t groundiþ hem but nygromansye.JOHN WICLIF
D. 1384.
Like Richard Rolle, Wiclif was a Yorkshireman by birth. Of his career at Oxford little is known until 1360, when he is described as ‘master of Balliol’. From Balliol he was presented to the living of Fillingham, and, after a series of preferments, he accepted in 1374 the rectory of Lutterworth, which he held till his death in 1384.
Wiclif’s life was stormy. His acknowledged pre-eminence as a theologian and doctor in the University did not satisfy his active and combative mind. ‘False peace’, he said, ‘is grounded in rest with our enemies, when we assent to them without with-standing; and sword against such peace came Christ to send.’ He lacked neither enemies nor the moral courage to withstand them.
At first, under the powerful patronage of John of Gaunt, he entered into controversies primarily political, opposing the right of the Pope to make levies on England, which was already over-burdened with war-taxation, and to appoint foreigners to English benefices. On these questions popular opinion was on his side.
He proceeded to attack the whole system of Church government, urging disendowment; rejecting the papal authority, which had been weakened in 1378 by the fierce rivalry of Urban VI and Clement VII; attacking episcopal privileges, the established religious orders, and the abuse of indulgences, pardons, and sanctuary. Still his opinions found a good deal of popular and political support.
Then in 1380 he publicly announced his rejection of the doctrine of transubstantiation. From the results of such a heresy his friends could no longer protect him. Moderate opinion became alarmed and conservative after the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. Richard II was no friend of heretics. John of Gaunt, himself unpopular by this time, commanded silence. And in 1382 the secular party in Oxford were compelled, after a struggle, to condemn and expel their favourite preacher and his followers. Wiclif retired to Lutterworth, and continued, until struck down by paralysis in the last days of 1384, to inspire his ‘poor preachers’—the founders of the Lollard sect which lived on to join forces with Lutheranism in the sixteenth century—and to develop in a series of Latin and English works the doctrines that later came to be associated with Puritanism.
His authorship is often doubtful. In the interests of orthodoxy the early MSS. of his writings were ruthlessly destroyed, as in the famous bonfire of his works at Carfax, Oxford, in 1411. And his followers included not only the simple folk from whom later the ‘poor priests’ were recruited, but able University men, trained in his new doctrines, bred in the same traditions, and eager to emulate their master in controversy. So his share in the famous Wiclif Bible (ed. Forshall and Madden, Oxford 1850) is still uncertain. Part of the translation seems to have been made by Nicholas of Hereford, and a later recension is claimed for another Oxford disciple, John Purvey. But Wiclif probably inspired the undertaking, for to him, as to the later Puritans, the word of the Bible was the test by which all matters of belief, ritual, and Church government must be tried; and he was particularly anxious, in opposition to the established clergy and the friars, that laymen should read it in their own language. Contemporaries, friend and foe, ascribe the actual translation to him. John Huss, the Bohemian reformer, who was martyred in 1416 for teaching Wiclif’s doctrines, states that Wiclif ‘translated all the Bible into English’. Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, is equally positive when he writes to the Pope in 1412 that ‘the son of the Old Serpent filled up the cup of his malice against Holy Church by the device of a new translation of the Scriptures into his native tongue’.
The first selection, chapter xv of the De Officio Pastorali (ed. Matthew, pp. 429 f.), states the case for translation. In the second (ed. Matthew, pp. 188 ff.) some essential points of Wiclif’s teaching are explained.
In abuse of his opponents he maintains the sturdy tradition of controversy that still survives in Milton’s prose. The style is rugged and vigorous; the thought logical and packed close. And it is easy to see the source of his strength. In an age whose evils were patent to all, many reproved this or that particular abuse, but the system as a whole passed unchallenged. Wiclif, almost alone in his generation, had the reasoning power to go to the root of the matter, and the moral courage not only to state fearlessly what, rightly or wrongly, he found to be the source of evil, but to insist on basic reform. It is difficult nowadays, when modern curiosity has made familiar the practice of mining among the foundations of beliefs, society, and government, to realize the force of authority that was ranged against unorthodox reformers in the fourteenth century. If the popular support he received indicates that this force was already weakening, Wiclif must still be reckoned among the greatest of those who broke the way for the modern world.
A. THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE.
De Officio Pastorali, chap. xv.
MS. Ashburnham XXVII (15th century).
5 ANT heere þe freris wiþ þer fautours seyn þat it is heresye to write þus Goddis lawe in English, and make it knowun to lewid men. And fourty signes þat þey bringen for to shewe an heretik ben not worþy to reherse, for nout groundiþ hem but nygromansye.
10–15 It semyþ first þat þe wit of Goddis lawe shulde be taut in þat tunge þat is more knowun, for þis wit is Goddis word. Whanne Crist seiþ in þe Gospel þat boþe heuene and erþe shulen passe, but His wordis shulen not passe, He vndirstondith bi His woordis His wit. And þus Goddis wit is Hooly Writ, þat may on no maner be fals. Also þe Hooly Gost af to apostlis wit at Wit Sunday for to knowe al maner langagis, to teche þe puple Goddis lawe þerby; and so God wolde þat þe puple were taut Goddis lawe in dyuerse tungis. But what man, on Goddis half, shulde reuerse Goddis ordenaunse and His wille?
20 And for þis cause Seynt Ierom trauelide and translatide þe Bible fro dyuerse tungis into Lateyn, þat it myte be aftir translatid to oþere tungis. And þus Crist and His apostlis tauten þe puple in þat tunge þat was moost knowun to þe puple. Why shulden not men do nou so?
And hea-rfore autours of þe newe law, þat weren apostlis of Iesu Crist, writen þer Gospels in dyuerse tungis þat weren more knowun to þe puple.
25–30 Also þe worþy reume of Fraunse, notwiþstondinge alle lettingis, haþ translatid þe Bible and þe Gospels, wiþ oþere trewe sentensis of doctours, out of Lateyn into Freynsch. Why shulden not Englischemen do so? As lordis of Englond han þe Bible in Freynsch, so it were not aenus resoun þat þey hadden þe same sentense in Englisch; for þus Goddis lawe wolde be betere knowun, and more trowid, for onehed of wit, and more acord be bitwixe reumes.
35–40 And herfore freris han taut in Englond þe Paternoster in Englisch tunge, as men seyen in þe pley of ork, and in many oþere cuntreys. Siþen þe Paternoster is part of Matheus Gospel, as clerkis knowen, why may not al be turnyd to Englisch trewely, as is þis part? Specialy siþen alle Cristen men, lerid and lewid, þat shulen be sauyd, moten algatis sue Crist, and knowe His lore and His lif. But þe comyns of Englischmen knowen it best in þer modir tunge; and þus it were al oon to lette siche knowing of þe Gospel and to lette Englischmen to sue Crist and come to heuene.
45 Wel y woot defaute may be in vntrewe translating, as myten haue be many defautis in turnyng fro Ebreu into Greu, and fro Greu into Lateyn, and from o langage into anoþer. But lyue men good lif, and studie many persones Goddis lawe, and whanne chaungyng of wit is foundun, amende þey it as resoun wole.
50–65 Sum men seyn þat freris trauelen, and þer fautours, in þis cause for þre chesouns, þat y wole not aferme, but God woot wher þey ben soþe. First þey wolden be seun so nedeful to þe Englischmen of oure reume þat singulerly in her wit lay þe wit of Goddis lawe, to telle þe puple Goddis lawe on what maner euere þey wolden. And þe secound cause herof is seyd to stonde in þis sentense: freris wolden lede þe puple in techinge hem Goddis lawe, and þus þei wolden teche sum, and sum hide, and docke sum. For þanne defautis in þer lif shulden be lesse knowun to þe puple, and Goddis lawe shulde be vntreweliere knowun boþe bi clerkis and bi comyns. Þe þridde cause þat men aspien stondiþ in þis, as þey seyn: alle þes newe ordris dreden hem þat þer synne shulde be knowun, and hou þei ben not groundid in God to come into þe chirche; and þus þey wolden not for drede þat Goddis lawe were knowun in Englisch; but þey myten putte heresye on men if Englisch toolde not what þey seyden.
