the papers which I transmitted to you, several officers were signalized by name, the statements implicating them were attested upon Oath; and so long as they are not brought to trial, their denials however positive, are no more than the denial of any other men. — C — I cannot help thinking, that by our Laws, it was impracticable that they could have effected such sales as were alledged. — A — I lately addressed to your Lordship, a Note, I am sorry to say a very long one, which perhaps you have not had time to read, but in which, I think it is proved that the Law for the abolition of the slave trade were neither applicable, nor applied to the slaves taken in America — And the copy of the decree of the Vice-Admiralty Court in Jamaica, which I likewise sent you proved not only an actual sale, but a mode by which real sales of any numbers might be effected — C — I do not recollect any such decree of the Vice-Admiralty Court; what decree was it? — A. It related to several American Slaves, taken at Sea. They were libelled in the Admiralty Court, with the vessel in which they were captured — They were delivered upon a Bail-Bond, to certain persons who presented themselves as Claimants, and when afterwards condemned as prize, the sentence of the Court directed that the penalty of the Bail-bond should be paid, and the Slaves were of course left in the possession of the claimants — that is they were substantially sold to them. — C — I have no recollection of this case; and I think it cannot be so — for if it were, our Philanthropists would have seized, and sounded it forth, that we should have no end of it. — A — Perhaps not — Your philanthropists might not chuse to notice transactions, connected with the operations of Government in a War, with America — They might not wish to appear to take part, against Officers of the Navy — C — Oh! that would not have restrained them! War or Peace; Navy or no Navy, the moment the slave trade became concerned, they would have had neither scruples, nor respect for Persons — A — But, as it was, My Lord, the philanthropists at the late Session of Parliament, did press you very hard, to account for the increase of the black population in the island of Jamaica; and this Evidence to which I now refer you was not in their possession — It has never been published — But this is not the subject which the American Government proposes to refer to a friendly Sovereign — The whole correspondence since the Peace, on this subject, has been very reluctantly entertained by them, nor do I see that it can lead to any useful result — The impression in the United States with respect to some individual Officers, is indelible; and all the evidence hitherto collected tends to confirm the allegation originally made — It is not therefore the disposal of the slaves after they were carried away, but the carrying them away after the Peace; which it is proposed to refer. And these are all the subjects comprized in my instructions relative to a new Convention — There are other topics which I was desirous of noticing at this interview — Your Lordship was good enough to communicate to me for the information of my Government, the proceedings of Lord Exmouth upon his first visit to Algiers; and until his arrival at Tunis. You also informed me that he was to return to Algiers, and make a protest there against one Article of the Algerine Treaty with us — Since that time, the Public Newspapers have announced the return of Lord Exmouth to England — that he had made his second visit to Algiers — that circumstances of a hostile nature had subsequently occurred; and that a new expedition under Lord Exmouth is now fitting out, and soon to sail for the Mediterranean — C — I have not the least hesitation in telling you every thing that has occurred since our last communication to you — Lord Exmouth returned after having been to Tunis and Tripoli, to Algiers — He made then the protest against that Article of your Treaty — The Dey fully admitted the validity of the prior Treaty with us, and said that he could easily settle that matter with you — He said that Treaty with you was suspended, on account of some Ship that had not been sent to him — But what is the state of your relations there now? — A. The Treaty, as he said, is suspended — The ship, of which he spoke, was an Algerine Brig, taken by an American Squadron off Carthagena last Summer — There was a frigate and a brig taken; and both were sent into Carthagena — At the peace it was agreed that they should be restored; precisely in the state, in which they were, at Carthagena. They were restored, but the Spaniards for some time detained the Brig, on the allegation that she had been taken within the Spanish Jurisdiction — They did however afterwards give her up. — C. Well, but if he has now got the vessel, what difficulty can remain? — A. I suppose the pretence of delay — But after the first visit of Lord Exmouth to Algiers, the Dey, thinking his Treaties had settled him on Peace, with Great-Britain, Naples and Sardinia, concluded that it was time to put an end to his Treaty with the United States, and it was accordingly the very next day that he first refused to acknowledge it — C — Well — He acknowledged the validity of the Articles in our Treaty, and said that he would settle it accordingly with you — That transaction therefore was all finished. — But afterwards, Lord Exmouth, having obtained from the Beys of Tunis, and of Tripoli those declarations that they would not in future make Slaves of Christian Prisoners, demanded a similar declaration of the Dey of Algiers — This was entirely a new and unexpected thing, and the Dey said that he could not make such an engagement without the consent of the Grand Seignor, whose interests as well as those of the Dey’s Government would be deeply affected by it — After this the Dey appears to have had the impression that Lord Exmouth intended to enforce his demand by measures of hostility — perhaps because the English Consul had gone on board the fleet — Some English Officers were insulted and exposed to ill-treatment at Algiers — Orders of hostility were sent to Oran and to Bona — But Lord Exmouth thought he had gone as far as his Instructions would warrant — That he could not commence hostilities without further authority from his Government. He therefore renewed the Negotiation at which it was agreed that the Dey should have time to consult the Sultan at Constantinople upon the proposal for abolishing Christian Slavery — He made many apologies for the orders sent to Oran and Bona — Counter-orders were immediately sent. The vessels taken a Oran were immediately restored — But Bona, being more to the Eastward, the counter order unfortunately arrived too late — The first order had been to secure the persons of the Christians, and