Chapter Six

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The Fifteenth Century, 1399–1500

Fig. 36. Warfare around a Town. A nineteenth-century copy of a fifteenth-century manuscript illustration showing troops storming a town. Among the weapons depicted are swords, crossbows, longbows, and a small cannon in the foreground. On the left are the tents of the attackers.

88. Chronicle of the Reign of Henry V

Henry V (r. 1413–22), called “Harry” in this vernacular chronicle, revived the Hundred Years’ War and won a famous victory at Agincourt in 1415. He followed this up with further military successes and was even designated heir to France by the Treaty of Troyes, but he died before he could enjoy the fruits of his victory.

Source: ed. J.S. Davies, An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, and Henry VI (London: The Camden Society, 1856), pp. 39–52; modernized.

Of King Harry V, the Son of King Harry IV, after the Conquest

After the death of King Harry IV reigned his son, King Harry V, who was born at Monmouth in Wales and crowned at Westminster on Passion Sunday [9 April].

And immediately, the first year of his reign, for the great and tender love that he had for King Richard [II], he translated his body from Langley to Westminster, and buried him beside Queen Anne his first wife, as his desire was. . . .

And this same year were captured certain Lollards and heretics, who had intended through their false treason to slay the king and the lords spiritual and temporal, and destroy all the clergy of the realm. But the king, as God willed, was warned of their false purpose and plan, and fought at Ficketts Field, and with him Master Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, and kept the roads around London secure. And many of them were captured, and drawn and hanged and burned on the gallows in St. Giles’s Field. And a knight called Sir Roger of Acton was arrested for Lollardy and for treason, and drawn and hanged and burnt in St. Giles’s Field.

The second year of his reign, he held a Parliament at Westminster of all the lords of the realm, who discussed the title that he had to Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, that were his inheritance, which the king of France withheld wrongfully. And so advised by his council, he sent ambassadors to the king of France and his council, requiring them to surrender his said inheritance to him, or else he would get it by the sword with the help of Jesus. The dauphin of France answered our ambassadors, and said that our king was too young and too tender of age to be a good warrior, and not likely to make such a conquest over them. Our ambassadors, hearing this scornful answer, returned to England again, notifying the king and his council of the answer of the dauphin and of the council of France.

Then the king made ready his ordnance necessary for the war, commanding all men that would go with him to be ready at Southampton, at Lammas [1 August ] next following, the third year of his reign. On which day, when the king was ready to take his passage, it was there published and openly known that three lords, that is to say, Sir Richard, earl of Cambridge, brother of the duke of York, Lord Scrope, treasurer of England, and Sir Thomas Grey, knight, had received a huge sum of money, that is to say, a million gold coins, to betray the king and his brethren to the Frenchmen. For this reason their heads were struck off, outside the north gate at Southampton.

When this was done, the king sailed forth into Normandy with 1,500 ships, and landed [near Harfleur], on [14 August,] the day before the Assumption of our Lady, and from thence he went to Harfleur, and besieged it by land and by water, and commanded [the leader there] to deliver the town, and he said he would not. Wherefore the king commanded his gunners to beat down the walls on every side, and immediately the people of the town sent out to the king asking him for eight days respite in hope of rescue, and if none would come, they would deliver the town: and so they did. And then the king made his uncle, the earl of Dorset, captain of the captured town, and commanded him to drive out all the French people, man, woman, and child, and fill the town with English people.

When this was done, the king went toward Calais by land in order to come to England, but the Frenchmen had broken all the bridges he would pass over, and so he had to seek his way far upstream; he crossed the Somme, and came down into Picardy to a place called Agincourt, where all the power of France was gathered ready to block his way, and gave him battle.

The king, seeing the great multitude and number of people of his enemies, prayed to almighty God for help and succor, and comforted his people, and told every man to ready himself for battle; and he arranged for battle such people as he had, who numbered not quite 8,000, and granted to the duke of York the forward position, as he desired. And then the duke commanded every man to provide himself with a wooden stake sharpened at both ends, so that the stakes might be stuck in the earth slantwise before them, and the Frenchmen should not override them, for that was fully their purpose. And all night before the battle, the Frenchmen made much revel and much crying, and played at dice for our men, an archer for a blanc [a small coin of poor silver], as it was said.

On the morrow, when all was ready, the king asked what time of the day it was, and they said, “Prime.” Then said the king, “Now is good time, for all England is praying for us, and therefore be of good cheer, and let us go to our journey.” And right then every English man kneeled down, and put a little portion of earth in his mouth. And then said the king with a loud voice, “In the name of almighty God, and of Saint George, forward banners! And Saint George be your helper this day!” Then the two armies met and fought hard and long, but almighty God and Saint George fought that day for us, and granted our king the victory: and this was on the Friday, [25 October,] the day of Saints Crispin and Crispinian, in the year of our Lord 1415 in a field called Agincourt in Picardy. And there were slain that day more than 11,000 of the Frenchmen in the field of Agincourt: and there were 120,000 of them in the field.

Then came tidings to our king, that there was another host of Frenchmen ordained ready to fight against him; and immediately he commanded every man to slay his prisoner, and when they saw that, they withdrew and went their way.

And there were slain in the field on the French side the duke of Berry, the duke of Alençon, the duke of Brabant, the earl of Narbonne, the chief constable of France, eight other earls, the archbishop of Sens, more than 100 barons, and 1,500 other worthy knights and men in coat-armor. And on the English side there died that day, the duke of York, the earl of Suffolk, and not more than twenty-six others.

And there were taken prisoners on the French side the duke of Orléans, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Vendôme, the earl of Eu, the earl of Richmond, Sir Bursigaund, marshal of France, and other worthy men. And after this, the king came to Calais, and so to England, with all his prisoners, and was received with much joy and worship. . . .

How King Harry Went the Second Time into Normandy, and of the Capture of Calais, and the Siege of Rouen

The fifth year of his reign, he made ready his ordnance and his retinue to sail to Normandy again, and commanded all men that would go with him to be ready at Southampton, in the Whitsuntide next following [around 30 May]. And then he made John his brother, the duke of Bedford, lieutenant of England; and then he sailed to Normandy with a notable force and great ordnance, and landed at Touques on Lammas Day [1 August]; and there he made forty-eight knights, at his landing.

Then came tidings to the king that there was a great navy of enemies upon the sea, that is to say, nine great carracks, hulks, galleys, and other ships to destroy his navy: and immediately he sent the earl of March with a sufficient force to keep the sea, and he captured many of the said ships, and put the remnant to flight; and some were sunk in a tempest. And one of the carracks was driven ashore near Southampton, and its mast was thrown over the town walls; this was on Saint Bartholomew’s day [24 August].

Then the king sent to the captain of Touques, commanding him to deliver the town, and so he did. And the king made Sir John Kiley captain of it, and commanded him to put out all the French people. . . .

And then the king went his way to Caen and besieged it on every side, and sent word to the captain to deliver it, but he would not, and so they assaulted the town; and the duke of Clarence beat down the walls with guns on his side, and first entered into the town, and cried, “À Clarence! à Clarence! à Saint George!” and so the town was captured. And the king entered and commanded the captain of the castle to deliver it to him; and he asked for fourteen days’ respite in hope of rescue, and if none came, [he promised] to deliver the castle to him. And under this agreement were included the town and castle of Baons with other towns, fortresses, and villages, to the number of fourteen. And at the end of fourteen days came no rescue, wherefore the castle of Caen and the other fourteen towns were delivered to the king; and he made the duke of Clarence captain of the towns of Caen and Baons and the other towns also; and there the king held Saint George’s feast [on 23 April] and made fifteen knights of the Bath. . . .

And at this same time came the duke of Brittany unto King Harry and became his man.

And the king sent Humphrey his brother, duke of Gloucester, to Cherbourg, and Richard, earl of Warwick, to Domfront, which towns were surrendered to them soon afterward.

In the meantime, the earl of March, whom the king had sent to keep the sea, after many storms and great tempests landed at La Hague in Normandy, and so went forth to the king.

Then the king took Argentan, Cessy, Alençon, Bellême, Verneuil in Perche, and all the towns and castles and strongholds up to Pont de l’Arche, and from there went to the city of Rouen.

And this same year, Sir John Oldcastle, knight, Lord Cobham, was arrested for Lollardy, and put into the Tower of London, and right afterward he escaped and fled into Wales and stayed there a long time, and at last Lord Powys captured him, but he made a great defense and was badly wounded before he could be taken; and then he was brought in a horse-drawn litter to Westminster, where he was sentenced to be drawn to St. Giles’s Field, and there he was hanged and burned on the gallows for his false opinions.

The sixth year of King Harry, the king sent his uncle Sir Thomas Beaufort to the gates of Rouen, and there he displayed the king’s banner, and sent heralds to the town and bade them yield it to the king of England, and they said shortly that they would not. And then the said Beaufort collected good information about the ground all around, and returned to the king at Pont de l’Arche; and immediately after, the people of Rouen cast down their suburbs that stood around the city, so that the king should have no succor there.

And the Sunday before Lammas Day [1 August] then next following, the king with his host besieged the city of Rouen round about, and stretched over the water of the Seine, at Pont de l’Arche, a strong and a mighty chain of iron, and put it through great piles of wood driven deep into the ground, so that no vessel might pass that way; and above that chain the king had a bridge built over the river Seine so that men and horses and carriages might pass to and fro as needed.

Then came the earl of Warwick from Domfront, and the king sent him to Caudebec, and the townspeople came out and negotiated with the earl to be under agreement to do as Rouen did; and it was granted on this condition, that the king’s navy with his ordnance might pass upstream safely without any hindrance or disturbance; and to this agreement they set their seals. And then 100 ships came up and cast their anchors there, and then Rouen was besieged by both water and by land. . . .

Then came tidings that the king of France, the dauphin, the duke of Burgundy, and all the power of France would come down to rescue the city of Rouen, and break the siege; but they did not come.

And at the first coming of the king to Rouen, there were numbered in the city, by heralds, 300,000 men, women, and children; and this siege endured twenty weeks; and for this whole time the townspeople hoped to be rescued, but it would not be: and many hundreds died of hunger, for they had eaten all their cats, horses, hounds, rats, mice, and all that might be eaten; and often the men of arms drove the poor people out of the gates of the city to buy victuals, and right away our men drove them in again; and young children lay dead in the streets, hanging on their dead mothers’ breasts, which was piteous to see. And when the captain of the town saw this great mischief and hunger, he sent to the king, beseeching him of his mercy and grace, and brought the keys, and delivered the town to him, and all the soldiers left the town with their horses and harness, and the commons of the town remained, paying 20,000 marks yearly to the king. . . .

Then the dauphin’s ambassadors, as it was before agreed, with full power to do all things as if he were there himself, came to the king at Rouen; and after much negotiation, it was agreed that on a certain set day the dauphin should come to the town of Dreux, and King Harry to Avranches; and there they would agree upon a meeting place where they might peaceably negotiate the peace. . . . At the appointed day the king came, but the dauphin came not, and so the peace was broken at that time. . . .

And after many wise negotiations on both sides, peace was concluded by the affinity and wedlock of King Harry and Dame Katherine, King Charles’s daughter. But because certain things were necessary for which the presence of both kings was required, for the setting of their seals, and for the making of the marriage, and also because Charles was so enfeebled with age and often vexed with his usual sickness, it was thus agreed between them, that King Harry should come at a day specified, under truce, with such forces as he liked, to Nogent upon the Seine, to finally perform all things that were needful to the peace, and if he did not come, all things should be null and void. . . .

And after many and diverse negotiations, [on 26 July,] the seventh of the kalends of June, the fortieth year of King Charles’s reign, in the cathedral church of Nogent, King Harry with the duke of Clarence his brother and other princes and nobles, and Queen Isabelle of France with the duke of Burgundy, being there for King Charles, who was then laboring in his aforementioned sickness, and in their own names also, and the three estates of France, peace was made between the two realms of England and of France, and approved with certain conditions. And King Charles charged all his liegemen on pain of forfeiture of their allegiances to keep the said peace; and they took an oath to do so, and pledged their faith to King Harry. And then Queen Isabelle of France, and Philip, duke of Burgundy, swore upon the holy Gospels in the name of King Charles to keep the said peace so concluded for them and for their heirs and successors without fraud and ill will forever; and Queen Isabelle, and the duke of Burgundy, and the three estates of France made this same oath to King Harry, to his heirs and successors. And on [28 July,] the ninth of the kalends of June, before Queen Isabelle and King Charles’s council, before the Parliament and the three estates of France, and other English princes and lords, contract of matrimony by present words was there made and solemnized between King Harry and Dame Katherine, King Charles of France’s daughter. . . .

And the next January King Harry and Queen Katherine went to England, and left at Paris Thomas duke of Exeter, governor, and Thomas his brother, duke of Clarence, regent of Normandy; and the duke of Clarence was slain there with the Scots on Easter eve, while the king was in England. And on Sunday the [twenty-third] day of February, in the eighth year of King Harry, Dame Katherine was crowned at Westminster.

At the following midsummer, the king left the queen in England, and went again to France, and took certain garrisons that were in rebellion, and besieged the town of Meaux, at which siege tidings came to the king that the queen was delivered [of a child]; and after her purification she went again to France.

When Meaux was yielded, King Harry went to Paris, making plans to besiege the town of Cosne; and then a sore and burning malady assailed him, and from day to day grievously vexed him, till he died in the castle of Vincennes, the last day of August, when he had reigned nine years, five months, three weeks, and three days, and he is buried at Westminster: on whose soul almighty God have mercy. Amen.

Questions: What English domestic matters are of interest to the chronicler? How did Henry and his commanders conduct warfare in France? Are there similarities between Crécy (doc. 78) and Agincourt? What was the significance of Henry’s marriage to Katherine?

89. Statutes of the Order of the Garter

Founded by King Edward III in ca 1348, in the flush of the first English victories during the Hundred Years’ War, the Order of the Garter promoted chivalry and more closely bound English elites to the king, who personally oversaw the order’s elaborate rituals and bestowed its honors. Henry V revised the order’s practices and produced its earliest written statutes, excerpted below.

Source: trans. K.A. Smith from “MS Arundel 48 and the Earliest Statutes of the Order of the Garter,” ed. L. Jefferson, English Historical Review 109, no. 431 (April 1994): 376–83.

To the honor of God, the Glorious Virgin Mary, and Saint George, after the lord king of England Edward (III) commanded the conquest of English lands [in France] to be carried out in the twenty-third year of his reign, he established an order in his castle at Windsor, in the following manner.

1. The founding members were: firstly, the sovereign himself; his eldest son, the prince of Wales; the earl of Lancaster; the earl of Warwick; the captal de Buch; the earl of Stafford; the earl of Salisbury; the lord de Mortimer; John, lord Lisle; Bartholomew, lord Burghesh; Lord John de Beauchamp; the lord of Mohun; Sir Hugh de Courtenay; Sir Thomas Holland; Sir John de Grey; Sir Richard Fitz-Simon; Sir Miles Stapleton; Sir Thomas Wale; Sir Hugh Wrottesley; Sir Nele Loring; Sir John Chandos; Sir James Audley; Sir Otho Holand; Sir Henry Ream; Sir Sanchet d’Abrichecourte; and Sir Walter Paveley.

2. The king and his royal heirs are to be the masters of the order in perpetuity.

3. No one may be admitted to the order as a companion unless he is of noble birth as well as a knight without reproach.

4. The twenty-six founders named above [and their successors] will wear the mantles and garters of the order when they visit Windsor Castle, whenever they enter the Chapel of Saint George or the chapter house [at Windsor] to hold a chapter meeting or conduct any other business pertaining to the order. Likewise, they will wear their mantles on the vigil of Saint George when they accompany the king or his representative in procession from the great chamber to the chapel, and when they return from the chapel in the same manner. And they will also wear them at supper on the vigil, during the meal and until the end of the celebrations. . . .

10. Each year on the vigil of Saint George all of the companions of Saint George who are within the realm, as well as those who are outside it, if they can, will gather at Windsor Castle to attend the offices of the holy Church. During the offices they will take their places in their stalls wearing their mantles, each with his helmet and sword displayed above his stall. These will remain in place in the chapel as long as these members live, as a reminder of those who bore them in defence of the holy Church, as the order of chivalry demands. . . .

12. All of the companions belonging to the order must wear their blue mantels from the hour of first vespers [on the vigil of Saint George] until after second vespers on the feast of Saint George each year, wherever they may be, just as if they were present at the feast with the king or his representative. . . .

13. If any member of the order appears in public without his garter, after first being challenged he will be fined half a mark, to be paid to the guardian and the college. . . .

17. If any member of the order passes near Windsor Castle while he is traveling, he must stop there to honor that place unless he is prevented from doing so for some good reason. And he will put on his mantle before entering the Chapel of Saint George, since none who is not wearing such a mantle may enter there. And the canons who reside there will meet him and devoutly admit him to the chapel. And if he arrives at the hour of mass, he should attend mass there in honor of God and Saint George. . . .

18. As soon as the death of a member of the order is known, the king will order one thousand masses to be sung for his soul; a foreign king [belonging to the order] eight hundred; the prince of Wales seven hundred; each duke six hundred; each earl three hundred; each knight banneret two hundred; and each knight bachelor one hundred. . . .

20. When any knight of the order dies and another is elected, after his election his garter and mantle will be delivered to him in all haste for him to wear when he first enters his stall. And if he dies before he can receive his habit, he will not be named among the founders, since he died lacking his full rank, but he will receive half of the masses [as would a full member] as designated in the book of the garter, and no more. And if a newly elected member does not come in all good haste after his election to Windsor to be formally installed within a year of his election, and if he is within the realm, if the king or his representative and the company do not find his excuse acceptable, his election will be rendered void. . . .