God moue lordis and bischops to stonde for knowing of His lawe!
B. OF FEIGNED CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE.
Corpus Christi College (Cambridge) MS. 296 (1375–1400), p. 165.
OF feyned contemplatif lif, of song, of þe Ordynal of Salisbury, and of bodely almes and worldly bysynesse of prestis; hou bi þes foure þe fend lettiþ hem fro prechynge of þe Gospel.—
5–10 First, whanne trewe men techen bi Goddis lawe wit and reson, þat eche prest owiþ to do his myt, his wit, and his wille to preche Cristis Gospel, þe fend blyndiþ ypocritis to excuse hem by feyned contemplatif lif, and to seie þat, siþ it is þe beste, and þei may not do boþe togidre, þei ben nedid for charité of God to leue þe prechynge of þe Gospel, and lyuen in contemplacion.
15 See nowe þe ypocrisie of þis false seiynge. Crist taut and dide þe beste lif for prestis, as oure feiþ techiþ, siþ He was God and myte not erre. But Crist preched þe Gospel, and charged alle His apostlis and disciplis to goo and preche þe Gospel to alle men. Þan it is þe beste lif for prestis in þis world to preche þe Gospel.
20 Also God in þe olde lawe techiþ þat þe office of a prophete is to schewe to þe peple here foule synnys. But eche prest is a prophete bi his ordre, as Gregory seyþ vpon þe Gospellis. Þanne it is þe office of eche prest to preche and telle þe synnys of þe peple; and in þis manere schal eche prest be an aungel of God, as Holy Writt seiþ.
25 Also Crist and Ion Baptist leften desert and precheden þe Gospel to here deþ þerfore; and þis was most charité; for ellis þei weren out of charité, or peierid in charité, þat myte not be in hem boþe, siþ þe ton was God, and no man after Crist was holyere þan Baptist, and he synned not for þis prechynge.
30 Also þe holy prophete Ieromye, halwid in his moder wombe, mytte not be excused fro prechynge bi his contemplacion, but chargid of God to preche þe synnes of þe peple, and suffre peyne þerfore, and so weren alle þe prophetis of God.
35 A Lord! siþ Crist and Ion Baptist and alle þe prophetis of God weren nedid bi charité to come out of desert to preche to þe peple, and leue here sol〈it〉arie preiere, hou dore we fonnyd heretikys seie þat it is betre to be stille, and preie oure owen fonnyd ordynaunce, þan to preche Cristis Gospel?
40–55 Lord! what cursed spirit of lesyngis stiriþ prestis to close hem in stonys or wallis for al here lif, siþ Crist comaundiþ to alle His apostlis and prestis to goo into alle þe world and preche þe Gospel. Certis þei ben opyn foolis, and don pleynly aenst Cristis Gospel; and, if þei meyntenen þis errour, þei ben cursed of 〈God〉, and ben perilous ypocritis and heretikis also. And siþ men ben holden heretikis þat done aenst þe popis lawe, 〈and þe beste part of þe popis lawe〉 seiþ pleynly þat eche þat comeþ to presthod takiþ þe office of a bedele, or criere, to goo bifore Domesday to crie to þe peple here synnes and vengaunce of God, whi ben not þo prestis heretikis þat leuen to preche Cristis Gospel, and compelle oþere treue men to leue prechynge of þe Gospel? Siþ þis lawe is Seynt Gregoryes lawe, groundid opynly in Goddis lawe and reson and charité; and oþere lawes of þe peple ben contrarie to Holy Writt and reson and charité, for to meyntene pride and coueitise of Anticristis worldly clerkis.