it is said their resistance to it, produced the unfortunate Event, of which you have seen the account — Since that Lord Exmouth has returned to England — We are now fitting out an expedition for the Mediterranean, under his command — We expect he will soon sail; it is not in my power to communicate at present the precise tenour of his Instructions, but from all these circumstances that have occurred our regard for the general interest, and the cause of the other European States has been manifested in the clearest manner — A. — I have mentioned this subject, My lord, because the former proceedings of Lord Exmouth having had an immediate and powerful effect upon the state of our Relations with Algiers, and supposing that his future Operations there may again have an effect upon them no less powerful, I thought it proper to suggest to you, that the Government of the United States would take it as a mark of good-neighbourhood, if you would communicate to me from time to time so much of his movements and of the measures of this Government directing them, as there may be no particular motive for withholding. — N.B. To this Lord Castlereagh made no reply, but drew up his feet, as if he was about to rise from his chair — The servants had told me that he was to attend a Cabinet Council, ordered at two O’Clock; and it was now near three — One of the red-morocco despatch-boxes, had been brought to him by a servant a few minutes before, which he had opened, and taken a paper from it, at which he had frequently cast his eyes while we were talking. I saw his impatience, and rising from my Chair; said — I have received a Letter from Liverpool, complaining that there are still levied upon Merchandize sold at Auction, when imported in American Vessels a duty of five per Cent which is not levied when the Goods are imported in British Vessels — C — I agreed with Mr. Robinson, before he left town, that is, six days ago, that this should be remitted, and he was to write to the Treasury accordingly — If not, send me a Memorandum of it, and I will attend to it — We consider that and the matter of the Iron, as standing much on the same foundation, and we are determined to do everything on our part, to give the Convention its full effect on the most liberal principles, trusting that the same disposition exists on the part of the American Government — A. — What does your Lordship particularly refer to, concerning Iron. — C — a discrimination of duties in the United States, between hammered Iron, and rolled Iron. — The preparation of the Iron in Sweden, it seems is usually by hammering; in this Country it is performed by rolling — The duty upon rolled iron, being heavier than upon the hammered iron, falls therefore upon the locality more than upon the Article; and operates to the disadvantage of the British Manufacture, and to favour that of Sweden — A. I had one thing more to mention — Your Lordship recollects the case of an American, named George Cook (C. A very bad fellow, I believe) whose Establishment in Africa, was broken up by an English Military party from Sierra Leone, and concerning whom; at the instance of his agent, a Mr. Page, I addressed you a note — C. Yes. — A. I received an answer from your Lordship, that this Government had determined to leave him to his remedy at Law, against the Governor of Sierra Leone — C — You did — A. A process was accordingly served upon Governor Maxwell in the month of April, and Mr. Page now applies again for my Offices — He says there is a British Officer named Appleton now at the Island of Guernsey, whose Evidence is material to Mr. Cook’s cause, and who he apprehends is going away. Page therefore has written a letter to Lord Bathurst to ask that Appleton may not be permitted to go, until Cook can have had an opportunity to obtain his testimony, and he requests me to support him in this demand — C — I shall see Lord Bathurst immediately and will speak to him on the subject. — A — And with regard to the proposal for negotiating a new commercial Convention, I shall take it as a favour, if your Lordship will let me know the determination of his Majesty’s Government, as soon as it may be convenient — C. You may rely upon having it, without one moment of unnecessary delay. — I took my leave, and on passing through the entry of the Office, saw by the Clock that it was just upon the stroke of three — I returned to Craven Street, where I found a Letter from J. Maury, Consul at Liverpool, enclosing an account for postage. — The Carriage was to come for us at a quarter past four — I went and paid a visit to Dr. Bollmann at N. 16 Buckingham Street, intending to walk from thence, and expecting the Carriage would overtake me in Hyde Park — I found Dr. Bollmann with one of his daughters whom he introduced to me. By his Conversation I found that he was mortified and soured by the disappointment of the projects with which he went to the United States last Autumn. He spoke of the dreadful state of Affairs in the United States, in relation to the finances, the circulating medium, and the overwhelming floods of depreciated bank paper; in which he concurs too well with all the other accounts that I have heard of late — but he considers the evil as irretrievable, which I hope it is not — He says that Mr. Dallas, the Secretary of the Treasury, was foiled in the principal object of his Bank, which was a Secret design to introduce Treasury Notes, as the circulating medium of the Country — But Congress took the alarm, and struck out that part of the plan, by which he would have accomplished that, the consequence of which will be that the Bank, when organized will be able to do no business, and then will come with a petition to Congress to have their powers enlarged — But a redemption from the depreciated paper, he holds to be utterly impracticable. He said the Government had declined the offer from Austria about the ships at Trieste — preferring to build 74 gun ships at an expence of 500,000 dollars each, to purchasing them at 100,000. He told me he had now come here, upon some new project of a manufacture; and that he should stay at least two years in Europe — I doubt whether he intends ever to return to the United States again — On leaving him I walked nearly to the Hammersmith Turnpike, when concluding that the Carriage must have started before me, I mounted upon the Dicky of a Windsor Stage, and rode to Kew-Bridge — From thence I walked again, reached home at half past six; found Mrs. Adams had got home, and that our Company for dinner were all arrived — They were Mess’rs Prescott, Cowell, Bryden, Prince Sanders, and J. A. Smith, who came from town with Mrs. Adams — Mr. Cowell is a new acquaintance, introduced by Mr. Sanders — We sat late at table and our company left us, little before Midnight.