24. After any of the order’s first founders dies, his shield, arms, and helmet are to be affixed to the back of his stall; and other members who come afterward will have their shields and helmets hung up in the same manner, below those of the original founders, but their shields and helmets will not be as great as those of the founders. . . .

30. None of the knights of Saint George of the Order of the Garter will leave the realm without the knowledge and permission of the king. And for this reason it is agreed that if the king is planning any expedition or any undertaking pertaining to the honor of chivalry, he should give preference of place to the companions above all others.

31. No member of the order may take up arms against another member, unless in a war ordered by his sovereign lord or in a right and just dispute. . . .

Questions: What values did the order promote? Why would membership have been so appealing? In what ways do the statutes underscore the crown’s power and prestige? How might the king domesticate the knightly class through such a chivalric society?

Fig. 37. Warships. A nineteenth-century engraving of English warships, copied from a fifteenth-century manuscript. Similar ships would have been used to transport English soldiers during the Agincourt campaign (doc. 90) and to carry the Cely family’s wool from England to Calais (doc. 97).

90. Financing the Agincourt Campaign

While the cult of chivalry continued to thrive in fifteenth-century England, the raising of armies required the consideration of more pragmatic matters. In preparation for his 1415 invasion of Normandy, Henry V petitioned Parliament to levy new taxes, took out loans from towns, and pawned royal jewels and plate to captains who pledged to raise troops. The first document is typical of the indentures made between the crown and these captains, and demonstrates how much the business of war changed in the later Middle Ages, as knight service based on land tenure gave way to armies composed largely of mercenaries. Although the 1415 campaign was profitable for Sir Thomas Tunstall, who received the French town of Ponthever as a reward, many of the some 10,000 Englishmen who fought died in France or returned home with their wages in arrears. As the second text shows, some saw the accession of Henry VI as an opportunity to remind the crown of old debts.

Source: trans. N.H. Nicolas, The History of the Battle of Agincourt; and of the Expedition of Henry the Fifth into France (London: J. Johnson, 1827), pp. xxxii–xxxiv, cccciii–cccciv; revised.

Indenture between King Henry V and Sir Thomas Tunstall, 1415

This indenture is made between the king our sovereign lord, on the one part, and Sir Thomas Tunstall, on the other part. Witness that the said Thomas is bound to our lord the king, to serve him for a whole year in a voyage which the same lord the king will personally make, if it pleases God, to either his duchy of Guyenne or his kingdom of France, commencing in the said year, the day of the muster of the army, at a place to be chosen by the said lord the king, next May, provided that he is ready to muster his troops then.

Thomas will bring with him on the voyage for the whole year six men-at-arms, including himself, and eighteen horse archers, Thomas taking wages for himself at 2s. per day. If Thomas goes to the duchy of Guyenne with our lord the king, he will have for each of the said men-at-arms 40 marks in wages, and for each of the said archers 20 marks in wages, for the year. If Thomas goes with our lord the king to the kingdom of France, he will take for the wages of the men-at-arms 12d., and for each of the archers 6d. per day during that year. And in case of the said voyage to France, Thomas will have the usual reward for himself and his men-at-arms, at the rate of 100 marks for thirty men-at-arms per quarter.

If Thomas accompanies the king to Guyenne, he will receive half of his reward in the first quarter, and the other half when he has mustered his men to go to Guyenne. And in case after the muster our king decides not to go to his duchy of Guyenne but instead to France, then Thomas will be paid what is owed to him for the first quarter, besides the sum received by him as above, for the wages and reward, as well for himself as for the men-at-arms and archers who accompany him to France. And as surety of payment for the second quarter, on the first day of next June our king will have delivered to Thomas jewels, in pledge, valued at a sum equal to the said wages, or wages with reward, due for that quarter. Thomas will be bound to return these jewels to the king, if the king redeems them within a year and a half and one month; if he does not, it will be lawful for Thomas, or anyone else to whom he delivers the jewels, to dispose of them at their pleasure. . . . And for the third quarter, Thomas will be paid for himself and his retinue within six months after the commencement of that quarter, according to the quantity of wages, or wages with reward, for the country to which they have gone, or will go, during that quarter. And respecting the payment of the wages, or wages with reward, for the last quarter of the year, if for half of the said third quarter the king will not give such security for the payment to the said Thomas as he reasonably demands, then at the expiration of the third quarter Thomas will be acquitted and discharged from the service of the king. . . .

And the said Thomas will be bound to be ready at the sea, with his retinue well mounted, armed, and equipped, suitably to their condition, for his muster on the first day of next July; and from the time of their arrival at the specified place, the said Thomas will muster his people before such person or persons as it may please the king to assign, as often as he will reasonably require. And as usual the king will provide for Thomas and his retinue, as well as their horses, harness, and provisions to be transported across the sea, and likewise returned to England, in the manner of others of his condition. And if the king countermands Thomas before his passage overseas, he will still be bound to serve the king for the same sum, in such parts as will please him to go, with the said men-at-arms and archers, according to the rate of wages that is customary in the parts where the king will send them, with the exception of any that may die in the meantime. And if Thomas or any of his retinue capture the “Adversary of France” [King Charles VI of France, whom Henry V regarded as a usurper] or any of his sons, nephews, uncles, cousins-german or any king of that kingdom, or lieutenant, or other chieftains having command from the ‘Adversary’ in the course of the campaign, he will turn over the ‘Adversary’ or other prisoner of the rank specified above to the king, who will make reasonable restitution to Thomas. And respecting other profits to be had from the spoils of war, the king will have as well the third part of Thomas’s spoils, as well as a third of the third part of the profits taken by the people of his retinue in the course of the campaign, as well as any profits derived from prisoners, booty, money, all gold, silver, and jewels, exceeding the value of 10 marks.

In witness of which things on the part of this indenture relating to the king, Thomas has put his seal. Done at Westminster, 29 April [1415], the year of the reign of our said lord king the third.

Petition of Thomas Strickland, 1424

To the king our sovereign lord, and to the lords of his council, the most humble supplication of a poor esquire, Thomas de Strickland, late bearer of the banner of Saint George, of the most noble Henry the fifth, may God bless him. May it please your good grace to consider the long service which the said suppliant rendered to the late king in parts beyond the sea, from the time of his arrival at Harfleur, and the battle of Agincourt, and since, up to the time when the city of Rouen was taken. And the said suppliant has as yet received no reward for his services on the day of that battle, nor any payment for his wages excepting for half a year, so that at present he is in arrears in his account in the Exchequer in the sum of £14 4s. 10d. for certain broken vessels of silver by him put in pledge by the said late king, the which vessels the said suppliant has sold and has spent the money in the service of the late king. And therefore may it please you in reverence of God, and for the soul of the same king to grant to the suppliant the £14 4s. 10d. in reward of his service, and in partial payment of the wages due to him by the late king, and to grant a sufficient warrant accordingly to the treasurer and barons of the Exchequer toward the king of the £14 4s. 10d., for the sake of God, and as an act of charity.

Questions: What does the first document reveal about military financing? What did men like Sir Thomas Tunstall stand to gain from fighting in France? How well did the crown fulfill its promises? Why might Strickland have waited so long to make his claim?

91. Order of the Pageants of the York Corpus Christi Play

The roots of modern English drama lie in the religious plays of the late Middle Ages, one form of which was the series of short scenes presented on a parade of wagons with which the city of York celebrated Corpus Christi day, a festival in honor of the body of Christ. The city’s craft guilds produced these plays. The following list of guild-sponsored wagons from the 1415 pageant tells us about both the organization of the pageant and the economic life of this northern city.

Source: trans. L.T. Smith, “York Plays,” repr. in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, ed. Edward P. Cheyney, 1st ser. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Department of History, 1894), vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 29–32; revised.

Tanners—God the Father Omnipotent creating and forming the heavens, the angels and archangels, Lucifer and the angels who fell with him into the pit.

Plasterers—God the Father in his substance creating the earth and all things which are therein, in the space of five days.

Wool Cardmakers—God the Father forming Adam from the mud of the earth, and making Eve from Adam’s rib, and inspiring them with the breath of life.

Fullers—God forbidding Adam and Eve to eat of the tree of life.

Coopers—Adam and Eve and the tree between them, the serpent deceiving them with apples; God speaking to them and cursing the serpent, and an angel with a sword driving them out of Paradise.

Armorers—Adam and Eve, an angel with a spade and distaff appointing them their labor.

Glovers—Able and Cain sacrificing victims.

Shipwrights—God warning Noah to make an ark out of planed wood.

Fishmongers and Mariners—Noah in the ark with his wife, three sons of Noah with their wives, with various animals.

Parchment-makers and Book-binders—Abraham sacrificing his son Isaac on the altar.

Hosiers—Moses lifting up the serpent in the wilderness, King Pharaoh, eight Jews looking on and wondering.

Spicers—A learned man declaring the sayings of the prophets concerning the future birth of Christ. Mary, the angel saluting her; Mary saluting Elizabeth.

Pewterers and Founders—Mary, Joseph wishing to send her away, the angel telling them to go over to Bethlehem.

Tilers—Mary, Joseph, a nurse, the child born and lying in a manger between an ox and an ass, and an angel speaking to the shepherds, and to the players in the next pageant.

Chandlers—Shepherds speaking to one another, the star in the East, an angel announcing to the shepherds their great joy in the child which has been born.

Goldsmiths, Goldbeaters and Moneyers—Three kings coming from the East, Herod questioning them about the child Jesus, and the son of Herod and two counsellors and a herald. Mary with the child and the star above, and three kings offering gifts.

. . . Masons—Mary, with the boy, Joseph, Anna; the nurse, with the young doves. Simeon receiving the boy into his arms, and the two sons of Simeon.

Farriers—Mary with the boy and Joseph fleeing into Egypt, at the bidding of the angel.

Girdlers, Nailers, and Sawyers—Herod ordering the male children to be slain, four soldiers with lances, two counsellors of the king, and four women weeping for the death of their sons.

Spurriers and Bit-makers—Learned men, the boy Jesus sitting in the temple in the midst of them, asking them questions and replying to them, four Jews, Mary and Joseph seeking him, and finding him in the temple.

Barbers—Jesus, John the Baptist baptizing him, and two angels attending.

Vintners—Jesus, Mary, bridegroom with the bride, ruler of the wedding feast [at Cana] with his slaves, with six vessels of water in which the water is turned into wine.

Smiths—Jesus on a pinnacle of the temple, and the devil tempting him with stones, and two angels attending, etc.

Leather Curriers—Peter, James, and John; Jesus ascending a mountain and transfiguring himself before them. Moses and Elias appearing, and the voice of one speaking in a cloud.

Ironmongers—Jesus, and Simon the leper asking Jesus to eat with him; two disciples, Mary Magdalene bathing Jesus’s feet with her tears and drying them with her hair.

Plumbers and Pattenmakers—Jesus, two apostles, the woman taken in adultery, four Jews accusing her.

Pouchmakers, Leather Bottle-makers, and Capmakers—Lazarus in the sepulcher, Mary Magdalene and Martha, and two Jews wondering.

Skinners and Vestmakers—Jesus on an ass with its colt, twelve apostles following Jesus, six rich and six poor, eight boys with branches of palm, singing Blessed, etc., and Zaccheus climbing into a sycamore tree.

Cutlers, Bladesmiths, Sheathers, Scalers, Bucklermakers, and Horners—Pilate, Caiaphas, two soldiers, three Jews, Judas selling Jesus.

Bakers—The Passover lamb, the Lord’s Supper, twelve apostles, Jesus girded with a towel washing their feet, institution of the sacrament of the body of Christ in the new law, communion of the apostles.

Cordwainers—Pilate, Caiaphas, Annas, fourteen armed soldiers, Malchus, Peter, James, John, Jesus, and Judas kissing and betraying him.

Bow-makers and Arrow-makers—Jesus, Annas, Caiaphas, and four Jews beating and scourging Jesus. Peter, the woman accusing Peter, and Malchus.

Tapestry-makers and Couchers—Jesus, Pilate, Annas, Caiaphas, two counsellors and four Jews accusing Jesus.

Bed-makers—Herod, two counsellors, four soldiers, Jesus, and three Jews.

Cooks and Water-carriers—Pilate, Annas, Caiaphas, two Jews, and Judas bringing back to them the thirty pieces of silver.

Tilemakers, Millers, Furriers, Horsehair-workers, Bowl-makers—Jesus, Pilate, Caiaphas, Annas, six soldiers holding spears with banners and four others leading Jesus away from Herod, asking to have Barabbas released and Jesus crucified, and likewise binding and scourging him, and placing the crown of thorns upon his head; three soldiers casting lots for the clothing of Jesus.

Shearmen—Jesus, stained with blood, bearing the cross to Calvary. Simon of Cyrene, the Jews compelling him to carry the cross; Mary the mother of Jesus; John the apostle then announcing the condemnation and passage of her son to Calvary. Veronica wiping the blood and sweat from the face of Jesus with a veil on which is imprinted the face of Jesus, and other women mourning for Jesus.

Pinmakers, Latenmakers, and Painters—The cross, Jesus stretched upon it on the ground; four Jews scourging him and binding him with ropes, and afterward lifting the cross, and the body of Jesus nailed to the cross on Mount Calvary.

Butchers and Poultry Dealers—The cross, two thieves crucified, Jesus hanging on the cross between them, Mary the mother of Jesus, John, Mary, James, and Salome. A soldier with a lance, a servant with a sponge, Pilate, Annas, Caiaphas, the centurion, Joseph of Arimathea, and Nicodemus, placing him in the sepulcher.

Saddlers, Glaziers and Joiners—Jesus conquering hell; twelve spirits, six good, and six evil.

Carpenters—Jesus rising from the sepulcher, four armed soldiers, and the three Marys mourning. Pilate, Caiaphas, and Annas. A young man seated at the sepulcher clothed in white, speaking to the women.

Winedrawers—Jesus, Mary Magdalene with aromatic spices.

Brokers and Woolpackers—Jesus, Luke, and Cleophas in the guise of travelers.

Scriveners, Illuminators, Pardoners and Cloth-furbishers—Jesus, Peter, John, James, Philip, and the other apostles with parts of a baked fish, and a honeycomb; and Thomas the apostle touching the wounds of Jesus.

Tailors—Mary, John the evangelist, the eleven apostles, two angels, Jesus ascending before them, and four angels carrying a cloud.

Potters—Mary, two angels, eleven apostles, and the Holy Spirit descending upon them, and four Jews wondering.

Drapers—Jesus, Mary, Gabriel with two angels, two virgins and three Jews of Mary’s acquaintance, eight apostles, and two devils.

Linen-weavers—Four apostles carrying the bier of Mary, and Fergus hanging above the bier, with two other Jews and an angel.

Woolen-weavers—Mary ascending with a throng of angels, eight apostles, and the apostle Thomas preaching in the desert.

Innkeepers—Mary, Jesus crowning her, with a throng of angels singing.

Mercers—Jesus, Mary, the twelve apostles, four angels with trumpets, and four with a crown, a lance, and two whips, four good spirits, and four evil spirits, and six devils.

Questions: What are the religious emphases of the pageant? Where does its story begin and end? What kinds of goods were manufactured in York? Is there any indication of which guilds were larger or richer? Can the content of certain scenes be associated with the work of the sponsoring guilds?

92. Poems about Raising Children

“How the Goodwife Taught Her Daughter” and the parallel text “How the Wise Man Taught His Son” circulated widely (often as companion pieces) in the fifteenth century, when such instructional texts were very popular. The authors of these texts are unknown. Both texts were likely aimed at an audience of young men and women from the urban middle classes.

Source: ed. Edith Rickert, The Babee’s Book: Medieval Manners for the Young (London: Chatto & Windus, 1908, 1923), pp. 31–42, 43–47; modernized.

How the Goodwife Taught Her Daughter

The good wife taught her daughter,

Full many a time and oft,

A full good woman to be;

For said she: “Daughter to me dear,

Something good now must thou hear,

If thou wilt prosper thee.

Daughter, if thou wilt be a wife,

Look wisely that thou work;

Look lovely and in good life,

Love God and Holy Kirk.

Go to church whene’er thou may,

Look thou not miss it for rain,

For best thou farest on that day;

To commune with God be fain.

He must needs well thrive,

That liveth well all his life,

My dear child.

Gladly give thy tithes and thy offerings both,

To the poor and bed-ridden—look thou be not loth.

Give of thine own goods and be not too hard,

For seldom is the house poor where God is steward.

Well is he proved

Who the poor hath loved,

My dear child.

When thou sittest in the church, o’er thy beads bend;

Make thou no jangling with gossip or with friend.

Laugh thou to scorn neither old body nor young,

But be of fair bearing and of good tongue.

Through thy fair bearing

Thy worship hath increasing,

My dear child.

If any man offer thee courtship, and would marry thee,

Look that thou scorn him not, whatsoever he be;

But show it to thy friends and conceal it naught.

Sit not by him nor stand where sin might be wrought,

For a slander raised of ill

Is difficult to still,

My dear child.

The man that shall thee wed before God with a ring,

Love thou him and honor most of earthly thing.

Meekly thou him answer and not as a shrewish being,

So may’st thou slake his mood and be his dear darling.

A fair word and a meek

Doth anger slake,

My dear child. . . .