60–65 But ypocritis allegen þe Gospel,—þat Magdaleyne chees to hereself þe beste part whanne she saat bisiden Cristis feet and herde His word. Soþ it is þat þis meke sittynge and deuout herynge of Cristis wordis was best to Magdeleyne, for sche hadde not office of prechynge as prestis han, siþ sche was a womman, þat hadde not auctorité of Goddis lawe to teche and preche opynly. But what is þis dede to prestis, þat han expresse þe comaundement of God and men to preche þe Gospel? Where þei wolen alle be wommen in ydelnesse, and suen not Iesu Crist in lif and prechynge þe Gospel, þat He comandiþ Hymself boþe in þe olde lawe and newe?
70–75 Also þis pesible herynge of Cristis word and brennynge loue þat Magdeleyne hadde was þe beste part, for it schal be ende in heuene of good lif in þis world. But in þis world þe beste lif for prestis is holy lif in kepynge Goddis hestis, and trewe prechynge of þe Gospel, as Crist dide, and chargid alle His prestis to do 〈þe same〉. And þes ypocritis wenen þat here dremys and fantasies of hemself ben contemplacion, and þat prechynge of þe Gospel be actif lif; and so þei menen þat Crist tok þe worse lif for þis world, and nedid alle His prestis to leue þe betre and take þe worse lif; and þus þes fonnyd ypocritis putten errour in Iesu Crist. But who ben more heretikis?
80–85 Also þes blynde ypocritis alleggen þat Crist biddiþ vs preie euermore, and Poul biddiþ þat we preie wiþoute lettynge, and þan we prestis may not preche, as þei feynen falsly. But here þes ypocritis schullen wite þat Crist and Poul vnderstonden of preiere of holy lif, þat eche man doþ as longe as he dwelliþ in charité; and not of babelynge of lippis, þat no man may euere do wiþouten cessynge; for ellis no man in þis world myte fulfille þe comaundement of Crist; and þis techiþ Austyn and oþere seyntis.
90–95 And siþ men þat fulfillen not Goddis lawe, and ben out of charité, ben not acceptid in here preiynge of lippis,—for here preiere in lippis is abhomynable, as Holy Writt seiþ bi Salomon,—þes prestis þat prechen not þe Gospel, as Crist biddiþ, ben not able to preie 〈God〉 for mercy, but disceyuen hemself and þe peple, and dispisen God, and stiren Hym to wraþþe and vengaunce, as Austyn and Gregory and oþere seyntis techen.
100–110 And principaly þes ypocritis þat han rentes, and worldly lordischipes, and parische chirchis approprid to hem, aenst Holy Writt boþe old and newe, by symonye and lesyngis on Crist and His apostelis, for stynkynge gronyngys and abite of holynesse, and for distroiynge of Goddis ordynaunce, and for singuler profession maade to foolis and, in cas, to fendis of helle,—þes foolis schullen lerne what is actif lif and contemplatif bi Goddis lawe, and þanne þei mytten wite þat þei han neiþer þe ton ne þe toiþer, siþ þei chargen more veyn statutis of synful men, and, in cas, 〈of〉 deuelys, þan þei chargen þe heste of God, and werkis of mercy, and poyntis of charité. And þe fende blyndiþ hem so moche, þat þei seyn indede þat þei moten neuere preie to plesynge of God, siþ þei vnablen hemself to do þe office of prestis bi Goddis lawe, and purposen to ende in here feyned deuocion, þat is blasphemye to God.
115–120 Also bi song þe fend lettiþ men to studie and preche þe Gospel; for siþ mannys wittis ben of certeyn mesure and myt, þe more þat þei ben occupied aboute siche mannus song, þe lesse moten þei be sette aboute Goddis lawe. For þis stiriþ men to pride, and iolité, and oþere synnys, and so vnableþ hem many gatis to vnderstonde and kepe Holy Writt, þat techeþ mekenesse, mornynge for oure synnys and oþere mennus, and stable lif, and charité. And it God in all þe lawe of grace chargiþ not siche song, but deuocion in herte, trewe techynge, and holy spekynge in tonge, and goode werkis, and holy lastynge in charité and mekenesse. But mannus foly and pride stieþ vp euere more and more in þis veyn nouelrie.