[August 1816]

8. VI. ≈ Dined at the Mansion House with the Lord Mayor — It was a dinner to the Duke of Wellington, and for the purpose of presenting to him a Resolution of thanks from the Common Council of London, voted shortly after the Battle of Waterloo, and upon that occasion. The party was small. A single table of about thirty-six persons. The Duke of Cambridge and Prince Leopold had been invited but sent excuses — The Duke of Sussex had engaged to attend, but the Queen sent for him to dine with her; a summons that he was of course obliged to obey. He came before the company left the table after dinner — The Lord Mayor received an excuse from Prince Esterhazy the Austrian Ambassador just before going to table. He said he had not expected him — I had called upon Mr. Bourke, partly to enquire if he had been invited to the dinner. He had not — I was the only foreign Minister present; a favour, for which I have more than once been indebted to the present Lord Mayor; without precisely knowing why — Probably because he is a whig; and friendly to liberal principles with regard to America — I had been doubtful whether to go in full Court Dress to this party, or in Frock-Dress. On consulting Mr. Bourke, he advised me to go in Frock — I accordingly went so, but found the Lord Mayor, and most of the Company in Full-Dress — The Duke of Kent, however, the only person of the Royal family who attended, came in Frock — As did the Earl of Darnley and his Son Lord Clifton — The Duke of Wellington himself, and his Aids de Camp, Lord Arthur Hill, and Colonels Percy, Harvey and Freemantle, were in Military Uniform — Lord Erskine, and the Alderman were in Court dresses — I apologized for being in Undress — Before dinner the Lord Mayor introduced me to the Duke of Wellington — I observed that I had already been introduced to him — Oh! yes! said he — at Paris — No — at the Prince Regent’s last Levee, at Carlton-House, by your Grace’s brother, Mr. Wellesley-Pole — Oh? Aye! Yes! said the Duke, who had obviously forgotten me and my introduction — This is one of the many incidents from which I can perceive how very small a space my person or my station occupy in the notice of these persons, and at these places — The Lord Mayor intimated to me that I was to take my place at table after Lord Darnley and Lord Erskine, and before Lord Clifton, who he observed was not a Peer. — But as in handing the Ladies down, I took the Lord Mayor’s eldest daughter, Miss Wood, it happened that I found myself at table next above Lord Darnley, with Miss Wood between us — There were no Cards as on former occasions in the Plates — Before we were seated, the Lord Mayor repeatedly told Lord Darnley that he was not high enough; but there was no higher place that he could have taken except mine, and I did not take the hint of offering it to him. We kept our seats therefore as we had taken them — The Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress sat as usual at the head of the Table side by side. The Duke of Kent at the right of the Lord Mayor, and the Duke of Wellington at the left of the Lady Mayoress — The Dinner was of Turtle and Venison, and other­wise luxurious as usual. At the dessert the loving Cups of Champagne Punch, and the Basons of Rose water went round — The Steward at the passing of the Cups, and at the first toast — The king — went through the nomenclature of the company, according to custom; naming the American Minister immediately after Lord Erskine — The Lord Mayor gave us the toast immediately after the King — the Queen and female branches of the Royal Family — forgetting the Prince Regent; of which he was immediately reminded by the Duke of Kent — He corrected his mistake; but this forgetfulness led me to inferences similar in principle to those I had drawn from the Duke of Wellington’s oblivious faculties, at the introduction to him by his brother of an American Minister — The routine of standing toasts followed. The Duke of York and the Army — The Wooden Walls of Old England, and better health to the Duke of Clarence — He was it seems yesterday suddenly seized with an illness so violent that he was last Night in the most imminent danger — But had been relieved, and the danger entirely removed. — Next came the personal attacks. The Lord Mayor gave every toast with a Speech. ≈ Every toast, excepting the first (the King) was drank standing; with what they call three times three — hip — hip — hip — and nine huzza’s — for the Lord Mayor observed that it was impossible to do any thing in the City without noise — With all this, the dinner was inexpressibly dull — The company was obviously not well assorted — The Duke of Wellington yawned like L’Eveillé in the Barbier de Séville, and his aids occasionally laughed in the Sardonic manner, as if it was at themselves for being in company with the City — Wellington has no lively flow of Conversation; but he bore the daubing of flattery spread over him at every toast with moderate composure. The general aspect of his countenance is grave and stern, but sometimes it opens to a very pleasing smile — The City Resolutions elegantly written and illuminated upon parchment were read by a City Officer, and delivered to him in the Drawing Room before dinner. After dinner a drawing of the Silver Column, with a shield covering its base, which is to be presented to the Duke, by a subscription raised in the City, was exhibited, and freely criticised by the Duke’s Aids. I had conversation with Lord Erskine before, and with the Earl of Darnley after dinner. Lord Erskine said it was very well for us to come and dine there upon Turtle and Venison, but the Country was ruined. He told me again of his determination to go and travel in the United States — Lord Darnley seemed to be under apprehensions of a new War with the United States which he deprecated. He thought also that the British Government ought to furnish assistance to the South-Americans, to accomplish their emancipation — One of the Aldermen disclosed to me his consternation that the Stocks had fallen this morning full one per Cent, which he attributed to the manœuvering of certain Jew Stock-brokers, and to Lord Cochrane’s assertion at the late meeting in the City to relieve the poor, that the interest upon the national debt must be reduced. Mr. Sheriff Thorpe, made enquiries of the health of Mrs. Adams. — I told him she had been long intending to go and pay his father a visit — The Duke of Sussex told me that he intended in the course of three or four weeks to make me a visit at Ealing, and to ask me for a joint of Mutton — He said he would give me notice beforehand, and I asked him to bring his Son Captain D’Esté with him, which he promised. I spoke to the Captain himself about his expedition to New-Orleans, where he was Aid de Camp to General Pakenham; but he said it was a shocking affair and did not incline to talk much about it. He said it was a foolish thing ever to attempt an invasion in America. It was half past eleven when I left the Mansion House, and there was still such a crowd of People at the door, that it was with difficulty the Carriage could come up — When I went there had been a similar crowd. The Lord Mayor said they had been there from nine O’Clock in the morning — They shouted on the arrival of the Royal Dukes, and of the Duke of Wellington — I stopped a moment at Craven-Street, and got home, at half past one in the Morning.

25. VII. ≈ I went into London and dined at the Marquis d’Osmond the French Ambassador’s. — It was St. Louis’s day, and a great Diplomatic dinner. But as “Full dress,” had not been marked upon the invitation-Cards, as is usual on such occasions, and as was done upon the Count de la Chatre’s Cards on the same occasion last year, I went in frock undress, but found all the rest of the Company in full dress; excepting the Marquis de Grimaldi, the Sardinian chargé d’Affaires, who had made the same mistake, and two French Bishops, who could not appear in their full dress conveniently. The Company consisted of the Cabinet Ministers, the Earls of Liverpool and Bathurst, and Mr. Canning the new President of the Board of Controul; most of the foreign Ambassadors and Ministers; the two French Bishops above-mentioned, and a number of French Officers, with the Consul Seguier. One of the Officers, next to whom I was seated at table, told me that he had married a Sister of de Cabre’s, and spoke in handsome terms of the Duke de Vicence. Mr. Canning came late, after the company had sat down to Table — He made acquaintance with me, by asking me to help him to a dish that was before me, and to take a glass of wine with him — After dinner, at his request the Earl of Liverpool formally introduced him to me. This Gentleman, whose celebrity is great, and whose talents are perhaps greater than those of any other member of the Cabinet, has been invariably noted for the bitterness of his inveteracy against the United States, and I suppose considers it as a rule of personal courtesy to make up by an excess of civility, for the rancour which he has so constantly manifested against us. Mr. Russell, more than once mentioned to me that such had been his conduct towards him — He and Lord Liverpool both talked about the great and rapid increase of the population of the United States. They enquired when the next Presidential election would take place, and who would probably be elected — I told them Mr. Monroe. Lord Liverpool said he had heard, Mr. Monroe’s election might be opposed on account of his being a Virginian — I said that had been made a ground of objection to him, but would not avail.

