38

THE NAVAL OBSERVATORY

The secure videoconference was now live.

Vice President Hernandez greeted Defense Secretary Cal Foster at the Pentagon, Secretary of State Meg Whitney at Foggy Bottom, CIA director Richard Stephens at Langley, and National Security Advisor Bill McDermott in the White House Situation Room. They were still waiting for the attorney general to come on the line, but with the clock ticking, the VP decided to start anyway.

After a quick prayer for the president, Hernandez asked Stephens to explain exactly what had happened in the Oval Office. Then he turned to McDermott for the latest developments at the White House.

“The Residence has been converted into an intensive care unit,” McDermott began. “Dr. Jerome Lenkowski, head of Walter Reed, is on-site with his best people. They’re bringing more diagnostic equipment—a CT scan machine and so forth—as we speak. It’s being brought in through tunnels from Treasury to keep things quiet.”

“And the president?” Hernandez asked. “How’s he doing?”

“For the moment, he is under sedation and unconscious. Lenkowski says it’s going to take some time to fully assess his condition,” McDermott replied.

“But he’s hopeful?” the VP pressed.

“I think we all need to be hopeful,” McDermott said. “Given the president’s family history, I suspect this is just a TIA. But we’ll know more in a few hours.”

“TIA?”

“Transient ischemic attack. Causes symptoms like a stroke but not as serious and usually only temporary.”

The VP then turned to Foster, who assured the group that the military was detecting no changes in force status in Russia, China, North Korea, or Iran.

Whitney reported that nearly every country in the U.N. General Assembly had just voted minutes earlier to condemn the American strike in Libya. Only eight countries—Israel, Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia—had voted against the resolution. Great Britain had abstained, as had South Korea.

Stephens said the massive sandstorm over North Africa was finally showing signs of abating. McDermott asked when it would be safe for U.S. special forces to get to the compound near Ghat to see the damage for themselves. Foster said it would still be twenty-four hours or so.

“Cal, we need to get our own people in there,” Hernandez insisted.

“I understand, sir, but I don’t want to lose a SEAL team and a couple of choppers over this. We need to take our time and do it right.”

“I don’t want more casualties either, but this isn’t making any sense. If CNN can get a man in there, why can’t we?”

“The CNN doctor was a local.”

“Don’t we have any local assets?”

“Frankly, no.”

“What about the Brits, Richard?” Hernandez asked, turning to Stephens. “They’ve got a pretty robust intel operation in Libya, don’t they?”

“Mostly near Tripoli, not out in the desert.”

“Can’t they send in a recon team and at least give us an initial read?”

“It’s not going to pacify the jackals on the Hill,” Stephens insisted.

“I wouldn’t expect it to,” Hernandez replied. “I just want the facts.”