And when thou goest on thy way, go thou not too fast,

Brandish not with thy head, nor with thy shoulders cast,

Have not too many words, from swearing keep aloof,

For all such manners come to an evil proof.

For he that catcheth to him an evil name,

It is to him a foul fame,

My dear child.

Go thou not into the town, as it were, agaze.

From one house to another, for to seek the maze;

Nor to sell thy cloth, to the market shalt thou go,

And then to the tavern to bring thy credit low.

For they that taverns haunt

From thrift soon come to want,

My dear child.

And if thou be in any place where good ale is aloft,

Whether that thou serve thereof or that thou sit soft,

Moderately take thou thereof, that thou fall in no blame,

For if thou be often drunk, it falleth to thy shame.

For those that be often drunk—

Thrift is from them sunk,

My dear child.

Go not to the wrestling or shooting at the cock,

As it were a strumpet or a giggle-a-lot,

Dwell at home, daughter, and love thy work much,

And so thou shalt, my dear child, wax the sooner rich.

A merry thing ’tis evermore,

A man to be served from his own store,

My dear child.

Acquaint thee not with each man that goeth by the street,

Though any man speak to thee, briefly thou him greet;

By him do not stand, but let him his way depart,

Lest he by his villainy should tempt thy heart.

For all men be not true

That fair words can show,

My dear child. . . .

And wisely govern thy house, and serving maids and men,

Be thou not too bitter or too easy with them;

But look well what most needs to be done,

And set thy people at it, both quickly and soon.

For ready is at need

A foredone deed,

My dear child. . . .

Whate’er thy household doth, about them must thou wend,

And as much as thou mayest, be at that one end,

If thou find any fault, make them soon amend,

As they have time and space, and may them defend.

To compel a deed be done, if there be no space,

It is but tyranny, without temperance and grace,

My dear child.

And look that all things be well when they their work forsake,

Forget thou not the keys into thy ward to take

And beware of whom thou trustest, and for no fancy spare,

For much harm hath fallen to them that not beware.

But, daughter, look thou be wise, and do as I thee teach,

And trust none better than thyself, for no fair speech,

My dear child.

And give your household their hire at their pay-day,

Whether they dwell still with thee, or they wend away.

Do well by them of the goods thou hast in hold,

And then shall they say well of thee, both the young and old.

Thy good name to thy friends

Great joy and gladness lends,

My dear child.

And if thy neighbor’s wife hath on rich attire,

Therefore mock not, nor let scorn burn thee as a fire.

But thank thou God in heaven for what he may thee give,

And so shalt thou, my daughter dear, a good life live,

He hath ease in his power,

Who thanks the Lord every hour,

My dear child.

Housewifely thou shalt go on the working day,

For pride, rest, and idleness take thrift away;

But when the holy day is come, well clothed shalt thou be,

The holy day to honor, and God will cherish thee.

Have in mind to worship God always

For much pride comes of the evil day,

My dear child.

When thou art a wife, a neighbor for to be,

Love then well thy neighbors as God hath commanded thee.

It behoveth thee so for to do,

And to do to them as thou wouldst be done to.

If any discord happen, night or day,

Make it no worse, mend it if thou may,

My dear child.

And if thou art a rich wife, be not then too hard,

But welcome fair thy neighbors that come thee toward

With meat, drink, and honest cheer, such as thou mayest bid.

To each man after his degree, and help the poor at need.

And also for hap that may betide,

Please well thy neighbors that dwell thee beside,

My dear child. . . .

And if thy children be rebels and will not bow them low,

If any of them misdo, neither curse them nor blow;

But take a smart rod and beat them in a row,

Till they cry mercy and their guilt well know.

Dear child, by this lore

They will love thee ever more,

My dear child.

And look to thy daughters that none of them be lorn;

From the very time that they are of thee born,

Busy thyself and gather fast for their marriage,

And give them to spousing, as soon as they be of age.

Maidens be fair and amiable,

But in their love full unstable,

My dear child.

Now have I taught thee, daughter, as my mother did me;

Think thereon night and day, that forgotten it not be.

Have measure and lowness, as I have thee taught,

Then whatever man shall wed thee will regret it naught.

Better you were a child unbore

Than untaught in this wise lore,

My dear child. . . .

The blessing of God may’st thou have, and of his mother bright,

Of all angels and archangels and every holy wight!

And may’st thou have grace to wend thy way full right,

To the bliss of heaven, where God sits in his might!

Amen.

How the Wise Man Taught His Son

Listen, lordlings, and ye shall hear how the wise man taught his son.

Take good heed to this matter and learn it if ye can,

For this song was made with good intent to make men true and steadfast,

And a thing well begun makes often a good ending.

There was a wise man taught his son

While he was yet a child of tender years, meek and fair to look upon,

Very eager for learning and with a great desire to all goodness;

And his father taught him well and featly by good example and fair words.

He said: My son, take good heed every morning,

Ere ye do a worldly thing, lift up your heart to God,

And pray as devoutly as you can for grace to lead a good life,

And to escape sin both night and day,

And that heaven’s bliss may be your meed.

And, my son, wherever you go, be not full of tales;

Beware what you say, for your own tongue may be your foe.

If you say aught, take good heed where and to whom,

For a word spoken today may be repented seven years after.

And, son, whatever manner of man ye be, give yourself not to idleness,

But busy yourself every day according to your estate.

Beware of rest and ease, which things nourish sloth.

Ever to be busy, more or less, is a full good sign of honesty.

And, son, I warn you also not to desire to bear office,

For then you must either displease and hurt your neighbors,

Or else forswear yourself and not do as your office demands;

And get yourself, here and there, a hundredfold more than thanks. . . .

And, son, of another thing I warn you, on my blessing

Take good heed of tavern-haunting, and of the dice, and flee all lechery,

Lest you come to an evil end, for it will lead astray all your wits

And bring you into great mischief.

And, son, sit not up too long at even, or have late suppers,

Though ye be strong and hale, for with such outrage your health shall worsen.

And of late walking comes debate, and of sitting and drinking out of time,

Therefore beware and go to bed betimes and wink.

And, son, if ye would have a wife, take her not for her money,

But inquire wisely of all her life, and give good heed

That she be meek, courteous, and prudent, even though she be poor;

And such a one will do you more good service in time of need, than a richer. . . .

And if your wife be meek and good, and serve you well and pleasantly,

Look ye be not so mad as to charge her too grievously,

But rule her with a fair hand and easy, and cherish her for her good deeds. . . .

And ye shall not displease your wife, nor call her by villainous names,

For it is a shame to you to miscall a woman; and in so doing, ye are not wise,

For if ye defame your own wife, no wonder that another should do so!

Soft and fair will tame alike hart and hind, buck and doe.

On the other hand, be not too hasty to fight or chide,

If thy wife come to you at any time with complaint of man or child;

And be not avenged till you know the truth,

For you might make a stir in the dark, and afterward it should rue you both. . . .

And, son, the more goods you have, the rather bear you meekly,

And be humble, and boast not overmuch;

It is wasted, for by their boasting men know fools.

And look you pay well what you owe, and set no great store by other riches,

For death takes both high and low, and then—farewell, all that there is!

And therefore do by my counsel, and take example from other men,

How little their goods avail them when they be buried in their graves;

And one that was not of his kin hath his wife, and all that there is.

Son, keep you from deadly sin, and assay to enter Paradise.

Make amends for your trespasses and deal out your goods to poor men,

Make friends of your foes, and strive to gain salvation for your soul,

For the world is false and frail, and every day doth worsen.

Son, set naught by this world’s weal, for it fares as a ripe cherry.

And death is ever, I trow, the most certain thing that is;

And nothing is so uncertain as to know the time thereof.

Therefore, my son, think on this, on all that I have said,

And may Jesus, who for us bore the crown of thorns, bring us to his bliss.

Amen.

Questions: What instructions do the parents give their children? What are their greatest concerns? How realistic is the advice? How is the advice similar, and how different, for the girl and the boy?

93. London Wills

Fifteenth-century London was a bustling hub of mercantile activity, sustained by the wealth and work of its forty thousand or so inhabitants. Its residents had many ways of belonging; membership in the city’s parishes, guilds, and wards shaped Londoners’ spiritual, professional, and political identities, and, as these wills show, close-knit networks of kin, colleagues, neighbors, and servants created a strong sense of community. Late medieval wills like these offer evidence for family structure, gender roles, inheritance patterns, piety, literacy, and material culture, and provide glimpses into the lives and households of men and women who often left no other trace in the historical record.

Source: ed. F.J. Furnivall, Fifty Earliest English Wills in the Court of Probate, London: A.D. 1387–1439, Early English Text Society o.s. 78 (London: Early English Text Society, 1882), pp. 16–17, 21–22; modernized.

Will of Robert Avery, 1410

In the name of God, Amen. I, Robert Avery, firstly bequeath my soul to God and to our Lady, and to all the company of heaven, and my body to be buried in the church of St. Clement outside the Temple Bar in London. Also, I bequeath to the upkeep of the same church 12d. Also, I bequeath to William Begelon a green gown and a striped hood, of the livery of the Company of Cordwainers [shoemakers], and I leave to the Carmelite friars of London 2s. 6d. And so that they will say a [funeral] dirge for my soul in the church of St. Clement, and sing for me also, I bequeath to the Dominican friars within Ludgate 2s. 6d. in the same manner. Also, I bequeath to the Franciscan friars 2s. 7d. to sing a dirge for my soul at the church of St. Dunstan in the West, and to sing for me I also bequeath 2s. 6d. to the Austin friars. Also, I bequeath to John Wyatt a gown and a hood of the cordwainers’ livery in two colors, and also a cooking pot that I lent him. Also, I bequeath to Harry Cole a blue gown and a pair of red hose. I bequeath my remaining goods to my wife Joan, to be my chief executor, and to John Robert of London, to be executor with her, with 3s. 4d. for his trouble; for doing this for me he will answer before God. Also, I bequeath 40d. worth of bread, and a cask of ale, to be distributed at my dirge in the church of St. Clement, and 40d. worth of bread and a cask of ale to be distributed in the church of St. Dunstan in the same manner. Written at London on the first day of May in the twelfth year of our king [Henry IV]’s reign. In witness of this deed I have set my seal upon it. Also, I will that Harry Cole, tailor, dwelling outside Temple Bar, be one of my executors, and I bequeath to him for his trouble 3s. 4d.

Will of Richard Young, 1413

In the name of God, Amen. In the year 1413, I, Richard Young, brewer of London, set forth my testament in this manner: first, I bequeath my soul to almighty God, and to our lady Saint Mary, and to all the fair company of heaven, and my body to be buried in the churchyard of St. Dunstan in the West. Also, I bequeath to the altar of the same church 12d. for forgotten offerings, as well as 6s. 8d. for the upkeep of the said church, and 3s. 4d. to the priests and clerks that minister in the said church to be divided equally among them. And if there be enough remaining after my debts are paid and the remainder of my testament be fulfilled, I leave to my mother 20s. I wish my apprentice John to be released from two years of his term of service, on condition that he be good and true to my wife. Also, I bequeath to the said John a grain vessel, a brewer’s float, and a wood plane. Also, I bequeath to my son William a new brass pot, a pan, a bed, and a small pewter pot. The remainder of my goods I bequeath to my wife Amice and my son to support them both. Also, I make Richard Roos, glover, and John Mann, cordwainer, my executors, and each of them is to have for his trouble a good bow.

Questions: What concerns do the testators express? What do we learn about the material world of late medieval London, and the value of various objects? How are differences in status reflected? How do these compare to the Anglo-Saxon wills (doc. 12)?

94. Apprenticeship Documents

The typical career of a person in almost any kind of craft or industry began with apprenticeship, in which the apprentice, typically a child or adolescent, was legally bound to a master or mistress. The apprentice was housed and fed and thoroughly trained in the craft; in return he or she worked exclusively for the master or mistress during the apprenticeship (often a seven-year term) and handed over any profits earned.

Source: indenture, trans. A.E. Bland, P.A. Brown, and R.H. Tawney, English Economic History: Select Documents (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1914), pp. 147–48, revised; repudiation, trans. H.T. Riley, Memorials of London and London Life in the XIIIth, XIVth, and XVth Centuries (London: Longmans, Green, & Company, 1868), pp. 629–30, revised.

Indenture of Apprenticeship, 1459

This indenture, made between John Gibbs of Penzance in the county of Cornwall, on the one part, and John Goffe, Spaniard, on the other part, witnesses that the aforesaid John Goffe has put himself to the aforesaid John Gibbs to learn the craft of fishing, and to stay with him as apprentice and to serve from the feast of Philip and James [1 May] next to come after the date of these presents until the end of eight years then next ensuing and fully complete; throughout which term the aforesaid John Goffe shall well and faithfully serve the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife as his masters and lords, shall keep their secrets, shall everywhere willingly do their lawful and honorable commands, shall do his masters no injury nor see injury done to them by others, but prevent the harm as far as he can, shall not waste his masters’ goods nor lend them to any man without his special command. And the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife shall teach, train, and inform or cause the aforesaid John Goffe, their apprentice, to be informed in the craft of fishing in the best way they know, chastising him duly and finding for the same John, their apprentice, sufficient food, linen and woolen clothing, and shoes, as befit such an apprentice to be found, during the term aforesaid. And at the end of the term aforesaid the aforesaid John Goffe shall have from the aforesaid John Gibbs and Agnes his wife 20s. sterling without any fraud. In witness whereof the aforesaid parties have interchangeably set their seals to the parts of this indenture. . . .

Repudiation by a Master of a Runaway Apprentice, 1416

On the first day of July, in [1416], Nicholas Wottone, the mayor, and the aldermen, were given to understand by Robert Arnold and other trustworthy persons, that one William Bolecley, son of the late John Bolecley, of Delbury, in the county of Shropshire, who, on 28 March [1411], had apprenticed himself to the aforesaid Robert, and who, on behalf of the said Robert, his master, had heretofore been on business for trading in diverse parts, both on this side of the sea and beyond, had of late without leave, and without reasonable cause, unlawfully withdrawn himself from the service of his master, and departed, to the no small loss and grievance of his said master.

And whereas the said Robert feared that he might very possibly be held responsible for the deeds of the same William, if he should appear under the pretense of being the factor and attorney of his said master, while so living at large, as he might in the name of such master receive diverse quantities of things and merchandise, and various sums of money: therefore . . . the said Robert Arnold came here, before the mayor and aldermen, and in full court repudiated and renounced whatever the same apprentice should have done, as being his factor and attorney, from the time that he so withdrew himself and departed, or should in any parts whatsoever in future do for him, or in his name.

Questions: What was the purpose of apprenticeship? What was the apprentice’s life probably like? What were the hazards of apprenticeship for each party?

95. Visitations of Monasteries

One of the duties of a bishop was the regular inspection of religious communities in his diocese. The documents below consist mainly of evidence given by the individual monks and nuns during such visitations; in each case the bishop then issued specific injunctions charging that all infractions be rectified, ordering audits of the accounts, and so on, but these are omitted here because they tend to repeat the original testimony.

Source: trans. A.H. Thompson, Visitations of Religious Houses in the Diocese of Lincoln, Vol. 2: Records of Visitations Held by William Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln A.D. 1436 to A.D. 1449 (Horncastle: The Lincoln Record Society, 1918), pp. 46–50, 52–53, 68–78.

Dorchester Abbey

The visitation of the monastery of Dorchester, of the order of Saint Austin, of the diocese of Lincoln, performed in the chapter-house there on 27 March, in the year of our Lord 1441, by the reverend father in Christ and lord, the lord William, by the grace of God bishop of Lincoln. . . .

In the first place, as the said reverend father was sitting in his capacity of judge in the beginning of the business of such his visitation, . . . the abbot before all else delivered to the said reverend father the certificate of my lord’s mandate which had been addressed to him for the business of such visitation. . . . And when this had been read through, the same abbot showed my lord the title of the confirmation of his election. . . . And then the abbot, being examined, says the following things.

Brother John Clyftone, the abbot, says that, as far as regards the governance of the temporal affairs of the house, while it was in the hands of certain canons of his appointment, the house was heavily in debt; therefore one Marmyone has the direction of such temporal affairs with the consent of the convent. Also he says that, as he believes, the house today is £60 and more in debt.

Brother John Hakeburne, the prior, says that the abbot does not show the state of the house [to the canons], and makes no reckoning in common of his administration, nor has he ever made reckoning. Also he says that secular folk, both male and female, have often passage through the cloister precincts to the church, and this almost of custom.

Brother John Henrethe says that no fixed hour is observed for rising for [the office of ] matins, and this because the prior, although he fills the office of the sacrist, takes no care of the clock which this deponent did provide, and therefore it does not strike the hours by day and by night. . . .

Also the canons do often go out of the house to the public taverns in the town and drink and eat with secular folk in the same.

Also he says that, although he himself is stricken in years and is therefore almost incapable of doing tasks outside the cloister, nevertheless they have appointed him to the office of kitchener. Notwithstanding it would be disastrous for him to lay down the office before next Michaelmas, by reason of the provisions which he has made in the same office.

Brother Thomas Tewkesbury says all things are well. Brother Thomas Henrethe says that [the] report was that brother John Shrewesbury, a canon, had carnal knowledge of a certain woman, whose name he knows not, in the bell-tower of the church. The man appeared and, on being charged, denies all crime with such woman since the time of the correction appointed by the abbot, namely, his imprisonment in ward and confinement to cloister and fasting on bread and water. . . .