[September 1816]

7. V:30. ≈ I took my Seal to the engraver Silvester’s in the Strand and went to Leslie’s where I sat two hours for my picture, to send to T. B. Johnson — I asked Leslie if he could introduce the device of my Seal into the Picture; but he did not incline to it. We left the question however, for future consideration. Just as we finished the sitting, Col’l Aspinwall came in to ask of me a certificate to enable him to receive his pension; he had it already drawn up and I signed it. Returning home I walked from the turn of the road to Gunnersbury — The Ladies came in from their fishing party, a few minutes after me. In the Evening I read to them the first Book of the Dunciad, and the first Canto of the Lady of the Lake. The weather has been this day fine, and although cool, needed no fire. It was the first evening since the month came in, that we had none —

In the Grecian Mythology, Orpheus is said to have charmed Lions and Tygers, the most ferocious wild Beasts, and to have drawn after him the very trees of the forest and the Rocks of the desert by the harmony of his Lyre. Its power was said to have triumphed even over the tremendous deities of the in­fernal regions, over the monster Cerberus, the Furies, and Pluto himself. The meaning of this Allegory is explained by Horace, De Arte Poetica, v. 390. Orpheus was a Legislator whose eloquence charmed the rude and Savage men of his age, to associate together in the State of civil Society. To submit to the salutary restraints of Law, and to unite together in the worship of their Creator — It was the Lyre of Orpheus that civilized Savage Man. It was only in Harmony that the first human political institutions could be founded. After the Death of Orpheus, his Lyre was placed among the Constellations — And there according to the Astronomics of Manilius; still possesses its original charm, constituting by its concords the Music of the Spheres, and drawing by its attraction the whole orb of Heaven around with its own revolution. It is the Application of this Fable, and of this passage of Manilius to the United States, the American political Constellation, that forms the device of the Seal. The following is the passage in Manilius with a translation.

The modern Astronomers have connected a Vulture with the Constellation of the Lyre, and it is marked upon the Charts of Bode’s Uranographia, by the name of Vultur et Lyra. Instead of that bird, by a slight poetical license I have assumed the American Eagle as the bearer of the Lyre. The thirteen original Stars form a border round the Seal. The Stars marked upon the Lyre and on the wings of the Eagle are placed in the relative positions as they may be seen by the naked eye in the Constellation of Lyra. The motto from Manilius is upon the Lyre itself. The moral application of the emblem is, that the same power of harmony which originally produced the institutions of civil government to regulate the Association of individual men, now presides in the federal association of the American States — That Harmony is the Soul of their combination. That their force consists in their Union; and that while thus United, it will be their destiny to revolve in harmony with the whole world by the attractive influence of their Union — It is the Lyre of Orpheus that now leads the Stars, as it originally drew after it rocks and trees. It is harmony that now binds in its influence the American States, as it originally drew individual men from the solitude of Nature, to the assemblages which formed States and Nations. The Lesson of the emblem is Union.

16. VI. From breakfast time until five in the afternoon I was engaged in making out a copy of my note to Lord Castlereagh, upon the proposal to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce; which I did not finish — The Ladies went upon a fishing party, and by mistaking the way, came late home. It was past eight when we sat down to dinner. In the Evening I read the first Act of Sheridan’s Comedy of the Rivals; but my hoarseness prevented me from reading more. The newspapers of this morning, contain the Official dispatches from Lord Exmouth announcing the complete success of his expedition against Algiers. The attack was on the 27th of August, and the whole Algerine fleet was destroyed; with the Arsenal, Storehouses, and part of the batteries on the shore. He gives the loss of the Turks as between six and seven thousand men. The returns of his own loss including that of the dutch Squadron co-operating with him are 141 killed and 742 wounded. The next morning the Dey submitted to all the terms prescribed. Delivered up all the Christian Slaves in and near Algiers — repaid all the money which had been paid for the ransom of the Neapolitans and Sardinians, under Lord Exmouth’s former Treaties in April, and stipulated the formal abolition of Christian Slavery in Algiers forever — This is a deed of real glory.

[October 1816]

16. VI:15. My wife went to London with Ellen Nicholas to look out for a house. I lost some time in making a Copy of my Ode, which no longer pleases me so well as it did yesterday. Could I have chosen my own Genius and Condition I should have made myself a great Poet — As it is, I have wasted much of my life in writing verses; spell-bound in the circle of mediocrity. In my walk this day, I endeavoured to strike out a Subject, upon which to undertake a work of Patience and Perseverance; but in vain — My time was utterly lost.

[November 1816]

8. VII:15. ≈ There was a sharp frost last Night and all this day was very cold. Much of my time was wasted, I scarcely know how. The day was fine; and I walked to Ealing, Acton, Gunnersbury and Brentford. In the lane from Gunnersbury down to the Brentford road, I saw a man, decently dressed, lying stretched upon the ground by the side of the Road; his face downward, and apparently asleep or dead. There was in the adjoining field a man trimming the hedge, of whom I enquired whether he knew any thing of this person. He said he had found him lying there; had attempted to raise him up, but could not get him to speak. I asked him if the man was in liquor — He did not know — I requested him to come and repeat the attempt to raise him up. I then spoke to him and he answered. Said he was not in liquor; but had a bad leg, had walked from near Windsor going to Lambeth to try and get into the Hospital, for which he had a Certificate from a physician. He had found himself faint and laid down there. I asked him if he was in want. He said he had eaten nothing for two days. By this time two other persons had come up. I gave him a shilling and advised him to stop at the public house at Turnham Green, and take some nourishment — The number of these wretched Objects that I meet in my daily walks is distressing. Many of them beg — They are often insolent, and sometimes exhibit figures that seem prepared for any thing — It is not a Month since a man was found dead, lying in a field by the side of the road, between Dumouriez’s house and Dr. Goodenough’s. Not a day passes but we have beggars come to the house; each with a different hideous tale of Misery — The extremes of opulence and of want are more remarkable, and more constantly obvious, in this Country than in any other that I ever saw.

[December 1816]

23. VI. Fahrenheit at 32 and rising to a thaw. By the second Post; after twelve at Noon, I received a Note from Lord Castlereagh dated on Saturday and requesting me to call on him at eleven O’Clock this Morning. I immediately went into London, and at three O’Clock when I reached his house found him still at home. He told me that as he was going out of town for two or three days, he had sent for me to tell me that he had not forgotten the promise that he had made me before he went to Ireland, that the subject of my Note of 27 September, proposing the Negotiation of a Commercial Treaty, should be taken up by this Government immediately after his return ≈ From this topic he passed immediately to that of the Slave trade, which he said was now carrying on to a very great extent, and in a shocking manner — That a great number of vessels for it, had been fitted out in our Southern States; and that the barbarities of the trade were even more atrocious than they had been before the abolition of it had been attempted. The vessels sailed under the flags of the Nations which still allowed the trade, Spain and Portugal; they were very small and sailed like lightening. One vessel of 120 tons taken by Sir James Yeo, had six hundred Slaves on board. She had been out three days and there were thirty of them already dead. These vessels escape capture, by the rapidity of their operations. They have agents on the slave Coast, who purchase and collect the slaves together on the shore. The vessels occasionally approach, until they see on the shore the flag flying which is the signal that the Agents are ready with the slaves. Then they go and take them on board, and disappear again in the course of a very few hours. If on approaching the land they do not see the flag, they immediately go off again and remain some time out of sight of land. The slaves when taken are carried to Brazil, the Coast of South America, and the Havanna. Neither Spain nor Portugal, even if they favoured the total abolition of the traffic have a force adequate to the suppression of it, as thus practiced ≈