125–140 First men ordeyned songe of mornynge whanne þei weren in prison, for techynge of þe Gospel, as Ambrose, as men seyn, to putte awey ydelnesse, and to be not vnoccupied in goode manere for þe tyme. And þat songe and our〈e〉 acordiþ not, for oure stiriþ to iolité and pride, and here stiriþ to mornynge, and to dwelle lenger in wordis of Goddis lawe. Þan were matynys, and masse, and euensong, placebo and dirige, and comendacion, and matynes of Oure Lady, ordeyned of synful men to be songen wiþ heie criynge, to lette men fro þe sentence and vnderstondynge of þat þat was þus songen, and to maken men wery, and vndisposid to studie Goddis lawe for akyng of hedis. And of schort tyme þanne 〈weren〉 more veyn iapis founden: deschaunt, countre note, and orgon, and smale brekynge, þat stiriþ veyn men to daunsynge more þan 〈to〉 mornynge; and herefore ben many proude lorelis founden and dowid wiþ temperal and worldly lordischipis and gret cost. But þes foolis schulden drede þe scharpe wordis of Austyn, þat seiþ: ‘As oft as þe song likiþ me more þan doþ þe sentence þat is songen, so oft I confesse þat I synne greuously.’
145–150 And if þes knackeris excusen hem bi song in þe olde lawe, seie þat Crist, þat best kepte þe olde lawe as it schulde be aftirward, taut not ne chargid vs wiþ sich bodely song, ne ony of His apostlis, but wiþ deuocion in herte, and holy lif, and trewe prechynge, and þat is ynowþ3 and þe beste. But who schulde þanne charge vs wiþ more, oure þe fredom and litnesse of Cristis lawe?
155 And if þei seyn þat angelis heryen God bi song in heuene, seie þat we kunnen not þat song; but þei ben in ful victorie of here enemys, and we ben in perilous bataile, and in þe valeye of wepynge and mornynge; and oure song lettiþ vs fro betre occupacion, and stiriþ vs to many grete synnes, and to forete vs self.
160–165 But oure flecshly peple haþ more lykynge in here bodely eris in sich knackynge and taterynge, þan in herynge of Goddis lawe, and spekynge of þe blisse of heuene; for þei wolen hire proude prestis and oþere lorelis þus to knacke notis for many markis and poundis. But þei wolen not eue here almes to prestis and children to lerne and teche Goddis lawe. And þus, bi þis nouelrie of song, is Goddis lawe vnstudied and not kepte, and pride and oþere grete synnys meyntenyd.
170–180 And þes fonnyd lordis and peple gessen to haue more þank of God, and 〈to〉 worschipe Hym more, in haldynge vp of here owen nouelries wiþ grete cost, þan in lernynge, and techynge, and meyntenynge of his lawe, and his seruauntis, and his ordynaunce. But where is more disceit in feiþ, hope and charité? For whanne þer ben fourty or fyfty in a queer, þre or foure proude lorellis schullen knacke þe most deuout seruyce þat no man schal here þe sentence, and alle oþere schullen be doumbe, and loken on hem as foolis. And þanne strumpatis and þeuys preisen Sire Iacke, or Hobbe, and Williem þe proude clerk, hou smale þei knacken here notis; and seyn þat þei seruen wel God and Holy Chirche, whanne þei dispisen God in His face, and letten oþere Cristene men of here deuocion and compunccion, and stiren hem to worldly vanyté. And þus trewe seruyce of God is lettid, and þis veyn knackynge for oure iolité and pride is preised abouen þe mone.