Brother Nicholas Plymmouthe says as above concerning the neglect of the abbot to render an account. Also he says that the tenements of the monastery in the town of Dorchester are not in good repair.

Brother Walter Dorchestre says that all things are well.

Brother John Shrewesbury says that all things are well.

Brother Ralph Calethra says that brother John Wynchestre, formerly the abbot, receives from the house in meat and drink as much as two canons receive, and £7. Also he says that Marmyone keeps in the same place every week sixteen dogs for coursing [hunting], for which he receives two pecks of barley a week besides bran, and five horses that are fed continually at the expense of the house. The same Marmyone has a chamber within the cloister, and, since the doors of the cloister are in that place, they are left open almost the whole night through, so that secular folk run in and out of the cloister. . . .

Brother Henry Yorke says that all things are well.

Brother John Wynchestre, former abbot, says of the canons that they eat and drink in the public taverns in the town with layfolk: he craves therefore that an injunction be made under pain of imprisonment to them that do [so], as the constitutions of the order require. Also he says that cloister is not kept at the due hours for meditation and reading. Also he says as above of the accounts that they are not rendered by the abbot. Also he says that Marmyone is very burdensome to the house as regards his servants and visitors. . . . Also he says that while according to the rule their canons ought not to go out either on foot or on horseback, save in closed cloaks only, now [however] they walk about in the open cloaks which are called choir copes. Also he prays that ordinance be made that the canons . . . go out together for their recreation and return together, and not roam about by themselves, as is their habit, since from this there springs exceeding scandal to the house. Also he says that by the custom of the monastery there should be appointed caretakers for the young canons, to lay out their private allowance to their advantage until they be advanced to the priesthood, for now the opposite of this is observed. . . .

Brother Walter Dorchestre [is defamed] with Joan Barbour, a married woman. He appeared and denies [his guilt] at any time. . . . Also [he is defamed] with the wife of Thomas Deye, a serving-man in the monastery: then he cleared himself with three of his brethren. He confesses to pawning a gilded chalice to Marmyone for four nobles and alienating five silver spoons belonging to the infirmary. . . . He confesses to possessing hawks: the possession of such birds was forbidden him. He confesses that he has lain diverse times in the infirmary: he was enjoined not to do this henceforward, unless by reason of bodily weakness and with the abbot’s permission; and he abjured the fellowship of the woman.

Nicholas Plymmouthe was taken . . . with the tanner’s wife . . . , and in proof of such matter they that took them have their shifts to show. He denies his guilt at any time. . . .

The abbot confesses that he pawned a cover of pure gold for a cup and diverse other jewels of the house, without the knowledge or permission of the convent. . . .

The same abbot commits adultery with (1) Joan Baroun, with whom he was found in a suspicious manner in the steward’s chamber; (2) the wife of John Forde; (3) the wife of John Roche; (4) the wife of John Prest; (5) the wife of Thomas Fisher; and all these he maintains upon the common goods of the house, and so by pawning, or more accurately, as it is feared, selling the jewels of the house he dilapidates and wastes all the goods of the house. He does not attend choir for the canonical hours by day or night, nor does he come to chapter to correct transgressions; and by his improvident governance the house is more than £200 in debt. . . .

Catesby Priory

The visitation of the priory of the nuns of Catesby, of the order of Cîteaux, of the diocese of Lincoln, performed in the chapter-house there on the 17th day of the month of July, in the year of our Lord 1442, by the reverend father in Christ and lord, the Lord William, by the grace of God bishop of Lincoln. . . .

In the first place, as the said reverend father was sitting in his capacity of judge as a tribunal in the business of the said visitation on and in the day and place aforesaid, there appeared before him the prioress and convent of the aforesaid place, in readiness, as was apparent, to undergo such visitation. . . . And then the same reverend father proceeded to his preparatory inquiry in the following manner.

Sister Margaret Wavere [the prioress] says that sister A[gnes Allesl]ey has six or seven young folk of both sexes who sleep in the nuns’ dorter [dormitory]. [Also she says] that secular folk often enter the nuns’ chambers within the cloister, and talkings and junketings take place there without the knowledge of [the prioress]. [Also] she says that she herself has four nuns in her household, and there are three other households of nuns within the cloister. [Also] she says that divine service is not said at the due hours according to the rule, and she says that silence is not observed in the due places. [Also] the nuns send out letters and receive [letters] sent to them, without the advice of the prioress. [Also] she says that the secrets of the house are disclosed in the neighborhood by such seculars when they come there. Also the nuns send out the serving-folk of the priory on their businesses and also receive the visitors for whom they send and with whom they [hold] parleyings and conversations, of which the prioress is ignorant. Also she says that Isabel Benet is defamed with Sir William Smythe, formerly chaplain in that place, and did conceive by him and bore a child, and that she has not corrected her because she dared not. Also the said Isabel is not obedient to the prioress. Likewise the other nuns are sometimes obedient, sometimes not; and the nuns do not wear their veils down to their [eyebrows], but keep their foreheads bare.

Sister Juliane Wolfe says that there should be two lights burning in the upper church and choir during divine service. Also she says that the prioress does not show the account of her administration to the sisters. Also she says that the prioress has pawned the jewels of the house, to wit, for a period of ten years a cup for the body of Christ, which still remains in pawn, and also other pieces of silver. Also she says that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns disclosed anything in the visitation, they should pay for it in prison. Also she says that the prioress is accustomed to go by herself to the town of Catesby to the gardens with one man alone, a priest, named William Taylor. Also Isabel Wavere, the prioress’s mother, rules almost the whole house together with Joan Coleworthe, the kinswoman of a certain priest, and these two carry the keys of all the offices. Also when guests come to the house, the prioress sends out the young nuns to make their beds, which is a scandal to the house and a perilous thing. Also the prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter of clothing and money for victuals; and she says that touching the premises the prioress is in the nuns’ debt for three quarters of a year. Also the buildings and tenements both within and without the priory are dilapidated, and many have fallen to the ground because of default in repairs. . . .

Sister Agnes Halewey says that within choir and without the prioress pulls the veils from the nuns’ heads, calling them beggars and whores. Also, though she is young and would gladly learn religious discipline and other things, the prioress sets her to make beds, to sewing and spinning and other tasks. . . .

The prioress denies the article of cruelty as regards calling them whores and beggars; she denies also the violent laying of hands upon the nuns. As to not having rendered an account, she confesses it, and for the reason that she has not a clerk who can write. As to the burden of debt, she refers herself to the account now to be rendered. As to the neglect in repairing the sheepfolds, she refers herself to the visible evidence. As to pawning the cup, she says that the same was done with the consent of the convent for the payment of tithes. As to felling trees, she says that it was turned to the profit of the house, partly with the knowledge and partly without the knowledge of the convent. As to the disclosures in the last visitation and the reproaching of those who made them and the whipping, she denies the article. As to threatening them lest they should make disclosures, she denies the article. As to the publishing of the secrets of their religion, she denies the article. As to her mother and Joan Coleworthe, she denies the article. As to the bed-making and the other tasks, she denies the article. As to withholding victuals and clothing from the nuns, she confesses it in part. As to the dilapidation of the outer tenements, she says that they are partly in repair and partly not. As to the sowing of discord, she says that she might have done this; she is not certain. As to this, [that] she said that for a purse and money she knew all the disclosures at the last visitation, she flatly denies the article. As to Sir William Taylor, she denies the crime at any time.

She has the morrow for clearing herself of [the articles] she has denied with four of her sisters, and to receive penance for those to which she has confessed. At which time she brought forward no compurgators; therefore she was declared to have made default in purgation, and, was pronounced to be convicted, and forswore the said man and all familiar converse with the same henceforward. . . .

And then . . . [the bishop] ordained that there be two [nuns] appointed receivers, to receive and to pay out [the money to be kept in a chest] under three locks; and that all live in common, leaving off their separate households, and that these things must begin at Michaelmas [29 September] next. And all were warned to remove all secular folk from the dorter on this side the morrow of the Assumption [before 16 August]. And all were warned under pain of excommunication that none should reproach another by reason of her disclosures. And the prioress was warned to [shut] and open the doors of the church and cloister at the due times, and to keep the keys with her by night in the dorter. . . .

Also the said Dame Isabel on Monday last past did pass the night with the Austin friars at Northampton and did dance and play the lute with them in the same place until midnight, and on the night following she passed the night with the friars preachers at Northampton, luting and dancing in like manner.

Questions: What was life like in these two religious houses? What flaws are evident in the visitation process and reporting? What variety of concerns is found among the monks and nuns? Compare men’s and women’s experience of monastic life.

96. A London Chronicle on the Wars of the Roses

Until the fifteenth century, history was written almost exclusively by churchmen, but in the 1400s there was an upsurge in historical writing by laymen. Many of them worked in London, producing a group of chronicles with a distinctly urban outlook. The following extract, covering an eventful period (1457–71) during the dynastic struggles known later as the Wars of the Roses, is from such a chronicle. Its system of dating shows this clearly: the author begins each year’s entry on 31 October, the first day of the term of London’s mayor and sheriffs, whose names are entered along with the year of the reigning king. The main characters in this somewhat convoluted story are, on the Lancastrian side, King Henry VI (r. 1422–61 and 1470–71), his wife, Queen Margaret, and their son, Prince Edward; on the Yorkist side, Duke Richard of York and his sons, including Edward, earl of March (who became King Edward IV), George, duke of Clarence, and Richard, earl of Gloucester (later Richard III); and the famous “kingmaker,” Richard earl of Warwick.

Source: ed. C.L. Kingsford, Chronicles of London (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905), pp. 168–85; modernized.

Henry VI, 36th year

Godfrey Boleyn, William Edward, Thomas Reyner

In this year [1458] . . . the duke of York and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury were sent to London to the council. And the aforesaid duke came there on 25 January, with 400 men, and was lodged at Baynard’s Castle. And on the fifteenth day of the said month came the earl of Salisbury with 500 men, and was lodged in the herber [garden]. And after came the dukes of Exeter and Somerset with 800 men, and these two dukes lay outside the Temple Gate; and the earl of Northumberland, the lord Egremont, and Lord Clifford came with 1,500 men, who were lodged outside the town. For this reason the mayor with the sheriffs, constables, and other officers of the city kept great watch, so that as long as these said lords were at this council the mayor rode about the city daily, and made the circuit of Holborn and Fleet Street, accompanied by 5,000 men or thereabouts, well and sensibly arrayed, to watch and to see that the king’s peace was kept. And on 14 February the earl of Warwick came to London from Calais with 600 men, all appareled in red jackets with [the earl’s sign of ] white ragged staves. And he was lodged at the Grey Friars. And on 7 March the king and queen came to London, at which time a concord and unity was made among these aforesaid lords. In token of this, upon our Lady’s day next following, which was 25 March, the king and queen and these aforesaid lords went in procession together royally at St. Paul’s. And immediately afterward, the king and all these estates departed. . . .

Henry VI, 38th year

William Hulyn, John Plumer, John Stokker

Because in the year before at Ludlow Field Andrew Trollope, with many of the old soldiers of Calais, went and departed secretly from [Richard] the duke of York’s party to the king’s party, and there revealed the secrets of the duke and his host, therefore the said duke, secretly by counsel with such lords as he had in his party, fled and evacuated, leaving behind his people upon the field to make a show of keeping the field until morning. And having departed, the duke went toward Wales with his second son, and so through Wales into Ireland, leaving his eldest son [Edward] the earl of March with the earls of Warwick and Salisbury, and these three, with three or four other persons, rode into Devonshire, where by the aid of one Denham, a squire, they got a ship which cost six score nobles [a noble was a gold coin worth 6s. 8d.], in which they sailed into Guernsey and there rested.

And so in the beginning of this year of [Mayor] William Hulyn, [on 3 November,] the Friday next following All Hallows’ day, the earls of March, Warwick, and Salisbury came to Calais in a whaler, and there remained. . . . Also in this year began the Parliament at Coventry, where the duke of York, the earls of March, Rutland, Warwick, and Salisbury, with the said duke’s wife, and many other knights, squires, and gentlemen, were attainted for high treason, and the acts of the Parliament made at Westminster after the Battle of St. Albans were annulled. All this season the earls who were in Calais gathered together a great company. . . .

And the second day of July the said lords of Calais came to London; and from there they departed for Northampton, and the people flocked steadily to them. And at Northampton the king chose to do battle, the which battle was won by the earls of March and Warwick and their company after a sore fight. In this battle were slain the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Shrewsbury, Viscount Beaumont, Lord Egremont, and many knights and esquires, with many others. And the king himself was captured on the field, and so brought unto London on 16 July. And immediately after this began a Parliament at Westminster. Also this year, the Friday before Saint Edward’s day, [Richard] the duke of York came to Westminster, his sword borne upright before him, and lodged himself in the king’s palace, where also the king was, and so entered the Parliament chamber, where the duke took the king’s place, claiming it for his right and inheritance, and said that he would keep it to live and die. At this all the lords were sore dismayed; and so the duke remained still at Westminster in the king’s palace, and the lords wanted him to speak with the king, but he would not, saying he held of no man but of God. And whereas men deemed the king should have worn his crown upon Saint Edward’s day [13 October] with the procession, he did not, nor any of his lords, for they were all at the Black Friars at a council for this matter of the duke of York, and so continued till All Hallows’ Eve [31 October].

Henry VI, 39th year

Richard Lee, Richard Flemyng, John Lumbard

And upon All Hallows’ Eve, in the beginning of this mayor’s year, it was granted and agreed by all the authority of the Parliament, that the king [Henry VI] should enjoy the crown for the term of his natural life, and after the king’s death the duke of York was to be king if he still lived, and after them both, the duke’s heirs were to be kings. And that also the said duke was to be regent of England and of France during the king’s life; and if the king would resign at any time after that, then he should resign to the duke and to no other person, and to his heirs after his days. And then toward evening they came to St. Paul’s and heard evensong; and in the morning the king wore his crown, and remained there still in the bishop’s palace. And upon Saturday, 9 November, the duke was proclaimed through the city as heir apparent to the crown, and all his progeny after him. And since the queen, the dukes of Buckingham, Exeter, and Somerset, and the earls of Devonshire and Northumberland intended to make war against the king’s peace, therefore the duke of York and the earls of Rutland and Salisbury rode northward on 2 December to capture them. And on 30 December they met with the queen’s party at Wakefield, where the duke of York and [his second son] the earl of Rutland and Sir Thomas Neville were slain along with many others. And the earl of Salisbury was captured alive, as were John Hardowe, a captain of London, and Hanson of Hull; and these were afterward brought to Pontefract, and there beheaded, and their heads set upon York’s gates.

And all this season was great watch made in the city of London, for it was reported that the queen with the northern men would come down to the city and rob and despoil the city, and destroy it utterly, along with all the south country. Thus the king and the lords of his council raised all the southern country to go northward against the queen and her party; and at this time [Edward] earl of March, being in Shrewsbury, hearing of the death of his father, requested aid from the town to avenge his father’s death. And from there he went into Wales, where on the following Candlemas [2 February] he fought a battle at Mortimer’s Cross against the earls of Pembroke and Wiltshire, where the earl of March had the victory. And the queen with the lords in her party, after they had distressed the duke of York and his company, came southward with a great fellowship and people to the king, to reverse such articles and conclusions as had been taken by the authority of the aforesaid Parliament. Against their coming the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Warwick with a great host went to St. Albans, and led King Henry with them; and there was fought a great battle upon Shrove Tuesday [17 February] at three o’clock in the morning; and the queen and her party had the victory, and the earl of Warwick with his company fled. And the king was taken, and brought to the queen and his son Prince Edward; and as some said, there the king made him a knight, along with thirty others.

And in this season the prickers or fore-riders of the northern men came to London, and would have come in; but the mayor and the commons would not allow them in. . . . And immediately after this came tidings that the earl of Warwick was coming toward London in support of the earl of March. Wherefore the king, with the queen and the prince, and all their people drew northward, and went into Northumberland. And the following Thursday the earl of March and the earl of Warwick came to London with a great host. And upon the Sunday after, all the host mustered in Saint John’s Field, where were read among the people certain articles and points on which King Henry had offended. And then it was asked of the people whether the said Henry was still worthy to reign; and the people cried, “Nay! Nay!” And then they asked if they would have the earl of March to be their king; and they said, “Yea! Yea!” And then certain captains were sent to the earl of March’s place at Baynard’s Castle, and told the the earl that the people had chosen him as king, for which he thanked God and them, and, by the advice of the bishops of Canterbury and of Exeter, and the earl of Warwick and others, he took it [the crown] upon him. And you shall understand that before King Henry, with the queen and the prince, departed from St. Albans, they beheaded Lord Bonville and Sir Thomas Keryell, who were taken at the aforesaid battle. Then the duchess of York, hearing of the loss of that battle, sent her two young sons George and Richard, over the sea, and they went to Utrecht. . . .