24. VI. I intended to have gone to London this Morning; but the weather proving bad, and the necessity of writing pressing upon my time, I made up my Packet for the Secretary of State; with despatch N. 64, and sent William with them to London. I also wrote to W. T. Franklin, thanking him for the copy that he has sent me of his Grandfather’s Correspondence. ≈ In September 1815 I received a Letter from H. G. Spafford, of the State of New-York, dated 8 August 1815, in which he says he had been the preceding Winter at Washington, where the President had told him they were intending to reserve for me the best Office in the gift of Administration, as long as possible without injury to the public service. As this referred to a period previous to my appointment for the mission to England, I did not understand what was meant by it; but supposed it was an intention contingent upon my return home immediately after the Peace of Ghent — After this, the first intimation that I had on this subject was from G. Boyd, who when last here told me there was a talk about the Offices at Washington, that the place of Secretary of State, would be offered to me, by Mr. Monroe. — The next was from Mr. John Winthrop, on the 5th of this Month. Since then it has been announced in all the News­papers here, as extracted from American Newspapers, that it is settled. I am to be recalled, and to be Secretary of State — Lastly my Mother in her Letter of 26 November last, mentions a message from the President, by the Secretary of the Navy, that if Mr. A. returned, that Office would be offered to him — Spofford’s Letter had entirely escaped my recollection until within these few days. I had no expectation or belief that the Office would be offered to me, until the receipt of my Mother’s Letter, and now I consider it still as a matter of great uncertainty. The question whether I ought to accept the place if it should be offered is not without difficulties in my Mind. A doubt of my competency for it, is very sincerely entertained, and ought perhaps to be decisive. At all Events, if I could be rationally justified in accepting it, if offered, I perceive no propriety in taking any step whatever to seek it. The person who is to nominate for the Office will be Mr. Monroe, and from him I have received no such intimation — Nor any from the present President, with an express authority to ask me for an answer — If Mr. Monroe’s real intention be to propose to me the acceptance of the Office, I think it but consistent with what is due to my own character, as well as conformable to my own doubts whether I am fitted to discharge the heavy and laborious duties of the Office, to wait for a direct communication from him, signifying his intention, before I take any step, on the presumption that it will be carried into effect.

[January 1817]

28. VII:45. ≈ Mr. Chester’s Note informed me that the Prince regent would open the Session of Parliament at 2 O’Clock ≈ Mr. Smith and myself were dressed to be present at the Ceremony. Mrs. Adams and John went with us, to stay in the Carriage and see the show — But the crowd of People and of Carriages was so excessive, and the passage was so much obstructed, that the Clock at the Horse Guards as we passed it was within three minutes of two, and it was near half an hour later before we reached the door of the Parliament-House ­— The Prince had nearly finished his Speech, and the doors of the House of Lords were closed so that it was impossible to obtain admission. My error had been in not ordering my Carriage at one, instead of half-past one — We turned round and moved slowly up Parliament Street, till the Prince passed by us on his return. As we turned round we saw Viscount Hampden, in his Robes as a Peer, in his Carriage next behind ours, and in like manner belated — The Prince passed us within ten minutes after we returned. A mixture of low but very audible hissing; of faint groaning, and still fainter attempts to raise a shout among the populace, contrasted with the heavy magnificence of the gilded, but tasteless and clumsy State Coach, the gorgeous splendor of the golden harnesses, and the sky-blue silk ribbons, with which the eight cream-coloured royal horses were bedizened. The populace manifested no symptoms of riot, but a troop of horsemen preceded the Carriage, with drawn swords pressing back the crowd, preventing their approach to the Carriage, and urged by leader constantly repeating in a tone of extreme earnestness “keep them back! keep them back!” There were among the crowd, great numbers of very wretched and ill looking persons — They talked with more or less freedom — We heard one man say “he is gone into a strong hysteric” — another said “throw mud at him” — He has been so long accustomed to this sort of treatment from the populace, that he may perhaps have grown callous to it; but I did not envy him his feelings. ≈

29. V:30. The humours of the populace yesterday were, it seems not confined to the hissing, groaning, mock-shouting and evil-speaking which we heard. The Prince Regent’s Carriage entered St. James’s Park at the Horse Guards. He returned to St. James’s Palace, and on his way thither after passing by Carlton House, the window at the left hand was broken by bullets shot from an air gun, or stones thrown by the rabble. The Duke of Montrose, Master of the Horse, and Lord James Murray, a Lord of the Bedchamber were in the Carriage with the Prince. Lord James Murray was examined before both houses of Parliament, and declared that he had not the least doubt that the first fractures were made by two bullets, shot from above, it might be from a tree; but no report was heard, no bullets found, in the carriage; and the opposite window, though up, was not broken, and immediately after, a large stone was thrown, which shattered the glass to pieces — The two Houses voted a dutiful address to the Prince, expressing their horror at this outrage, and requesting him to take measures to discover the perpetrator. The debate in the House of Commons upon the Address in answer to the Speech, was interrupted by this episode, and adjourned to this day — We came through St. James’s Park on our return home last Evening, about five. The crowd were then entirely dispersed.

[April 1817]

16. VI:30. Soon after rising this Morning, I received four Letters. One from James Monroe, President of the United States, dated the sixth of March, last; informing me that he had with the Sanction of the Senate committed to me the Department of State. He requests me in case of my acceptance of the Office to return to the United States with the least possible delay to assume its duties, and mentions that he sends a special messenger with the Letter, and copies, by various conveyances. That which I received is a quadruplicate, and came by a vessel from Boston to Liverpool. ≈

17. VIII. I answered the Letter from the President of the United States, and accepted the appointment of Secretary of State. Mr. Monroe’s injunction to me to return home as soon as possible brings a pressure of business upon me to be done in a short time.

26. VII. Our Sons John and Charles by a special permission from Dr. Nicholas were allowed to come home this day. I took before dinner, for the last time a short walk round by Ealing Dene Common; and all the remainder of the day was so constantly occupied with packing up books and papers, that I had no time left for writing any thing. The accumulation of Books, pamphlets and Papers in the course of eight years that I have been in Europe, becomes on occasion of such a removal, inconvenient, and troublesome — Among the arts which are very useful to a person in a diplomatic career, is that of avoiding all superfluous incumbrance of baggage — I have had all my life a passion for collecting Books, of which I now feel the vanity. I have not sufficiently considered that a great library requires a great house for keeping it; which it has always been probable, and is now quite certain that I shall never possess. My library has scarcely ever been of much use to me; for I have no sooner made a valuable collection of Books than I have been separated from them — It is probable that this will be my last removal from Europe; at least it is my wish to pass the remainder of my days in my own Country; but I shall have at least one more great removal in prospect before the last. In the mean time I shall continue to be separated from almost all my books, and deprived of all time for seeking either instruction or entertainment from any books — We passed the Eve at Cards with the children.