185–190 Also þe Ordynalle of Salisbury lettiþ moche prechynge of þe Gospel; for folis chargen þat more þan þe maundementis of God, and to studie and teche Cristis Gospel. For if a man faile in his Ordynale, men holden þat grete synne, and reprouen hym þerof faste; but if a preste breke þe hestis of God, men chargen þat litel or nout. And so if prestis seyn here matynes, masse, and euensong aftir Salisbury vsse, þei hemself and oþere men demen it is ynow, þouþ þei neiþer preche ne teche þe hestis of God and þe Gospel. And þus þei wenen þat it is ynow to fulfille synful mennus ordynaunce, and to leue þe ritfulleste ordynaunce of God, þat He chargid prestis to performe.
195–210 But, Lord! what was prestis office ordeyned bi God bifore þat Salisbury vss was maad of proude prestis, coueitous and dronkelewe? Where God, þat dampneþ alle ydelnesse, chargid hem not at þe ful wiþ þe beste occupacion for hemself and oþere men? Hou doren synful folis chargen Cristis prestis wiþ so moche nouelrie, and euermore cloute more to, þat þei may not frely do Goddis ordynaunce ? For þe Iewis in þe olde lawe haden not so manye serymonyes of sacrifices ordeyned bi God as prestis han now rittis and reulis maade of synful men And it þe olde lawe in þes charious customes mosten nedes cesse for fredom of Cristis Gospel. But þis fredom is more don awei bi þis nouelrie þan bi customes of þe olde lawe. And þus many grete axen where a prest may, wiþouten dedly synne, seie his masse wiþouten matynys; and þei demen it dedly synne a prest to fulfille þe ordynaunce of God in his fredom, wiþoute nouelrie of synful men, þat lettiþ prestis fro þe betre occupacion; as if þei demen it dedly synne to leue þe worse þing, and take þe betre, whanne þei may not do boþe togidre.
215 And þus, Lord! Þin owen ordynaunce þat Þou madist for Þi prestis is holden errour, and distroied for þe fonnyd nouelrie of synful foolis, and, in cas, of fendis in helle.
220 But here men moste be war þat vnder colour of þis fredom þei ben betre occupied in þe lawe of God to studie it and teche it, and not slou ne ydel in ouermoche sleep, and vanyté, and oþer synnes, for þat is þe fendis panter.
225 See now þe blyndnesse of þes foolis. Þei seyn þat a prest may be excused fro seiynge of masse, þat God comaundid Himself to þe substance þerof, so þat he here on. But he schal not be excused but if he seie matynes and euensong himself, þat synful men han ordeyned; and þus þei chargen more here owene fyndynge þan Cristis comaundement.
230–235 A Lord! if alle þe studie and traueile þat men han now abowte Salisbury vss, wiþ multitude of newe costy portos, antifeners, graielis, and alle oþere bokis, weren turned into makynge of biblis, and in studiynge and techynge þerof, hou moche schulde Goddis lawe be forþered, and knowen, and kept, and now in so moche it is hyndrid, vnstudied, and vnkept. Lord! hou schulden riche men ben excused þat costen so moche in grete schapellis, and costy bokis of mannus ordynaunce, for fame and nobleie of þe world, and wolen not spende so moche aboute bokis of Goddis lawe, and for to studie hem and teche hem: siþ þis were wiþoute comparison betre on alle siddis, and lyttere, and sykerere?
240–250 But it men þat knowen þe fredom of Goddis ordynaunce for prestis to be þe beste, wiþ grete sorow of herte seyn here matynes, masse, and euensong, whanne þei schulden ellis be betre occupied, last þei sclaundren þe sike conscience of here breþeren, þat it knowen not Goddis lawe. God brynge þes prestis to þe fredom to studie Holy Writt, and lyue þerafter, and teche it oþer men frely, and to preie as long and as moche as God meueþ hem þerto, and ellis turne to oþere medeful werkis, as Crist and His apostlis diden; and þat þei ben not constreyned to blabre alle day wiþ tonge and grete criynge, as pies and iaies, þing þat þei knowen not, and to peiere here owen soule for defaute of wis deuocion and charité!