Then on 4 March, which was in the year of our Lord 1460, by the advice of the lords spiritual and temporal, the earl of March by the right of inheritance as the eldest son of the duke of York, took possession of the realm of England, after solemn procession made and done at St. Paul’s, in the great hall of Westminster; and there, sitting in the king’s seat with the scepter in his hand, it was asked of the people again if they would have him king; and they cried, “Yea! Yea!” And there he took his oath; and this done, he went into the abbey, where he was received with procession bearing the scepter royal, and all the lords did homage to him as to their sovereign lord. And on the following day proclamations were made throughout the city, Edward the Fourth of that name, and when all these ceremonies were done, and “Te Deum” solemnly sung in the abbey, the king came by water to St. Paul’s, and there dined. And after dinner the mayor with his brethren, the aldermen, and certain commoners came to the palace, beseeching the king to be good and gracious to the city, and that they might have their old liberties and franchises granted and confirmed as they had been in his noble progenitors’ days, and this was granted to them. And upon the following Saturday the earl of Warwick journeyed northward, with a great many people; and the following week, the king’s foot people also went northward with the king’s standard. And on Friday of the same week, which was 14 March, the king rode through London and so out at Bishopsgate, with a goodly fellowship with him. . . . And on the following Palm Sunday [29 March] the king met with the northern men, nine miles on this side of York, at a place or village called Sherborne, where he fought and won the battle. In this fight were slain eleven lords with other knights, and about 28,000 men. . . . And after Easter the king removed to Durham, before which departure the earl of Devonshire, who had been taken before in the battle, was beheaded. And a short while after Easter the earl of Wiltshire was captured, and King Henry fled into Scotland with his company; and soon after this the king [Edward] came to Sheen, and from Sheen to Lambeth, and lodged there. And upon Friday, 16 June the mayor of London, with the aldermen and commons, the mayor with his brethren being in scarlet and the commons in green, brought the king from Lambeth to the Tower of London, where he made twenty-eight Knights of the Bath. And in the morning he dubbed four knights before he rode to Westminster. And in the afternoon, on the Saturday, he rode through the city to Westminster. And in the morning on Sunday, which was Saint Peter’s eve, and 28 June, he was crowned at Westminster, with great solemnity of bishops and other temporal lords. And on next morning the king wore his crown again in Westminster Abbey, in the worship of God and Saint Peter. And the next morning he wore his crown also in St. Paul’s, in the worship of God and Saint Paul. And there the angel came down, and censed him, at which time there was as great a multitude of people in St. Paul’s as ever was seen before in any days. And soon after the coronation, the king made his brother George duke of Clarence. . . . And at harvest-time the king rode to Canterbury, and so to Sandwich, and so along by the seaside to Southampton, and so into the marches of Wales, and then to Bristol, where he was royally received with great solemnity, and so about in various places of the land. . . .

Edward IV, 2nd year

Thomas Cook, William Hampton, Barthu. Jamys

In this year, on 3 November, Queen Margaret came out of France into Scotland with a strength of people; and so entered into England and made open war. Then the king went northward with a great host; and on 13 November the queen, hearing of his coming with his great host, immediately broke formation and fled. And she fled in a caravel, in which was the substance of her goods; and as she sailed there came upon her such a tempest that she was glad to leave the caravel and take a fishing boat, and so she went ashore at Berwick; and the caravel and goods were sunk. . . . And when the king heard of her departure, he intended to pursue her to capture her; but then it happened that he was visited with the sickness of measles, through which his intention was stymied. And on the 12th day of Christmas the Scots came to rescue the castle of Alnwick, but it was yielded to the king also. And the duke of Somerset and Sir Ralph Percy submitted themselves to the king’s grace. And about Shrovetide the king came southward. And when the Scots knew of the king’s departure they came again to Bamburgh Castle and captured it. Then on Saint John’s day at harvest time [29 August] the king went again northward toward Scotland with a great host; and many ships were supplied in the west country, and at London, and at Sandwich, to go by water with victuals and men.

Edward IV, 3rd year

Matthew Philip, Robert Basset, Thomas Muschamp

This year the duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, and Lord Roos were captured, with many others, as was King Henry’s helmet, richly garnished with two crowns; and his followers were dressed in blue velvet. And forthwith the said duke of Somerset was beheaded with others at Exham. And Lord Hungerford and Lord Roos, with others, were beheaded at Newcastle. And Sir Philip Wentworth and others were beheaded at Middleham, and Sir Thomas Husey with others at York. And immediately after this, at Pontefract, Lord Montagu presented [Edward] the king with King Henry’s helmet, and his three followers; but King Henry’s whereabouts could not be discovered. . . . Also in this year, the first day of May, the king wedded Dame Elizabeth Grey, formerly wife of Lord Grey of Groby, and daughter of Lord Rivers. . . .

Edward IV, 9th year

Richard Lee, Richard Gardiner, Robert Drope

This year after All Hallows’ Eve there were proclamations made in London, that the king had pardoned all the northern men for their rising, and all others both for the death of Lord Rivers and others; and afterward there was much to-do about a rising of the people in Lincolnshire, wherefore the king intended to go there; but just then Lord Wells, on whom the guilt was placed, was taken and beheaded. And in February the earl of Warwick came to London, where about that time there was much to-do about bills that were set up in diverse places of the city for the duke of Clarence and him [who were turning against King Edward]. . . . In this season the duke of Clarence went to the earl of Warwick to take his side, and the king sent to them willing them to return, and they would have his forgiveness; and they made a pretended agreement, saying that they would gather their people and come; but that same night they broke and fled the land in all haste. . . . And about this time the earl of Oxford, hearing of the duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick being in France, went over to them. And in the beginning of July Lord Fitzhugh made a rising in the north; but as soon as he knew of the king’s coming he fled to Scotland. And then the king remained still at York and thereabouts. And in September the duke of Clarence, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Pembroke, and the earl of Oxford, with various gentlemen, landed at Dartmouth in Devonshire, to whom flocked many people of every region; and the people of Kent made an insurrection in Kent and came to London, where, in the suburbs of the city and other places such as St. Katherine’s and Radcliffe, they robbed and despoiled various Dutchmen and their beer houses. And the said duke and his company made, as he came landward, his proclamations in the name of King Henry, who at that time was prisoner in the Tower of London. And when they drew toward King Edward, who was then at York, he feared them, and also he had only a small company about him in comparison with the duke and his company. Wherefore, seeing he could not make his party match theirs, and also because some of his own folk around him were not very loyal to him, he with a few horses took the next way over the Wash in Lincolnshire, where some of his company were drowned, and he escaped with great jeopardy. And then the queen, who was in the Tower, hearing of the king’s departure, the first day of October just after this, departed thence secretly and went to Westminster [Abbey], where she abode as a sanctuary woman a good while after. . . . And on 12 October the Tower was given up by arrangement. And then King Henry was taken from the place were he was imprisoned, and lodged in the king’s lodging, where the queen before had been lodged. And on the Saturday after that came in the duke of Clarence, and with him the earl of Warwick, the earl of Shrewsbury, and Lord Stanley. And they rode to the Tower and fetched out King Henry, and brought him to St. Paul’s and lodged him in the bishop’s palace, where the earl of Warwick also lodged with him. . . .

Henry VI, 1st year; Edward IV, 1st year [the dating reflects Henry’s brief return to the throne during Edward’s exile in 1470–71]

John Stockton, John Croby, John Ward

This year, on 3 November, Prince Edward the son of King Edward IV, his father then being fled into Flanders, was born at Westminster within the sanctuary, and christened in the abbey; his godfathers were the abbot and prior of Westminster, and his godmother Lady Scrope. Also this year, on 26 November, began the Parliament at Westminster, and from there it was prorogued to St. Paul’s and continued there till Christmas. . . . And during this Parliament King Edward was proclaimed usurper of the crown throughout the city, and [Richard] the duke of Gloucester his younger brother was proclaimed traitor, and both were attainted by the authority of the said Parliament. . . . And in the beginning of April, King Edward with his brother the duke of Gloucester came ashore in the north country at a place called Ravenscar; and with them came about 500 Englishmen, and as many Dutchmen; and after landing he drew toward York, making proclamations in King Henry VI’s name as he went. And when he came to York the citizens kept him out till they knew what his intent was; and when he had told them that he came with no other intent but to claim his inheritance, which was the duchy of York, he was received into the town, and there refreshed himself and his people; and after that more and more people drew unto him. . . . And on the Thursday before Easter King Henry rode about the city with various lords to gather the people of the city together to keep out King Edward; but notwithstanding, that same afternoon, King Edward came into the city with his company, and was lodged at the palace, where he found King Henry almost alone, for he was a good and spiritual man and set little store by worldly matters. And there King Edward stayed until Easter eve. And in the meantime the duke of Clarence with his affinity gathered their people and came toward London. And on Easter eve the king rode through the city toward Barnet. And the duke and his company were at that time at St. Albans. And that night, contrary to the promise and oath he had made to the French king when he was in France, the said duke of Clarence denied the title of King Henry and went unto his brother King Edward with his people, and left the earl of Warwick and all the remainder of the lords. And early in the morning the battle began, at which battle, on the plain outside the town of Barnet, on one side were King Edward, King Henry VI, the duke of Clarence, the duke of Gloucester, Lord Hastings, and various other lords and gentlemen. And on the other side were the earl of Warwick, the lord Marquis Montagu his brother, the duke of Exeter, the earl of Oxford, and many other gentlemen. There was a sore fight, but in the end King Edward had the victory. And upon the same Easter day, at the same battle, were slain the earl of Warwick, and his brother the lord marquis, with Lord Barneys from the king’s party, and many more from both parties, upon whose souls may Jesus have mercy.

And the same day in the afternoon the king came riding through the city, and prayed at St. Paul’s, and so went to Westminster; and after him was brought King Henry, riding in a long blue velvet gown, and so to Westminster, and from there to the Tower, where he remained prisoner as he had done before. And in May Queen Margaret and Prince Edward her son landed; and at Tewkesbury they met [in battle] with King Edward, and there was slain Prince Edward, and his mother was captured and brought to London in a chariot, and afterward sent home to her own country. . . .

Also upon Ascension eve [22 May] King Henry was brought from the Tower though Cheap unto St. Paul’s upon a bier; and about the bier were more gloves and staves than torches; and it was said he had been slain by the duke of Clarence; but however he was dead, he was brought there dead, and the corpse lay in the church all night. And in the morning it was conveyed to Chertsey, where he was buried. And within two days afterward, the king with a great host rode into Kent, where he appointed his justices, and made inquiries into [a recent uprising], and there were some hanged, and some beheaded, and the heads were set on London Bridge, and one named Spising was set upon Aldgate; and some were grievously fined. And when the king had set the country in peaceable rule, he came again to London upon Whitsun eve.

Questions: Compare these wars with previous civil wars. What sense does the chronicler give of the issues involved in the contest between the Lancastrian and Yorkist factions? What indications are there of the loyalties and concerns of London? What role did women play in these events?

Fig. 38. Great Chalfield Manor, a moated manor house in Wiltshire built by the Tropnells, who made their fortune in the woolen cloth trade. Late medieval gentry families like the Celys (doc. 97) built many such houses both for defensive purposes and as status symbols.

97. The Cely Letters

Another type of source that we encounter for the first time in the fifteenth century is the private family letter collection. One such set is the correspondence preserved by the Cely family, wool merchants based in London and doing much business in Flanders. In the following letters, written by and to the Celys in 1480 and 1482, we meet, among others, the three sons of Richard the Elder: Robert, Richard the Younger, and George (who is stationed mainly in Calais). William Maryon is a family friend and godfather to the younger Richard; William and John Cely are humble relations. Richard the Younger, as well as helping to run the family business, is in the service of (his “lord”) Sir John Weston, prior of the order of the Hospitallers in England.

Source: ed. H.E. Malden, The Cely Papers: Selections from the Correspondence and Memoranda of the Cely Family, Merchants of the Staple, A.D. 1475–1488 (London: Longmans, Green, & Company, 1900), pp. 34–40, 46, 51–52, 57-60, 73–76, 83–86, 101–4, 106, 110–11, 117, 131–32; modernized.

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right entirely well beloved brother, I recommend me unto you as lovingly as heart can think, informing you that, at the making of this, our father, mother and we all were in good health, thanked be God. And on the 26th day of this month I received two letters from you, one to our father, another to myself, the which I do well understand, and here I send you enclosed in this a bill of Master Richard’s hand, from the mayor of the Staple, for the discharge of 23s. 4d. per sarpler [a sack of wool weighing 2,240 pounds], for seventeen sarplers, £19 16s. 8d. And I feel, by your letter, that the wool shipped at your departing from hence was not so good as I wish it had been. Our father was at the packing thereof himself. I trust to God this wool shall please you better, and as for middle wool, you have all that belongs to that sort. Sir, I have received as of yet but 15 of our fells [fleeces], but they are good. I understand by your writing that you will come into England shortly. I pray you keep your purpose and we shall be merry by God’s grace. My lord commends himself to you and looks daily for the goods that you promised to purvey him, and Gladman prays you to purvey a saddle for him somewhat less than my lord’s shall be. He lies still at Berwick and I think will do all this summer. Sir, I have received at the day well and truly the £4 sterling from our brother Robert. And now the ship is here, but our father intends not to ship until almost Michaelmas, and therefore we will look for you daily. And sir, I pray you bring with you the reckoning how much I am indebted to you, and we shall see a way therein by the grace of Jesu, who keep you and bring you to England soon and in safety. Written at London the last day of June.

Sir, our father has been sick; I trust it be but a temporary attack, but I would fain that you were here till he be better mended.

By your brother

Richard Cely

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right entirely well beloved brother, I recommend me unto you, informing you at the making of this our father is all whole and right merry, thanked be God, as my uncle the bringer of this can inform you. Sir, our father wishes that you be not over-hasty in coming into England, for this cause: he understood well that the wool that was shipped at your departing from London is not of like goodness to that which is of the last year’s growth, and therefore he wishes that you would not sell them together, but as for the middle wool that was last shipped, he desires that Jan Van Der Heyden have it, according to your writing. And our father would fain that you might sell the good wool of the first sort as well as you can. He dare not send any more to Calais till he hears of the sale of the aforesaid. Sir, our father understands about our brother Robert’s childish dealing, and William Burwell has been with him and me, and he says that Dalton or you have a letter of obligation for £14 Flemish, payable to him at the next Saint Baf’s [autumn] market, as it had been payable at the Ascension market last, and that made him so bold as he says, but our father wishes that you see the clearance and send us word how it is. No more to you. Written at Bretts [Place, Aveley, Essex], 5 July.

Tomorrow I go with my lord to Gravesend to bring in my Lady Margaret.

By your brother

Richard Cely

John Cely to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right worshipful and well beloved cousin, I recommend me unto you, and also my sister your aunt commends herself unto you as heartily as she can or may, always thanking you for your great labor and business that you did for her now at this time, for the which she hopes to reward you in such wise as you shall be pleased, with the grace of God.

Item, sir, you have been with Master Ylam, and he has promised to pay this £70 6s. 8d. It is ready for her. Also, sir, you shall understand that my sister, your aunt, has made her exchange with John Matthew, mercer of London, for the £91 Flemish, the which is in your hands, and she shall receive here, from the said John Matthew, at such days as they shall agree, £75 16s. 8d. sterling. And hereupon she has delivered to the said John Matthew the bill of your hand, the which money she prays you heartily to pay to the said John or to his attorney and bringer of your bill, now at this next market, as her very trust is in you, that you will so do.

Furthermore, sir, as for the bills of John Elton that Fethyan asks for, Ingguld says we cannot yet find them, I think, nor never shall. If we can, he shall have them, and so says Fethyan. No more to you at this time, but almighty Jesu have you in keeping. Written at London 6 September, in the year 1480.

By John Cely

Robert Cely to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right reverend and worshipful brother, I heartily recommend me to you. Furthermore please it you to know that at the making of this letter our father and mother were merry and in good health, blessed be God, and so we hope that you be. And as for our brother Richard Cely, he is departed with my lord of St. John’s with the ambassadors into France, whereof I suppose you understand right well. And I am at London and have been greatly diseased almost ever since you departed from Aveley, and for the most part have kept to my bed, for I have been so sick and sore that I go with a staff. I thank God I am now daily amended.

Item, brother George, the cause of my writing is this, and I pray you heartily for our good brotherhood, that you will do so much for me, to see that William Burwell, mercer of London, be satisfied for his bill of £14 15s., and what money you lay out for me, I will satisfy you for here. For if I had not had that money from William Burwell at that time, I would have lost all my plate. Wherefore, good brother, remember me, and I shall be good for it, with the grace of God, who have you and all of us in his blessed keeping. Amen. Written at London, 6 September, with great pain.

By your brother,

Robert Cely

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right entirely well beloved brother, I recommend me heartily unto you, and I thank you for your great cost and share that you did to me and my fellows at our last being with you at Calais. Sir, we had a fair passage, and the Saturday after our departing we came to the king at Eltham, to whom my lord was right welcome, and there we tarried till the king’s daughter was christened, whose name is Bridget. And the same night right late we came to London, and here I found our father, brother Robert, and my godfather Maryon, and they are merry. Our mother is in Essex; I have not yet seen her. My godfather Maryon told me that he has written letters to you; I understand a part of them. Robin Good told our father that you had five horses, and I told him you had only three, and how you have sold the first piebald horse to Sir Humfrey Talbot, and he was well content. I told our father of the loss of Twissulton’s mule. Sir, our father will not ship until March, and he would fain that the wool were packed. I feel from him that he would not prefer that you come home at Christmas, for he thinks there will be sales about Twelfth Night. There is great death of sheep in England. Sir, I would write more to you, but I depart into Essex this same day to see our mother. No more to you. Written at London 15 November.

By your brother

Richard Cely

If the mule may be gotten, send him to our father, for he would like to have him.