28. V:45. London. We finally removed this day from Little Boston House, otherwise called Nightengale-Hall, at Little Ealing, where we have resided since the first of August 1815. We finished packing up our baggage and furniture, and I had a considerable part of the day for writing. ≈ It was 9 in the Evening when we arrived at the House in Craven-Street — I have seldom, perhaps never in the course of my life resided more comfortably than at the house which we now quit, and which I shall probably never see again.

29. VII:30. Visit this morning from Jeremy Bentham, on occasion of some correspondence he has had with Mr. Madison, the late President of the United States; to whom Bentham in the year 1811 made a proposal to prepare for the use of the United States, or of any one of them, a digest of the Common Law, to embrace in a very small compass the whole system of legislation. Mr. Madison answered the Letter last Summer, of course, though with very obliging expressions of acknowledgment and regret, declining the proposal. Last Evening I found on the table a note from Mr. Koe, to Smith, mentioning that Mr. Bentham would call here this Morning, and there were copies of Mr. Madison’s Letter to him, and of a message from Governor Snyder to the Legislature of Pennsylvania, respecting Mr. Bentham’s proposal. Mr. Bentham came this morning; but told me his only object now was to arrange a time for seeing me again: he engaged me to dine with him next Tuesday. He said he wished to have much conversation with me, and par­ticularly concerning family Relations of my own. I did not understand what he meant by this. He left me the pamphlet containing his Letter of 1811 to President Madison; and promised me the second part of his Chrestomathia, which I have not been able to procure at the Bookseller’s. Mr. Bentham is a man of 70 somewhat eccentric in his deportment, but of great ingenuity and benevolence. He told me that he was a radical reformist, and should in a few days publish a Book on the subject. Sir Francis Burdett’s motion for reform he said would not be brought forward until some days after the publication of his Book, which was written for Sir Francis, and at his request. ≈ On my walk before dinner I procured at a shop in the Strand a couple of Box-Opera tickets. Mr. Grubb dined with us; after dinner I went with my wife to the Opera, where we saw Mozart’s Il Don Giovanni, with the Ballet of L’Amour et La Folie. I had not been to the Italian Opera in London before since the year 1783 — nor then I think more than once. It was then a heavy, dull kind of entertainment, and has acquired additional perfection in those qualities since. The Theatre is enormous, with six rows of boxes and a Gallery proportionably large — The greater part of the boxes belong to individual proprietors — The tickets for all the boxes and for the Pit, are at half a guinea; but the owners of the boxes let them often for a Night, and there are shopkeepers in various parts of the town who act as brokers for the disposal of such tickets. They are usually to be had below the regular theatre price; but this Opera of Don Juan has been just brought out and is in its run, so that the tickets sold at their full price — Each box is fitted up to contain only six persons; and the partitions between them are made so as to prevent the people in any box from seeing their neighbours. They look like so many pigeon-holes — As this is an Entertainment which the people of Rank and Fashion affect to keep confined as much as possible exclusively to themselves, they have established it as a rule that every body must go dressed as for an Evening party; and gentlemen are not admitted in boots — But the Establishment has still more than the two National Theatres the marks of mingled extravagance and decay. The whole property has been lately sold twice over for insolvency by decrees of the Court of Chancery. The performers, both singers and dancers, are not of the highest order. Madame Fodor-Maïnvielle is the Prima Donna, and Crivelli, whom I had also seen at the Odeon is the best male singer here. Angrisani, who was scarcely suffered on that Theatre, now appears in considerable parts, and there is a Signora Hughes, absolutely not fit, either to be seen or heard — Don Juan is a sort of mongrel Tragi-Comedy, half seria, half buffa. The music partakes of this character — It is neither pathetic, nor gay, nor tender, with the exception of one song of Zerlina, which is a little of all this — There is, as in most of Mozart’s Music something delicious to my ear, while I hear it; but nothing that strikes at the time, and vibrates upon the memory afterwards — With true genuine first rate Italian singers and performers there might be some comic humour in Leporello and Zerlina; but Naldi and Madame Fodor cannot move a risible muscle — Don Juan was tolerably performed by Ambrogetti; but the music of his part is little, and as a singer he is not equal to Crivelli — The Ballet was miserable. Mr. and Madame Batiste are the principal dancers. No Vestres — No Duport — No Madame Gardel — No Mlle. Bigottini — decayed french pirouette-makers, and clumsy English jumpers formed the composition — The dresses were all shabby, and the scenery barely tolerable — It was over about one in the Morning.

[May 1817]

3. VII. Our Sons John and Charles came home from the school at Ealing. A Mr. Kollock, a Clergyman of Savannah came for a Passport. He told me he had been introduced to me, by Dr. Waterhouse, while I resided at his house in Cambridge, in the year 1806. I was engaged great part of the Morning in settling accounts: and with visitors. L. Harris was here and proposes to go for Liverpool next Tuesday. Mr. John Winthrop, returned from his tour to Scotland, came to state his views and wishes with regard to an appointment as Consul. My morning walk was late and short. In Hyde Park I met Count Fernan Nuñez, who stop’d his Curricle and spoke to me. He told me he had had his audience to take leave of the Prince Regent yesterday, and was no longer Ambassador here. He should proceed for Paris to-morrow morning. He assured me that I should be très content, with Onis, and that our affairs with Spain should be settled entirely to our satisfaction. That we should have what we wanted, and secured to us in the most effectual manner. Seulement — de l’autre coté — les voisins — He himself had lately received instructions upon the subject, and was glad to let me know it before my return to America. Spain was resolved to give us full and entire satisfaction — It might not suit at all the views of some others — but I might depend upon it, Spain was firmly resolved to settle all affairs amicably with us — There was much nodding of the head, much significance of look, and much show of mysterious meaning in all this, but nothing specific or precise. What he meant me to understand him as saying was that Spain would cede to us the Florida’s, although England was taking all possible pains to prevent it; but that we must satisfy Spain about the South-American Insurgents. Neither the time nor place would admit of my asking further explanations, and it was evident he meant to raise expectations in me, without saying any thing explicit. I answered him in general terms, with strong assurances of our earnest desire to settle every thing amicably with Spain; with my thanks for his communication; the great pleasure which I took in learning from him that the policy of Spain towards the United States was thus decidedly pacific and friendly, and my best wishes that he might have a prosperous negotiation at Paris.