255 Also bysynesse of worldly occupacion of prestis lettiþ prechynge of þe Gospel, for þei ben so besy 〈þer〉aboute, and namely in herte, þat þei þenken litel on Goddis lawe, and han no sauour þerto. And seyn þat þei don þus for hospitalité, and to releue pore men wiþ dedis of charité. But, hou euere men speken, it his for here owen couetise, and lustful lif in mete and drynk and precious cloþis, and for name of þe world in fedynge of riche men; and litel or nout comeþ frely to pore men þat han most nede.
260–265 But þes prestis schulden sue Crist in manere of lif and trewe techynge. But Crist lefte sich occupacion, and His apostlis also, and weren betre occupied in holy preiere and trewe techynge of þe Gospel. And þis determinacion and ful sentence was ouen of alle þe apostlis togidre, whanne þei hadden resceyued þe plenteuous iftis of þe Holy Gost. Lord! where þes worldly prestis 〈ben〉 wisere þan ben alle þe apostlis of Crist? It semeth þat þei ben, or ellis 〈þei ben〉 fooles.
270–275 Also Crist wolde not take þe kyngdom whan þe puple wolde haue maad Him kyng, as Iones Gospel telleþ. But if it haade be a prestis office to dele aboute þus bodi〈ly〉 almes, Crist, þat coude best haue do þis office, wolde haue take þes temperal goodis to dele hem among poeuere men. But He wolde not do þus, but fley, and took no man of þe aposteles wiþ him, so faste He hiede. Lord! where worldly prestis kunnen bettere don þis partinge of worldly goodis þan Iesu Crist?
280 And if þei seyn þat Crist fedde þe puple in desert with bodily almes, manye þousand, as þe Gospel saiþ: þat dide Crist by miracle, to shewe His godhede, and to teche prestes hou þei schulden fede gostly Cristene men by Goddis word. For so dide Cristis aposteles, and hadde not whereof to do bodily almes, whan þei miten haue had tresour and iuelis ynowe of kynggis and lordis.
285–290 Also Peter saiþ in Dedis of Apostlis to a pore man þat to him neiþer was gold ne siluer; and it he performede wel þe office of a trewe prest. But oure prestis ben so bysye aboute worldly occupacioun þat þei semen bettere bailyues or reues þan gostly prestis of Iesu Crist. For what man is so bysy aboute marchaundise, and oþere worldly doyngis, as ben preostes, þat shulden ben lyt of heuenly lif to alle men abouten hem?
295–300 But certes þei shulde be as bysy aboute studyinge of Goddys lawe, and holy preyer, not of Famulorum, but of holy desires, and clene meditacioun of God, and trewe techinge of þe Gospel, as ben laboreris aboute worldly labour for here sustenaunce. And muche more bysie, if þei miten, for þey ben more holden for to lyue wel, and 〈eue〉 ensaumple of holi lif to þe puple, and trewe techinge of Holy Writ, þanne þe people is holden to yue hem dymes or offringis or ony bodily almes. And þerfore prestis shulde not leue ensaumple of good lif, and studyinge of Holi Writ, and trewe techinge þerof, ne 〈for〉 bodily almes, ne for worldly goodis, ne for sauynge of here bodily lif.
305 And as Crist sauede þe world by writynge and techinge of foure Euaungelistis, so þe fend casteþ to dampne þe world and prestis for lettynge to preche þe Gospel by þes foure: by feyned contemplacioun, by song, by Salisbury vse, and by worldly bysynes of prestis.
310 God for His mercy styre þes prestis to preche þe Gospel in word, in lif; and be war of Sathanas disceitis. Amen.
7 fend] fendis MS.
66 þe] þo MS.
67 pesible] posible MS.
69 world] lir MS.
98 on] & MS.
100 for (1st)] fro MS.
105 of (1st)] & MS.
108 plesynge] preisynge MS. altered later.
126 as (2nd)] and MS.
128 oure] oþer MS.
154 bataile] baitale MS.
198 chargid] chargen MS.
202 not so] repeated MS.
228 of] & MS.
275 þan] of MS.