William Maryon to George Cely at Calais, 1480

Right reverend sir and my special good friend, I recommend me unto you. Furthermore, may it please you to know that I have received a letter from you written at Calais on 12 November, the which letter I have read, and well understand that you have received a letter from me, written at London on 9 November, in the which letter I wrote a clause about your horse, the which I understand you took sore at your stomach. Sir, in good faith I am sorry therefore, for if I had known that you would take so sore I would not have written so unto you, not if I would have gotten thereby 20 nobles. But you shall understand what caused me so for to write unto you. Sir, you wrote unto my master that you supposed by likelihood it should be war, and if it so be it should be war, there should be great riding and much ado about Calais, and if you were well horsed I fear me that such soldiers as you are acquainted with should cause you for to put your body in adventure, and if there came anything to you otherwise than good, in good faith a great part of my master’s joy in the world would be removed. Sir, this caused me in good faith for to write so unto you as I did, for I know well if you have no good horse they will not desire you out of town. Sir, in good faith, neither my master your father nor my mistress your mother know anything of my writing, and in good faith you shall understand that I wrote not so unto you for no spite, neither for no evil that I have to you, but for great love, for in good faith, saving my master our father and your brother Richard, in good faith there is no man in England I would do so much for, and that you should know, if you had need. And that caused me to be so bold to write to you, the which I would it could be undone, since you take it as you do. No more unto you at this time, but the Trinity have you in his keeping. Written at Aveley, 19 November.

By William Maryon

George Cely to Richard Cely the Elder at London, 1480

Right reverend and worshipful father, after all due recommendation I recommend me unto you in the most lowliest wise that I can or may. Furthermore, may it please you to understand that I have sold unto Gysbright Van Wijnsberg two sarplers of good cottes. He has taken one of the twenty that is packed, and again another of the other sort, as a bill enclosed herein makes mention, etc. It is so that I have not yet made an end of the packing of your sort. Of twenty sarplers there are eleven packed already. The cause of the delay of the rest is that there was much better wool, and as soon as that can be wound and made ready, it shall be entered into that which is to pack. . . . Here there are as now but few merchants. There shall be some fete done between Christmas and Candlemas, because of the ordinance, wherefore now I intend to tarry and come not to you until Candlemas. As of any tidings here, I can not write you as yet. There is, but I cannot have the truth thereof. There has been a variance between the duke’s men of war and his Germans, and there are many of his Germans slain, and therefore he takes great displeasure, for there are various of his gentlemen stolen away therefore, and some are come to Calais, and one of them is sent to our sovereign lord the king, and some have gone over to the Frenchmen, and the French king has gotten lately various of the best men of war the duke had, whereof he makes him now bold. No more unto you at this time, but Jesu have you and all yours in his keeping. Amen. Written at Calais, 24 November 1480.

By your son,

George Cely

It is so that I do send Harry my boy to wait upon my brother this Christmas.

William Cely to George Cely at Bruges, 1481

Right worshipful sir, after due consideration I lowly recommend me unto your mastership, etc. Furthermore may it please your mastership to understand that I have received a letter from you, the which I have read, and well understood all things therein. And as for your debentures, I have delivered them to William Bentham according to your commandment, and he has promised me as soon as he is furnished with money I shall be paid and satisfied for the exchange of 10s. of the pound with the first. And as for your warranties of 15s. of the pound, I have spoken to the master lieutenant for them, and he has promised me that at your coming to Calais they shall be set upon your bills of custom and subsidy, etc.

Also, sir, may it please you to know that on 12 May two Frenchmen chased an English ship in front of Calais, and Fetherston and John Davy and Thomas Overton lay in Calais Road, but themselves were ashore. And as soon as they saw them they got boats and went aboard, and so did the master marshal and Sir Thomas Everingham and Master Messefold with diverse soldiers of Calais, and rescued the English ship and took the Frenchmen and brought one of them into Calais haven. The other was so great she might not come in, but they brought the master and the captain to my lord, and they say there are Scots amongst them. And they say that Fetherston and his fellows are gone with the biggest Frenchman into England, etc.

Also, sir, it is said here that after this day, 12 May, no man shall keep any lodging of guests, strangers, or Englishmen outside the gates of Calais, except two houses assigned, that is, the searcher’s house and the water bailiff’s house. And any man that has housing outside the gates is warned to remove his house as quickly as he can into the town, and set it there where he please that he has ground, and if he do not so, stand at his own risk at such time that it shall come to be plucked quickly down or else burned for the shorter work. And betwixt this and that time, none of them are so hardy, except the two places aforementioned, to lodge no man over a night, on pain of treason, etc.

Also, sir, may it please you to know that Sir William Chanon, who was lodged with John Fowle, is dead; he was buried last Sunday, and Sir William Stappel, priest, has his benefice granted by my lord, etc. Sir, other tidings have we none, but the Almighty have you in his keeping. Written at Calais, 13 May

by your servant

William Cely

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1481

Right entirely well beloved brother, I recommend me heartily unto you, thanking you for all good brotherhood that you have showed to me at all times. Sir, you know well that I have been in the north country, and there I have had great share of my old acquaintance, as the bringer hereof can inform you. And as for my uncle, his executors have promised me and Plumpton by the faith of their bodies to be with our father here on Michaelmas, and to make an end with him. And as I went northward, I met Roger Wigston on this side of Northampton, and he desired me to do so much as drink with his wife at Leicester. And after that I met with William Dalton, and he gave me a token to [take to] his mother. And at Leicester I met with Ralph Dalton, and he brought me to his mother, and there I delivered my token, and she prayed me to come to breakfast on the morrow. And so I did, and Plumpton too, and there we had a great welfare, and there was Friar East, and I pray you thank them for me. Sir, if you remember, we talked together in our bed of Dalton’s sister, and you feared the conditions of her father and brethren, but you need not. I saw her, and she was at breakfast with her mother and us. She is as goodly a young woman, as fair, as well-bodied, and as serious as any I have seen these seven years, and a good height. I pray to God that it may be imprinted in your mind to set your heart there. Sir, our father and I talked together in the new orchard on Friday last, and he asked me many questions of you, and I told him all as it was, and he was right sorry for the death of the child [George’s illegitimate child]. And I told him of the good will that the Wigstons and Daltons owe to you, and how I liked the young gentlewoman. And he commanded me to write to you, and he would gladly that it were brought about and that you worked at it betimes. And I have told our father of Chester’s daughter, how that I would gladly be there, and our father was right glad of this communication. Dalton’s mother commends herself to you and thanks you for the knives that you sent to her. Our father has received a letter from you whereby he understood about the sale of two sarplers and a poke [a smaller bale of wool]. As for the money that is by you, he wishes that it lie by you until Ascension market, and let the mercers Burwell and Palmer have the longer days, and their money according. Sir, I thank you that it pleased you to leave me Joyce, for he has done me good service in this journey, and I have delivered to him 10s. to bring him to you. My godfather has been sick, but he is well mended, thanked be God. This same day my lord is come to London to ask the king’s leave to go to Rhodes, for he is sent for. Sir, I send you by Joyce a purse such as was given me at York, and I pray you buy for Alison Michael a mantel of fine black shanks, for I have money therefor, and she commends herself to you. No more to you at this time. Jesu keep you. Written at London, 4 June.

By your brother

Richard Cely

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1481

Right well beloved brother, I recommend me unto you with all mine heart, informing you that, at the making of this, our father and mother were well comforted and send you their blessings. It was so that by the means of Brandon, our father and I were indicted for slaying a hart that was driven into Kent, the which we never saw nor knew of. And this day I have been with Master Montgomery and given him the value of a pipe of wine to have us out of the book before it be showed to the king, and so he has promised me, and to be a good master to our father and us in the matter between Brandon and us. John Frost, forester, brought me to his mastership and acquainted me with a gentleman of his whose name is Ramston, that is a close man to Master Montgomery, and so I must inform him of my matters at all times, and he will show them to his master, etc.

. . . Sir, it was so that when [Sheriff William] Wikyng was dead and another was chosen, our father was nearly called upon [to be sheriff], and but that [Richard] Chary was better known, our father would have been sheriff, etc. Our father wishes that you buy 600 sticks more canvas at this market. And I understand that you have sold your great gray horse, and I am right glad thereof, for two is as good as twenty. I understand that you have a fair hawk; I am right glad of her, for I trust God she shall make you and me right great sport. If I were sure at what passage you would send her I would fetch her at Dover and keep her until you come. A great misfortune has befallen your bitch, for she had fourteen fair puppies, and after she had whelped she would never eat meat, and so she is dead and all her puppies, but I trust to get before your coming as fair and as good a dog to please that gentleman. I understand you intend to be with us for Christmas, and whereof am right glad, and we shall make merry whether Brandon wishes or not, by the grace of God. And as for Pie, he is as hearty as ever I saw him and in reasonable good condition and whole. William Cely does his part well in keeping him. And as for our pension in Furnival’s Inn, it shall be paid within these four days. Sir, hereafter appear our father’s shipping and ships’ names and masters:

Item, in the Mary of London, William Sordywoll, master: seven packs Cotswold fells bestowed behind the mast. Six are under the deck and a pack lies uppermost upon Dalton’s, behind the mast. Total 2,108 fells.

Item, in the Christopher of Rainham, Harry Wilkins, master: seven packs and a half Cotswold; they lie behind the mast and no man’s above them. Total 3,000 fells.

Item, in the Thomas of Maidstone, Harry Lawson, master: six packs Cotswold mixed with summer London fells, marked with O. They lie before the mast under hatches and part behind, even next to the mast in a pile as broad as two fells long. Total 2,003 fells.

Item, in the Mary Grace of London, John Lockington, master: six packs of fells, whereof 556 are winter London fells; they are marked with C. And the rest are Cotswold; they lie behind the mast, and Granger’s upon them, and reeds between them. Total 2,004 fells.

Item, in the Michael of Hull, Andrew Good, master: one pack of fells Cotswold mixed with summer London, marked with O; they lie behind the mast uppermost, and I have paid him his whole freight for that pack of fells. Total 400 fells.

Item, in the Thomas of New Hythe, Robert Hevan, master: a pack and 64 fells Cotswold; they lie behind the mast, and Betson’s fells lie above them. Total 464 fells. . . .

Item, in the Mary of Rainham, John Dangell, master, I shipped four packs and 41 fells of yours and mine; they lie behind the mast. Three packs of them are Cotswold and one pack and 41 fells are Warwickshire; they lie uppermost. I pray you lay them by themselves to avoid hurting the other sort. 1,641 fells.

Item, my godfather has six and a half packs and 57 fells in the same ship, and no man has a fell in that ship but we, my godfather, and I. Total 2,657 summer London fells.

And I have spoken with William Dalton and showed him the clause that you wrote about Leicester in, and he was right glad thereof. I was his guest on Hallows’ eve in Old Fish Street at dinner with him and Charles Willers. I pray you thank them at their coming to Calais. Sir, I would gladly hear some good tidings of your matter that Clays De Moll has in hand. No more to you at this time. Jesu keep you. Written at London, 5 November.

By your brother

Richard Cely

John Dalton to George Cely in London, 1482

Right entirely well beloved brother, after all due recommendation I recommend me unto you as heartily as I can or may. Furthermore, sir, I have received two letters from you, by the which letters I understand about your great heaviness for your father, on whose soul God have mercy. Furthermore, sir, Gysbright Van Wijnsberg has been here since you departed, and he will be here again, he tells me, within 15 days after Candlemas, and see the eleven sarplers Cotswold of yours, on the which I have taken a good penny from him. For also, sir, no Hollanders have come here since you left, except one fellowship of Delft, to which I could sell no fleeces and none since. We have made bills of 13s. 4d. on the sarplers, the which must be sent over into England and there paid at pleasure. Your father’s bill at pleasure amounts unto £15 6s. 8d. sterling; your brother Richard’s 44s. sterling; and William Maryon’s bill £3 10s. 8d. sterling. Also, sir, since it is so as it is of my master your father, in the reverence of God take it patiently and hurt not yourself, for that which God will have done no man may be against. Also, sir, all your fells here do well. . . . Your horses do well, God save them. Also, sir, whereas we ate the good puddings, the woman [Margery] of the house that made them, as I understand, is with child with my brother that had the Irish dagger from me [George]. Sir, all our household by name recommend themselves unto you and they are right sorry for your heaviness. In good faith, sir, I pray you that I may be recommended unto your brother Richard Cely, and each of you cheer the other in the reverence of our Lady, who preserve you. At Calais, 27 January.

Your brother to my power,

John Dalton,

that I can or may.

Joyce Parmenter to George Cely in London, 1482

Right worshipful master, I recommend me unto you, letting you know that I have received two letters that came from you, by the which writing I understand my master your father is deceased, on whose soul God have mercy. Letting you know that your wool and fells are in good sort. We lack nothing but only one pelt and fur. We can have none here under 20d. a dozen. If it please you to send me a thousand with the next shipping that comes between, I would pray you. Also, your brother Dalton has promised me one thousand pelts that he has bought in Flanders; they are not sufficient.

Also, I let you know that Bottrell has broken up a window of the west side of your woolhouse, and there he has cast in horse dung upon your fells. I did make a man with a dung fork in his hand to cast the dung aside. Bottrell came in and took the fork from him and beat him well and unthriftily. I, seeing his uncourteous dealing, prayed John Ekynton, Robert Turney, John Ellyrbek, and William Hill, and others, to breakfast in your chamber for this intent: to see the hurts and harms he did you upon your goods, that they might bear witness another day, whatsoever you would say thereto. Letting you know that there are no Hollanders come unto their day that their bill was made, and then there came one cart. . . . Also I let you know that Charles has offered £8 Flemish for Bayard your horse. I have granted him for £11, wherefore I pray you to send me word how you wish to be disposed therein. Also, I let you know that where you go and eat puddings, the woman is with child as I understand. . . . I can [write] no more to you, but I beseech you to recommend me to my good mistress your mother, to all my masters your brethren, and to Hankyn, and that all your household is in safety, blessed be Jesu, who preserve you both body and soul.

At Calais, 30 [January.]

By your servant

Joyce Parmenter

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1482

Right entirely well beloved brother, I recommend me heartily unto you, informing you that, at the making of this, our mother, brother, my godfather, and the household are in good health, thanked be the good Lord. Sir, the same day that I departed into Cotswold I received a letter from you written at Calais on 14 April, wherein I find the inventory of such goods that were our father’s, and money on that side of the sea. Sir, I have not spoken with the bishop’s officers since I received your letter. When I spoke last with them they said that all things should wait for your coming. I understand by your letter that you will make over above £500. I have been in Cotswold this three weeks and packed with William Midwinter twenty-two sarplers and a poke, whereof four are middle. William Bretten says it is the fairest wool that he saw this year. . . .

Sir, I write to you a process. I pray God send thereof a good end. The same day that I came to Northleach, on a Sunday before Matins, from Burford, William Midwinter welcomed me, and in our communication he asked me if I were in any way of marriage. I told him nay, and he informed me that there was a young gentlewoman whose father’s name is Limerick, and her mother is dead, and she shall inherit from her mother £40 a year, as they say in that country. And her father is the greatest ruler and richest man in that country, and there have been great gentlemen to see her, who would like to have her. And before matins were done, William Midwinter had moved this matter to the greatest man serving the gentleman Limerick, and he went and informed the foresaid of all the matter, and the young gentlewoman too. And the Saturday after, William Midwinter went to London. . . . When I had packed at Camden and William Midwinter parted, I came to Northleach again to make an end of packing, and on Sunday next after, the same man that William Midwinter had talked first with came to me and told me that he had talked to his master according as Midwinter desired him, and he said his master was right well pleased therewith. And the same man said to me, if I would tarry until May Day, I should have a sight of the young gentlewoman, and I said I would tarry with a good will. And the same day her father should have sat [as a justice of the peace] at Northleach for the king, but he sent one of his clerks and rode himself to Winchcombe. And to matins the same day came the young gentlewoman and her stepmother, and I and William Bretten were saying matins when they came into church. And when matins was done, they went to a kinswoman of the young gentlewoman, and I sent to them a half-gallon of white romney [wine], and they took it thankfully, for they had come a mile on foot that morning. And when mass was done, I came and welcomed them and kissed them, and they thanked me for the wine and prayed me to come to dinner with them. And I excused myself, and they made me promise to drink with them after dinner. And I sent them for dinner a gallon of wine, and they sent me a roasted young heron. And after dinner I came and drank with them and took William Bretten with me, and we had a right good communication. And the person pleases me well, as by the first communication. She is young, little, and very well-favored and witty, and the country speaks much good about her. Sir, all this matter waits for the coming of her father to London, that we may understand what sum he will part with [as dowry] and how he likes me. He will be here within three weeks. I pray send me a letter how you think by this matter.

Michael Coke and his wife from York have been with my mother all this while, and my mother and I have made them great cheer. And my mother has given to Michael’s wife a crimson gown of her wearing, and she has prayed me to write to you to buy for her some squirrel fur for to trim the same gown, and Coke’s wife and she pray you to buy for them ten minks as fine as you can find in the market, and you shall be paid for them. I shall send to Calais by Robert Herrick at this Whitsuntide the bill of 13s. 4d.; it amounts to £15 6s. 8d. and paid. I understand by William’s letter that you have writing from my lord of St. John’s. I pray you send me part of your tiding. I sent to you the last that I had. Sir, they begin to ship at London, and all our wool and fell is in Cotswold except four sarplers; therefore we can do nothing at this time. Sir, I think money will be good at this market, for the king has sent to the mercers and let them know he will have three money exchanges, one at Bruges, another at Calais, the third at London. And as I am informed, any merchant of the Staple that sells his wool, he may buy what wares he will again. And they that are nowhere shall bring in their money into the king’s exchange at Bruges or Calais and be paid at London at a month day, and the money shall be established at 8s. The mercers are not content therewith. I pray you remember our bows. No more. Written at London, 13 May.