14. VI:45. The time appointed for my attendance at Carlton House was half-past two O’Clock; at which time I was there. I found there Mr. Chester the assistant Master of the Ceremonies, and the Swedish Minister Baron Rehausen. Half an hour later Lord Castlereagh came, and we waited then an hour longer before it was announced to us that the Prince Regent was ready. Lord Castlereagh first went in with Baron Rehausen who took leave, upon a permission of absence. He is going to Sweden upon that profession, but does not expect to come back again — While he was with the Prince, Chester remarked with a smile that it was a singular kind of life that the Regent led — That we had waited so long, because he had not risen when we came, and that he was scarcely ever out of his bed till three in the afternoon. Chester also enquired of me in what manner I should chuse to receive the usual present given to foreign Ministers on the termination of their Missions; which he said was for Ambassadors one thousand Pounds, and for Ministers of the second order, five hundred. I told him that by the Constitution of the United States no person in their service was permitted to accept a present from any foreign Sovereign; and I must therefore decline any one that might be offered me here. He said that having had some idea of the existence of such a regulation in America he had made enquiries at the Office how the fact had been in the cases of former American Ministers, and had found the present had been in some instances accepted, and in others declined. I told him I supposed the cases of acceptance were prior to the Constitutional prohibition; that I must for my part decline it, and would explain to Lord Castlereagh my motives for so doing. He acquiesced in this with apparent cheerfulness though probably not without reluctance — The prohibition of the Constitution of the United States in this case has my hearty approbation, and I wish it may be inflexibly adhered to hereafter. The usage itself as practised by all the European Governments is in my judgment absurd, indelicate, with at least very strong tendencies to corruption — On the part of the United States there is a peculiar reason for prohibiting their Servants from taking such gifts, because as they never make presents to the Ministers of foreign powers, who have been accredited to them there is not even the plea of reciprocity to allege for allowing it — For American Ministers to be receiving gifts from foreign Princes, whose diplomatic agents in America, never receive any thing in return, would exhibit them rather as beggars receiving alms, from opulent Princes than as the Independent Representatives of a high minded and virtuous Republic. The Governments of Europe are themselves becoming ashamed of this despicable custom. Count Romanzoff since his Resignation as Chancellor of the Russian Empire, has made up a fund from the value of all the presents of this kind that he had ever received, and made an appropriation of the whole, together with an additional sum from his own property to the publick service of the state; in aid of the pensions granted to invalid and wounded soldiers. I have a strong impression that the peculiar propriety of this patriotic sacrifice was suggested to him by the example of the principle established by this regulation in the Constitution of the United States. Lord Castlereagh in the course of his Negotiations at the Vienna Congress, and at Paris, received twenty-four snuff-boxes, each worth one thousand Pounds Sterling, besides other articles equally costly; but even there, they at least found it necessary to put a check upon this market of snuff-boxes, and dispensed with the presents in concluding some of the Treaties. The practice here is to give money, which has not even the palliation of sentimentality to plead in its favour; but as by the standing usage, ten per Cent from the Minister’s present, is deducted, as a douceur to the Master of the Ceremonies. Mr. Chester was probably not so fully convinced of the propriety of the American principle as I was. — Immediately after Rehausen came out from the Prince’s Cabinet, I went in accompanied by Lord Castlereagh, and delivered the Letter of Recall. At the same time I told him I was especially instructed by the President of the United States to assure His Royal Highness of the earnestness of his desire that the relations between the two Countries, and the intercourse between the Governments should continue upon the most friendly terms. I was further ordered to say that an uncertainty in the President’s mind whether I should immediately return to the United States was the only cause which had deferred the appointment of a Minister to succeed me at this Court; and that such an appointment would be made with as little delay as possible. The Prince returned the assurances of his disposition to continue and promote the harmony between the two Nations, which he said was required by the true interests of both. There was no formality in the discourse on either side; and the generalities of friendly assurances were much alike, and estimated at their real value, on both sides — The Prince immediately passed to Conversation upon other topics, and enquired who were the persons that would compose Mr. Monroe’s Cabinet. I mentioned the names of the Secretaries of the Treasury, of War, and of the Navy. He did not know either of them; but spoke in handsome terms as he had done at my first presentation to him, of Mr. Thomas Pinkney and of Mr. King. He said Mrs. Patterson had told him that Mr. Pinkney was now a General in the Army. He asked also various questions respecting the organization of the American Government, and made his remarks upon it, which were neither profound, ingenious, nor complacent — The character of this person is a composition of obtundity and of frivolity. He is a Falstaff without the wit, and a Prince Henry without the compunctions. His only talent is that of mimicry, which he exercises without regard to dignity or decorum, to the fitness of his own character or to the feelings of others. His supreme delight is to expose persons dependent upon him to ridicule, and to enjoy their Mortification. He seemed not to comprehend how it was possible to manage a Government where the members of the executive Government could not sit as members of the Legislature: and he thought the mode of communication between the Legislative and executive departments by the means of Committees was a sucking of brains on both sides which must encumber all public business, and increase all its difficulties. He spoke however in perfect good humour, and dismissed me as graciously as he had received me.