By Richard Cely

Richard Cely the Younger to George Cely at Calais, 1482

Right well beloved brother, I recommend me heartily unto you, informing you that I have received a letter from you by Robert Herrick, whereby I understand that you will send over a young horse. We shall keep him with grass as well as we can till you come, according to your writing. Sir, it was told Robert Herrick at Calais that our mother would be married or in the way of marriage, so much so that they said our mother would go on procession on Corpus Christi day in a crimson gown, and her household in black. And on my soul, our mother went at that day, but as she went at our father’s month’s mind [in mourning]. And therefore I would like it to be found out who the bringer of that [rumor] to Calais was.

Sir, we are greatly envied; I trust Jesu we shall be able to withstand our enemies. Sir John is in great trouble, and God knows full wrongfully, and some of them to whom we gave gowns labor most against him. I had rather than a good payment that you were here. No more to you. Written at London, 24 June. I pray Jesu send you safe hither. And the son of Robert Herrick was chased by Scots between Calais and Dover; they narrowly escaped.

By Richard Cely

William Cely to George Cely at London, 1482

Right worshipful sir, after due recommendation I lowly recommend me unto your mastership. . . . Furthermore may it please your mastership to be informed that Margery commends herself unto your mastership, and she tells me she should have such raiment as a gown and other things for her churching [after childbirth], as she had the other time, whereof she prays you for an answer. Also, Sir John Dalton desires to have two rooms in your stable, and he would pay for it, and he told me he would write to you for the same, but Joyce told me that your mastership had granted him the stable and the house at his coming again to Calais for to occupy it, and your mastership to have your room at your coming, etc. Sir, I pray your mastership for an answer about this, etc. Sir, as for your other stuff, I shall send it unto your mastership by one of the woolers, etc. No more unto your mastership at this time, but Jesu keep you. Written at Calais, 13 August.

By your servant

William Cely

William Cely to George Cely at London, 1482

Right worshipful sir, after due recommendation I lowly recommend me unto your mastership. Furthermore may it please your mastership to be informed that Margery’s daughter is passed to God. It was buried this same day, on whose soul Jesu have mercy. Sir, I understand it had a great pang; what sickness it was I cannot say, etc. Item, sir, Bottrell is departed out of Calais and is in England. And this day his wife goes to him with all her stuff, and they are commanded that they shall not come within the town of Calais as long as my lord chamberlain is lieutenant of Calais, etc. No more unto your mastership at this time but Jesu keep you. Written at Calais, 29 August.

By your servant

William Cely

Questions: What do the letters reveal of the personalities of family members and relations within the family? What are the interests of the Cely brothers? What difficulties do they cope with, and how? Trace the history of George’s love life.

98. The Accession of Richard III

Following the death of Edward IV, the king’s younger brother Richard, duke of Gloucester, had his twelve-year-old nephew Edward V and his younger brother Richard, duke of York, installed in the Tower of London; the “Princes in the Tower,” as they became known, subsequently disappeared (probably murdered at Richard’s order). Richard claimed the throne for himself, justifying what many contemporaries viewed as his usurpation as a restoration of good royal government. In its original form, the Titulus regius (“royal title”) purported to be a petition by the citizens of London asking Richard to take the throne, something he did in July 1483. When Richard convened his only Parliament in January 1484, the document was revised and acquired the status of a statute; it is printed in this form below. The Titulus regius was repealed immediately after the accession of Henry VII, who unsuccessfuly attempted to destroy all copies of the document.

Source: Rotuli Parliamentorum ut et petitiones et placita in Parliamento, ed. John Strachey et al., 6 vols. (London, 1767–77), vol. 6, pp. 240–42; modernized.

First, we consider how for many years past this land enjoyed great prosperity, honor, and tranquility, because the kings then reigning followed the advice and counsel of certain Lords Temporal and Spiritual, and of other persons of seriousness, prudence, skill, and experience, fearing God and having tender zeal and affection for the dispensing of justice and the common good of the land. Then our Lord God was feared, loved, and honored; then there was peace and tranquility in the land, and concord and charity among neighbors; then the malice of external enemies was mightily resisted and repressed, and the land honorably defended with many great and glorious victories; then commerce abundantly prospered. By means of all these things, the land was greatly enriched, so that all the merchants and craftsmen, and other poor people who earned their livings in various occupations made sufficient profit to support themselves and their households, and avoided miserable and intolerable poverty. But afterward, when those who ruled and governed this land delighted in sycophancy and flattery, and were led by sensuality and concupiscence to follow the counsel of insolent, vicious, and inordinantly greedy persons, and to despise the counsel of good, virtuous, and prudent persons, then the prosperity of this land daily decreased. . . . Whereby it is likely that this realm will fall into a state of extreme misery and desolation—God prevent it!—unless due provisions are made for the necessary remedies in great haste.

Besides this, among other things we especially consider how during the reign of King Edward IV, lately deceased, as all England has cause to say, after the wicked pretended marriage was made between the said King Edward and Elizabeth, formerly wife of Sir John Grey, knight, who has now for many years called herself queen of England, the entire rule of the state was perverted, as were the laws of God and God’s Church, and the laws of nature and of England, along with the laudable customs and liberties to which every Englishman is heir, were broken and condemned against all reason. This land was ruled by selfishness and pleasure, fear and dread, and all justice and law was laid aside and despised, with the result that there followed much discord and mischief, including murders, extortions, and oppressions; no man was sure of his life, land, or livelihood, nor of the safety of his wife, daughter, or servant, and every good maiden and woman feared she would be ravished and defiled. . . . And here also we consider how the said pretended marriage between the abovenamed King Edward and Elizabeth Grey was made through great arrogance, without the knowledge and consent of the lords of this land, and also through sorcery and witchcraft committed by the said Elizabeth and her mother Jacquetta, duchess of Bedford, as is the common opinion of the people and the public report throughout the land. . . . And here also we consider how the said pretended marriage was made privately and secretly, without the reading of banns, and in a private chamber, a profane place, rather than openly in the sight of the Church, as is contrary to the laws of God’s Church and to the custom of the Church of England. And we also consider how, at the time the said pretended marriage was contracted, as well as before and afterward, the said King Edward was married, having pledged himself to one Dame Eleanor Butler, daughter of the old earl of Shrewsbury. . . . The foregoing things being true, it evidently follows that the said King Edward and the said Elizabeth lived together sinfully and damnably in a state of adultery during his lifetime, against the law of God and his Church. Therefore, it is no wonder that since the sovereign lord and head of this land was of such an ungodly disposition, and thus provoked the ire and indignation of our Lord God, that such heinous abuses and misfortunes occurred in the realm among its subjects. Also, it evidently follows that all the children of the said King Edward are bastards, and thus unable to inherit or claim anything by inheritance, according to the law and custom of England.

Moreover, we consider how afterward, by the elders of this realm assembled in a Parliament held at Westminster in the seventeenth year of the reign of the said King Edward IV, he then being in possession of the crown and realm, by an act made in the same Parliament, George, duke of Clarence, brother of the said King Edward now deceased, was convicted and attainted of high treason, as is described in detail in the said act. By reason of this, all children of the said George forfeited any right and claim to the crown and royal dignity of this realm, according to its ancient laws and customs.

Besides this, we consider that you are the undoubted son and heir of the late Richard, duke of York, true inheritor of the crown and royal dignity, and by right king of England through inheritance, and that at this time, according to the above considerations, there is no other living person except you that may by right claim the said crown and royal dignity through inheritance. Further, you were born in this land, and for this reason we deem you more naturally inclined to guard its prosperity and common good, and all three estates of the land have more certain knowledge of your birth and parentage. We also consider your great understanding, prudence, fairness, princely courage, and your memorable and laudable deeds in various battles, which we know you have fought for the salvation and defence of this same realm, and also the great nobility and excellence of your birth and blood, as being a descendant of the three most royal houses in Christendom, that is, England, France, and Spain.

Thus, having diligently considered these issues, and greatly desiring the peace, tranquility, and public good of this land, and its return to its former honorable state and prosperity, and having particular confidence in your great prudence, justice, princely courage, and excellent virtue, we hereby choose you, as attested in this document, high and mighty prince, as our king and sovereign lord, whose inherited right it is to be thus chosen. And we humbly desire, pray, and require your said noble grace, according to the election of the three estates of this land, to accept and take up as your true inheritance the said crown and royal dignity, along with all things pertaining to it, as do rightly belong to you by inheritance as well as by lawful election. If you will do so, we promise to serve and assist your highness as true and faithful subjects and liegemen, and to live and die with you in this matter and to support you in every other just quarrel. . . . May our lord God, the king of kings, by whose infinite goodness and eternal providence the whole world is governed, lighten your soul and make your grace act according to his will and pleasure and in the interests of the common and public good of this land, in this matter as in all others, so that after great clouds, troubles, storms, and tempests the sun of justice and grace may shine on us to the comfort and gladness of all true Englishmen.

It is true that our sovereign lord the King Richard III’s right to the crown and royal dignity of this realm of England, with all things pertaining within and outside the same realm, is just and lawful, grounded as it is upon the laws of God and nature and also upon the ancient laws and praiseworthy customs of this said realm, as attested by those who are learned in the said laws and customs. Yet nevertheless, seeing that the greater part of the people are not sufficiently learned in the said laws and customs, they may not understand the truth and right of this matter, and doubts and questions may arise. But the court of Parliament is of such great authority, and the people of this land of such a disposition that, as experience teaches us, the declaration of any truth or right made by the three estates of the realm assembled in Parliament and by its authority produces faith and certainty more effectively than anything else and, thus quieting men’s minds, removes all occasion for doubts and seditious talk. Therefore, at the request and by the assent of the three estates of the realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons, assembled in this present Parliament, let it be pronounced, decreed, and declared by its authority that our said sovereign lord the king was, and is, the true and undoubted king of this realm of England, with all things pertaining to this title within the said realm and outside it, by right of consanguinity and inheritance, as well as by lawful election, consecration, and coronation.

Questions: How is Richard’s claim to the throne justified? On what grounds does the document criticize Edward IV? Are there hints of resistance to Richard’s coup? How effective would this decree be as a piece of propaganda?

99. The Battle of Bosworth

In 1485 the Yorkist King Richard III (r. 1483–85), who had succeeded his brother Edward IV and nephew Edward V, faced a challenge from Henry Tudor, who defeated him at the Battle of Bosworth and became Henry VII (r. 1485–1509). The battle is described by Polydore Vergil, an Italian humanist who came to England in 1502 and wrote his Anglica Historia for Henry VII; Vergil’s history, finished a few years after his royal patron’s death, became an important source for the chronicler Edmund Hall and, through Hall, for Shakespeare.

Source: ed. H. Ellis, Three Books of Polydore Vergil’s English History . . . from an Early Translation (London: Camden Society, 1844), pp. 221–26, revised.

In the meantime King Richard [III], hearing that the enemy drew near, came first to the place of fight, a little beyond Leicester (the name of that village is Bosworth), and there, pitching his tents, refreshed his soldiers that night from their travail, and with many words exhorted them to the fight to come. It is reported that King Richard had that night a terrible dream; for he thought in his sleep that he saw horrible images, as it were of evil spirits haunting him, as it were before his eyes, and that they would not let him rest; which vision truly did not so much strike into his breast a sudden fear, as replenish the same with heavy cares: for immediately afterwards, being troubled in mind, his heart told him from this that the outcome of the battle would be grievous, and he did not buckle himself to the conflict with such liveliness of courage and countenance as before. So that it should not be said that he showed this heaviness, appalled by fear of his enemies, he reported his dream to many in the morning. But I believe it was no dream but a conscience guilty of heinous offenses, a conscience (I say) so much the more grievous as the offenses were more great, which, thought of at no other time, yet in the last day of life often brings to mind the memory of past sins . . . . Now I return to my purpose. The next day afterward King Richard, furnished thoroughly with all manner of things, drew his whole host out of their tents, and arrayed his vanguard, stretching it forth in a wondrous length, so fully replenished both with footmen and with horsemen that to the beholders afar off it gave a terror for the multitude, and in the front were placed his archers, like a most strong trench and bulwark; of these archers he made John, duke of Norfolk, the leader. After this long vanguard followed the king himself, with a choice force of soldiers.

In the meantime Henry [Tudor], being departed from the conference with his friends, began to take better heart, and without any tarrying encamped near his enemies, where he rested all night, and very early in the morning commanded the soldiers to arm themselves, sending also to Thomas Stanley, who was now approaching the place of fight, as in the midway between the two forces, asking that he would come [to help Henry instead of Richard] with his forces, to set the soldiers in array. Stanley answered that Henry should set his own folks in order, before he should come to him with his army well appointed. With which answer, given contrary to what was looked for, and to that which the opportunity of time and weight of cause required, though Henry was not a little vexed, and began to be somewhat fearful, yet without lingering he, of necessity, ordered his men in this way. He made a slender vanguard for the small number of his people; before the same he placed archers, of whom he made John, earl of Oxford, the captain; in the right wing of the vanguard he placed Gilbert Talbot to defend the same; in the left verily he set John Savage; and himself, trusting to the aid of Thomas Stanley, with one troop of horsemen and a few footmen did follow; for the number of all his soldiers, of all kinds, was scarcely five thousand, besides Stanley’s men, whereof about three thousand were at the battle, under the conduct of William. The king’s forces were twice as many and more. Thus, both the vanguards being arrayed, as soon as the soldiers might see one another afar off, they put on their headpieces and prepared for the fight, listening for the alarm with expectant ear. There was a marsh between the two hosts, which Henry on purpose left on the right hand, that it might serve his men instead of a fortress; by doing this he also left the sun upon his back. But when the king saw them across the marsh, he commanded his soldiers to make a charge against them. They, suddenly making great shouts, assaulted the enemy first with arrows; the others were nothing faint to fight but began also to shoot fiercely; but when they came to handstrokes the matter then was dealt with by blades. In the meantime the earl of Oxford, fearing lest his men in fighting might be surrounded by the multitude, commanded in every rank that no soldiers should go more than ten feet from the standards; which order being known, when all the men had thronged densely together, and paused from fighting, the adversaries were therewith afraid, supposing some trick, and so they all forebore the fight a certain space, and this truly many [of Richard’s soldiers] did with right goodwill, for they rather wished the king dead than alive, and therefore fought faintly. Then the earl of Oxford in one part, and others in another part, with the bands of men close to one another, made a fresh charge upon the enemy, and in triangular array vehemently renewed the conflict. While the battle continued thus hot on both sides between the vanguards, King Richard understood, first by spying where Earl Henry was afar off with a small force of soldiers about him, and then afterward drawing nearer he knew it perfectly by evident signs and tokens that it was Henry; wherefore, all inflamed with ire, he struck his horse with the spurs, and ran out of his own side, ahead of the vanguard, against him. Henry perceived King Richard coming upon him, and because all his hope was then in valor of arms, he received him with great courage. King Richard at the first brunt killed certain men, overthrew Henry’s standard together with William Brandon the standard bearer, and fought also with John Cheney, a man of much strength, far exceeding the common sort, who fought with him as he came, but the king with great force drove him to the ground, clearing a path with his weapon on every side. But yet Henry bore the brunt longer than his own soldiers would ever have thought, who were now almost out of hope of victory, when suddenly William Stanley came to the rescue with three thousand men: then truly in a moment the rest all fled, and King Richard alone was killed fighting manfully in the thickest press of his enemies. In the meantime, the earl of Oxford, after a little skirmishing, put to flight those who fought in the front, a great many of whom were killed in the chase. But many more refused to fight, who came to the field with King Richard for awe, and for no goodwill, and departed without any danger, as men who desired not the safety but the destruction of that prince whom they hated. There were killed about a thousand men. . . . As for the number of captives, it was very great; for when King Richard was killed, all men immediately threw away their weapons, and freely submitted themselves to Henry’s obeisance, most of whom would have done the same at the beginning, and had it not been for King Richard’s scouts, scurrying to and fro, they might have done so. Among them the chief were Henry, earl of Northumberland, and Thomas, earl of Surrey. The earl of Surrey was committed to captivity, where he remained for a long time; the earl of Northumberland was received into favor as a friend at heart. Henry lost in that battle scarcely a hundred soldiers, among whom there was one principal man, William Brandon, who bore Earl Henry’s standard. The field was fought on [22 August 1485], and the fight lasted more than two hours.

The report is that King Richard might have sought to save himself by flight; for they who were about him, seeing the soldiers even from the first stroke lift up their weapons feebly and faintly, and some of them depart the field furtively, suspected treason, and exhorted him to flee; and indeed when the matter manifestly began to go against him, they brought him swift horses; but he, who was not unaware that the people hated him, out of hope for a better situation afterward, is said to have answered that that very day he would make an end either of war or of life, such great fierceness and such huge force of mind did he have; wherefore, knowing certainly that that day would either yield him a peaceable and quiet reign thenceforth or else perpetually bereave him of the same, he came to the field with the crown upon his head, that thereby he might make either a beginning or an end of his reign. . . .