22. VIII. I took a walk this morning with J. Bentham through Hyde Park and Kensington Garden in the course of which I had much conversation with him, upon his political opinions, and views, and upon the situation and Prospects of this Country. I mentioned to him the notice taken in the House of Commons of his Catechism of Reform, the Evening before last — The quotations and Comments of Mr. Ward, and the remark upon it of Sir Samuel Romilly — Bentham writes in a very peculiar style, and uses a multitude of words of his own coining — Ward said it was a sort of Lingua Franca; no language of itself, but a compound from various tongues, in which however an approximation of meaning was to be obtained — Bentham said that was a fair joke; with which he was very well pleased; but he always took the privilege of coining words when they were necessary to express his ideas. He was much obliged to Mr. Ward, both for the respectful manner in which he had spoken of his personal character, which from him he had no right to have expected, and for the quotations which he had read from his book; because that would bring it more immediately into public notice — It was singular that the reference to the Book, should have been made from that quarter, which was totally unexpected to him; while it had not been even mentioned by Sir Francis Burdett, from whom he had expected that something of it would have been said — But Sir Francis himself was not an efficient reformer. He was rich; his education had been bad. He was above all indolent — There was no steady reliance to be placed upon him. As to Sir Samuel Romilly, who was his intimate friend, he, Bentham, knew that he would not be pleased with the book. Romilly was a whig; and the whigs as a party were just as corrupt, and just as averse to reform as their adversaries. I told him with how much keenness and severity they had been characterized by Mr. Ward; and he said they deserved it all. I then remarked to him upon the force with which Mr. Ward argued that the real object of the radical reformers was Revolution; and intimated to him my impressions that it was so. And recurring particularly to the passage of the Book, where the Reformers are exhorted to be satisfied with nothing short of democratic ascendency, I asked him how he could reconcile that even with the sound theory of the British Constitution, which I conceived to be a balance between the Monarchical, Aristocratical and democratical branches forbidding the ascendancy of either of them. I was aware that he had ridiculed the idea of the balance, by referring his reader for it to mother goose or Mother Blackstone; still it was the theory of the English Constitution; and how could the ascendancy of the popular part of it be established without subverting the whole? He said the ascendancy of one part did not necessarily imply the destruction of the others. That in regard to religious affairs Protestant ascendancy was established by Law. Yet the Roman Catholic Religion was tolerated. As to ascendancy of one branch of the government over the others that existed in the present state of things; or rather the combination of the crown and the aristocracy overpowered the democracy to such a degree that the popular check upon them was a mere name — The Liberties of the Country were utterly gone — Gone forever, unless the ascendancy of the democracy could be substituted for that which now predominated — I told him I thought this neither demonstrated, nor necessary to the cause of reform — That the only principle upon which reform could be pursued distinctly from Revolution, appeared to me, to be that of restoring democracy to its equal share of power — of removing the existing ascendancy, but without substituting the other in its stead. I asked him whether he thought it possible for the monarchy & aristocracy to subsist at-all, with his democratic ascendancy? He said he had provided for them in his book. The principle of the uti possidatis was a common basis for negotiation in international Law; he was willing to assume it as a principle of municipal Government. He would touch none of the privileges of the Peerage, and none of the prerogatives of the Crown, excepting that of creating new Peers at its pleasure. He would leave every one in possession of his own. I said that was very well, so far as his opinion, and conduct were concerned — But whatever might be the advantages of Reform, it must on the most favourable of all possible contingencies, be introduced by intrenching upon the principle of uti possidatis. It must take franchises or property from somebody. The disfranchisement of Old Sarum itself could not be effected, without violating the principle of uti possidatis — He to be sure would stop at the point where democratic ascendancy should be established; and then would let in the principle of uti possidatis to guard the remnant of power left to the Crown & the Peers — but let him suppose a Parliament assembled, with a reformed house of Commons possessing the ascendancy which his Book recommends — Did he think that house of Commons would feel themselves restrained from encroachments upon their co-ordinate but not co-equal authorities by his international principle of the uti possidatis? He did not maintain that they would — And what if they should put down the Crown and the Peerage said he? Is your Government in America the worse, for having neither king nor Lords? Or are you exclusively entitled to the enjoyment of good Government, and must you begrudge it to others? I said he was joking to escape from the consequences of his own argument. The question was not between the comparative merits of the British and American Governments but whether a radical reform in England does or does not involve an inevitable Revolution. I considered him now as having conceded that reform with his democratic ascendancy would lead to the abolition of the Crown and the Peerage. But these Institutions were too powerful and too deeply rooted to perish without a struggle; and what would be the consequences of that? He said probably a civil war; upon the whole it was likely that no great and real reform could be effected in England without a civil war. Corruption had so pervaded the whole Mass of the Government, and had so vitiated the character of the people, that he was afraid they could be purified only by fire. But any thing was better than the present state of things and that in which it must terminate, unless a vigorous effort on the part of the People should rescue them from that absolute despotism under which they are sinking — From this conversation the inference is tolerably clear that Mr. Ward has not mistaken the views of the radical reformers.

[June 1817]

6. VII:30. ≈ Mr. Wilberforce had called at Craven Street the day before yesterday while I was out, and left a Note requesting to see me. I answered him yesterday Morning that I would call at two this day at his lodgings, 8 Downing Street — I went at the time, but he had missed of receiving my Note and was not at home — Lord Castlereagh had also by a Note requested me instead of calling at his house, yesterday morning as we had agreed, to come this afternoon at four O’Clock to the foreign Office — But when I went at the time he was not there. I went twice to the House of Commons to see if I could find either of them there. Lord Castlereagh came at last, and with an apology for missing his appointment asked me to call at his house to-morrow Morning — Mr. Goulburn and Mr. Sharp came under the Gallery and took leave of me. Sir John Cox Hippisley whom I met in the lobby did the same, & charged me with a message of his kind remembrance to his old friend H. Cruger at New-York. I finally found Mr. Wilberforce at his lodgings, with his friend Mr. Babbington, also a member of the House of Commons. The suppression of the Slave trade was the subject of Mr. Wilberforce’s wish to see me, and we had an hours Conversation relating to it — His object is to obtain the consent of the United States and of all other maritime Powers, that ships under their flags may be searched and captured by the British Cruizers against the Slave Trade: a concession which I thought would be liable to objections — Mr. West and Zerah Colburn with his father spent the Evening with us. Received a Letter from John, on board the ship, and many others; among which one from Mr. and Mrs. W. Wellesley-Pole, inviting my wife and me to pass the Evening there to-morrow.

7. VII. Mr. Bentham came to ask if I could walk with him this Morning, but I was obliged to call upon Lord Castlereagh, with whom I had a last interview, which was short. I left with him a minute of the Notes which I have addressed to him, and to which answers are yet desirable. We had some further Conversation upon the state of Relations between the United States and Spain; and examined the ground upon a Map. He asked whether if the Floridas were ceded to the United States, what objection they would have to the Mississippi for a boundary. I shewed him the whole range of Territory marked upon his own Map, “Louisiana” — and said that would be the objection — But that if Spain would but for one moment be rational with us we could easily come to an accommodation with her. He said smiling that he must admit Spain was not the easiest of parties to concede; and he might say the same of the United States — I answered in the same tone, that there could be no better judge of stubbornness and compliance than a party so very easy and accommodating as Great Britain.

10. VI. Tuesday. London, Farewell! ≈ At a quarter before one we took leave of J. A. Smith, of Mrs. Wood our Landlady, of Mary Pain our Housekeeper and Cook, Mary Beach housemaid, Benjamin Jobbarn Coachman, Robert Martin, Footman, the Servants whom we had kept till this day and left London, in a Post Chaise and pair of horses with my wife and Lucy Houel her chambermaid — For my own part I bade adieu to London in all probability forever.