After the victory was obtained, Henry immediately gave thanks unto almighty God for the same; then afterward, replenished with incredible joy, he climbed the nearby hill, where, after he had commended his soldiers, and ordered them to care for the wounded, and to bury the slain, he gave everlasting thanks to the nobility and gentlemen, promising that he would be mindful of their benefits; all the meanwhile the soldiers cried, “God save King Henry, God save King Henry!” and with heart and hand uttered all the show of joy that might be; and, when Thomas Stanley saw this, he at once set King Richard’s crown, which was found among the spoils in the field, upon his head, as though he had already been proclaimed king by commandment of the people after the manner of his ancestors, and that was the first sign of prosperity. After that, ordering them to pack up all baggage, Henry with his victorious army proceeded in the evening to Leicester, where he remained two days, to refresh his soldiers after their travail and pains, and to prepare for going to London. In the meantime the body of King Richard, stripped naked and laid upon a horse’s back, with the arms and legs hanging down on both sides, was brought to the abbey of Franciscan [friars] at Leicester—a miserable spectacle in good truth, but not unworthy for the man’s life—and there was buried two days afterward without any pomp or solemn funeral. . . .

Questions: Why did Bosworth turn out as it did? What moral elements does the author find in the story of the battle? Compare this description of Richard III’s death and burial with the findings of the Greyfriars dig (doc. 100).

100. The Rediscovery of Richard III

In the summer of 2012, archaeologists excavated the site of Greyfriars Friary Church in Leicester, where King Richard III was believed to have been buried after his death at Bosworth in 1485 (described in doc. 99). After the medieval friary was dissolved by Henry VIII and its church dismantled, the exact location of Richard’s grave remained unknown for centuries. The very first day of the 2012 dig resulted in an astonishing discovery: five feet below a modern parking lot, in what had been the east end of the friary church, was a crudely dug grave containing a skeleton of a man about thirty years old, with a dramatically curved spine, who bore the marks of gruesome injuries. Intensive study of the bones established their association with Richard III beyond any reasonable doubt. Richard’s remains were reinterred at Leicester Cathedral in 2015 in a ceremony that entailed far more pomp and ceremony than his first burial.

Source: R. Buckley, M. Morris, J. Appleby, T. King, D. O’Sullivan, and L. Foxhall, “‘The King in the Car Park’: New Light on the Death and Burial of Richard III in the Grey Friars Church, Leicester, in 1485,” Antiquity (June 2013): pp. 531–33, 535–36, figs. 10 and 11.

The grave identified as that of King Richard III was located in Trench 1 in the southwestern sector of the choir, most likely against the southern choir stall. According to contemporary accounts, Richard III was buried without any pomp or solemn funeral. The archaeology of the grave, and the position of the body in it, reflect this.

The body appears to have been placed in the grave with minimal reverence. Although the lower limbs are fully extended and the hands lay on the pelvis, the torso is twisted to the north and the head, abnormally, is propped up against the northwest corner of the grave. Irregular in construction, the grave is noticeably too short for the body. Unlike other graves in the choir and presbytery in Trench 3, which were of the correct length and neatly rectangular with vertical sides, this grave was an untidy lozenge shape with a concave base and sloping sides, leaving the bottom of the grave much smaller than its extent at ground level. Even in the relatively poor parish church of St. Peter’s, in Leicester’s northeastern quarter, graves inside the church were neatly squared, dug to the correct length and the interred provided with coffins. Only a little extra effort by the gravediggers to tidy the grave ends would have made this grave long enough to receive the body conventionally. That they did not, instead placing the body on one side of the grave, its torso crammed against the northern side, may suggest haste or little respect for the deceased.

Fig. 39. Cross-section and reconstruction of the excavation of the former choir of Grey Friars church, Leicester, showing the location of King Richard III’s grave.

Fig. 40. King Richard III’s grave, with human remains in situ, looking north.

The significance of the choir as the chosen burial place is ambiguous. It is one of the more important areas of the church (though not as high status as the presbytery), commonly reserved for the burial of important individuals and highly visible to the friars attending divine office. The choir of a friary church was not generally accessible to the laity, however, thereby hindering public veneration of the tomb.

Friaries typically “attracted” burials of affluent townsfolk and their specific patrons, which could include both royalty and nobility. It is true that Richard III is the only king to remain buried in a friary; although the deposed and murdered Richard II (d. 1400) was initially laid to rest at the Plantagenet Dominican foundation at Kings Langley, his body was translated to Westminster in 1419 by Henry V. Perhaps significantly, friaries frequently seem to have served as resting places for the executed dead, where these were of high standing.

There was no evidence for a shroud or coffin. Wrapping a body in a shroud, common practice in medieval Leicester, often draws the limbs tightly together and skeletons which exhibit a compact longitudinal appearance are often deemed to be shroud-wrapped. Wood coffins are common. Their shape is usually distinguishable in the grave soil with nails marking where coffin boards were fixed together. In this grave, the casual position of the body—legs slightly apart, shoulders expanded, arms flexed—certainly suggests the absence of a tight shroud and perhaps the absence of any burial wrapping at all. As is common in most medieval burials, no trace of clothes, other goods or personal ornaments was found, although evidence from the mid-thirteenth century onwards shows that eminent people, particularly ecclesiastics and royalty, were often buried in their ‘official’ robes with emblems of office. . . .

The final arrangment suggests Richard III’s body was lowered feet first, torso and head second. . . . That no effort was made to rearrange the corpse once again implies haste. Even moving the body to the center of the grave would have allowed the torso and head to be straightened and the body to be arranged more carefully. The haste may partially be explained by the fact that Richard’s damaged body had already been on public display for several days in the height of summer, and was thus in poor condition.

The hands were crossed at the wrists, most likely right over left, and placed above the right pelvis. This is unusual for burials in medieval Leicester, although it is common elsewhere. Four different arrangements of the arms appear in other medieval sites in Leicester: 1) extended beside, or partially flexed over the pelvis; 2) conspicuously bent to a near right-angle over the abdomen; or 3) beyond right-angle over the chest; and 4) crossed over the pelvis (i.e., one arm physically crossing the other, usually at the wrists). A recent study of 118 burials in the churchyard of St Michael’s, a small parish church in Leicester’s northeastern quarter, shows that almost all of those buried belong to the first category; while only a very few belong to the second and third categories and even fewer to the fourth. Of 864 burials examined in the churchyard of St Peter’s, also in Leicester’s northeastern quarter, a substantial majority belonged to the first category and few to the other three. It is therefore possible that Richard III was buried with his hands bound. . . .

The skeleton is in good condition apart from the feet, which are missing as a result of later disturbance, some of which was recorded to within 90mm of the skeleton’s lower limbs. There was no evidence of substantial postmortem bone displacement, and the position of the vertebrae in the ground clearly reflected their position in life and was not a product of the awkward burial position.

Stable isotope analysis carried out during radiocarbon dating shows that the individual had a high protein diet, including significant amounts of seafood (amounting to some 25 percent of the diet), suggesting high status. . . . The carbon-14 evidence provides a modeled date of death of 1456–1530 AD (at least 95.4% probability), consistent with an individual who died in 1485.

The individual is male, with a gracile build, in his late 20s to late 30s, compatible with Richard’s known age at death of 32. He had severe idiopathic adolescent-onset scoliosis. This may have been progressive and would have put additional strain on the heart and lungs, possibly causing shortness of breath and pain, although not all scoliosis sufferers experience pain from their condition. Unaffected by scoliosis, he would have stood around 5 feet, 8 inches (1.73m.) tall, above average height for a medieval man, though his apparent height might have decreased as he grew older and his disability may have lifted his right shoulder higher than his left. This is consistent with the few contemporary accounts of Richard III’s physical appearance.

Ten perimortem wounds have been identified on the remains, eight on the skull and two on the post-cranial skeleton. Two large wounds underneath the back of the skull, consistent with a halberd and a sword blow, are likely to have been fatal. A third, smaller, penetrating wound to the top of the skull is more enigmatic, but may have been caused by a sharp blow from a pointed weapon, such as a dagger, on the crown of the head. Other wounds were more superficial and none of the skull injuries could have been inflicted on someone wearing a helmet of the type favored in the late fifteenth century. Two wounds, a cut on a right rib and a cut to the right pelvis typical of a thrust through the right buttock, are again unlikely to have been inflicted on someone wearing armor. These, along with two wounds to the face, may be “humiliation injuries” delivered after death. Similar injuries on skeletons from Towton, victims of an earlier battle in the Wars of the Roses, have been compared with those on Richard III’s bones. . . .

The genealogical link between the two modern-day descendants and Richard III has also been verified. Initial analysis of the mitochondrial DNA has revealed a match between sequences in the control region of the mitochondrial DNA from the skeleton and two direct descendants of Richard III’s sister, Anne of York, through the female line. All three also share a type of mitochrondrial DNA that is relatively rare in the population of Europe, so it is highly unlikely that the match is coincidental.

Questions: In what ways was this burial unusual for the time? What evidence do the authors offer in support of the body’s identification as Richard III? What does this discovery add to our understanding of Richard’s life and death?

101. Polydore Vergil’s Account of Henry VII

In the wake of his victory at Bosworth (described in doc. 99 above), Henry VII (r. 1485–1509) sought to secure his own claim to the throne by marrying Edward IV’s daughter Elizabeth. As his position grew more stable, Henry poured his energy into replenishing the royal coffers which had been deleted by recent decades of civil strife, implementing administrative reforms that strengthened the monarchy at baronial expense, and enhancing the prestige of his fledgling dynasty through diplomacy and the marriage of his children into established royal houses.

The following description by Polydore Vergil highlights the instability of Henry’s early reign, as well as the king’s unpopularity in his later years.

Source: trans. D. Hay, The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, 1485–1537 (London: Camden Society, 1950), pp. 3–7, 11–13, 127–31.

After Henry had obtained power, from the very start of his reign he then set about quelling insurrections. Accordingly, before he left Leicester, he dispatched Robert Willoughby to Yorkshire with instructions to bring back Edward, the fifteen-year-old earl of Warwick, sole survivor of George, duke of Clarence, whom [King] Richard had hitherto held in the castle called Sheriff Hutton. For indeed Henry, not unaware of the mob’s natural tendency always to seek changes, was fearful lest, if the boy should escape and given any alteration in circumstances, he might stir up civil discord. Having made for the castle without delay, Robert received the boy from the commander of the place and brought him to London, where the wretch, born to misery, remained in the Tower until his death. . . . Henry meanwhile made his way to London like a triumphant general, and in the places through which he passed was greeted with the greatest joy by all. Far and wide the people hastened to assemble by the roadside, saluting him as king and filling the length of his journey with laden tables and overflowing goblets, so that the weary victors might refresh themselves. But when he approached the capital, the chief magistrate (whom they call the “mayor”) and all the citizens came forth to meet him and accompanied him ceremoniously as he entered the city: trumpeters went in front with the spoils of the enemy, thundering forth martial sounds. In this manner Henry came, after all his toils, to his kingdom, where he was most acceptable to all. After this he summoned a Parliament, as was the custom, in which he might receive the crown by popular consent. His chief care was to regulate affairs of state well and, in order that the people of England should not be further torn by rival factions, he publicly proclaimed that (as he had already promised) he would take for his wife Elizabeth, daughter of King Edward [IV] and that he would give complete pardon and forgiveness to all those who swore obedience to his name. Then at length, having won the good will of all men and at the instigation of both nobles and people, he was made king at Westminster on 31 October and called Henry, seventh of that name. . . .

As soon as he was crowned the king created his uncle Jasper, to whom he was much indebted, duke of Bedford; Thomas Stanley he made earl of Derby, Giles Daubeney Lord Daubeney, Robert Willoughby lord of Broke; and he ennobled many others. To others he restored their ranks and estates. Upon yet others he bestowed public office or further preferment, or enriched them with gifts of money, according to his estimate of their services to him. Furthermore, he recalled home Thomas, marquis of Dorset, and John Bourchier, lord Fenewary, who . . . had both been left behind in Paris as sureties or bondsmen for the money which had been advanced there as a loan. Likewise he summoned to his side John Morton, bishop of Ely, from Flanders. To his mother Margaret, a most worthy woman whom no one can extol too much or too often for her sound sense and holiness of life, Henry allotted a share in most of his public and private resources, thus easing her declining years. Henry, moreover, was the first English king to appoint retainers, to the number of about two hundred, as a bodyguard: these he incorporated into his household so that they should never leave his side; in this he imitated the French kings so that he might thereafter be better protected from treachery. These things having been done, the king, so that he might deserve equally well of both his friends and his enemies, at once granted his pardon for past offenses to all of whatever party who swore allegiance to him. He then took in marriage Elizabeth, daughter of Edward, a woman indeed intelligent above all others, and equally beautiful. It is legitimate to attribute this to divine intervention, for plainly by it all things which nourished the two most ruinous factions were utterly removed, by it the two houses of Lancaster and York were united and from the union the true and established royal line emerged which now reigns. . . .

After Henry had well regulated his affairs in London he set out for York, in order to keep in obedience the folk of the north, savage and more eager than others for upheavals. He halted his journey at Lincoln, where he kept the feast of Easter. While he lingered here, he was informed that Francis, lord Lovell, together with Humphrey Stafford, had disappeared from sanctuary at Colchester, but no one could say for certain where they had gone. Treating the matter as of small account the king made (as he had planned to do) for York. But he was no sooner there than the whole town was suddenly filled with the news that Francis Lovell had assembled a large number of troops in Yorkshire itself, a little beyond the castle of Middleham, and was to march on the city itself with hostile intent; and that Humphrey, moreover, was provoking a major rebellion in Gloucestershire. Since the news at first lacked confirmation, the king was not much disturbed, but when he learnt from the dispatches of his own servants that what had at first been rumored was indeed true, he was struck by great fear; for he had neither an army nor arms ready for his supporters, and did not know whence he could gather a reliable force at that time in a town so little devoted to his interests, which hitherto had cherished the name of Richard. But since it was essential to act quickly in order not to give his enemies the opportunity of increasing their numbers, he dispatched against the enemy his whole retinue, including his bodyguard, to the total of three thousand men, even although they were ill equipped: for the greater part had made armor for themselves from leather. Meanwhile the king assembled soldiers from every possible source. The extemporized forces which had been sent forward advanced hurriedly until they approached the enemy camp, where they immediately announced the royal terms: that the king would voluntarily extend his pardon to those who laid down their arms. This step proved to be the salvation of the king. For Francis, whether because as a result of this offer he had less faith in his troops, or because the irresolute fellow was seized by groundless fear, fled secretly by night with his men. When the flight of their leader was known, they all submitted themselves without delay to the king’s authority. Francis, who had not attempted a fight through his feebleness of spirit, betook himself headlong to the district or county of Lancashire and went to Thomas Broughton, a knight of great authority in those parts, with whom he hid for some months. Humphrey, frightened by the flight of Francis, fled from his troops to the sanctuary known as Culham, not far from the place called Abingdon. But because this sanctuary does not protect those who are accused of lèse-majesté, Humphrey was taken out and beheaded; his brother Thomas earned a pardon. [After this Henry put down further attempts to overthrow him.]

Henry, after he had subdued in this way the final conspiracy made against him, and established peaceful relations with all neighboring kings, could now after many anxieties and dangers relax his mind in peace when, while he was enjoying his deserved quiet, he became at once preoccupied by a fresh care. For he began to treat his people with more harshness and severity than had been his custom, in order (as he himself asserted) to ensure they remained more thoroughly and entirely in obedience to him. The people themselves had another explanation for his actions, for they considered they were suffering not on account of their own sins but on account of the greed of the monarch. It is not indeed clear whether at the start it was greed; but afterward greed did become apparent, so irresolute, vacillating, and corrupted are all human purposes. Indeed nothing could certainly be found wanting in King Henry which should be found in the best of princes. But, lest he alone of all men should have been universally blessed, behold, while employing harshness against his people, he gradually laid aside all moderation and sank into a state of avarice, which—since it is itself without limits—torments beyond all bounds those whom it once preoccupies. Evil fortune blighted Henry in this manner so that he, who already excelled other princes in his many virtues, should not also be preeminent in subduing all vices. The king wished (as he said) to keep all Englishmen obedient through fear, and he considered that whenever they gave him offense they were actuated by their great wealth. He began severely to punish all offenders who had committed any crime prohibited and forbidden by the laws of the realm or municipal regulations. All of his subjects who were men of substance, when found guilty of whatever fault, he harshly fined, in order, by a penalty which especially deprived of their fortunes not only the men themselves but even their descendants, to make the population less well able to undertake any upheaval and to discourage at the same time all offenses. This drastic method of inflicting punishment was so rapidly applied that all people, in terror of losing their wealth, at once began to behave themselves and (as the saying goes) to withdraw into their shells. But, lo and behold, no sooner had Henry embarked on this course of action than at once a multitude of informers, a type of creature always most ruinous in any state, converged from all directions on the court. They dangled before the king’s eyes ways of making money, and poured into his ears the crimes of many, by which the treasury could be filled with enormous spoils. At first the king, on the urgent advice of his faithful counselors, refused to listen, but later, attracted by the chance of advancing his private interest, he began gradually to pay attention to the informers, and at length to listen to them eagerly. Thus the good prince by degrees lost all sense of moderation and was led into avarice.

The informers, when they saw they could easily approach the king, thereupon indiscriminately and dishonorably entrapped and accused men of all sorts and conditions, and charged them with a variety of crimes. While the informers were thus trying to twist the king’s severity into brutality, there then came on the scene two astute lawyers, Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley. They very soon exerted great influence over the monarch and, since they were educated men, he rapidly appointed them as judges to pronounce judicial sentence on wrongdoers. The pair, probably realizing that they had been given the job by the king not so much to administer justice as to strip the population of its wealth, without respite and by every means fair and foul vied with each other in extorting money. Whomsoever, whether a nobleman or a man of the people, the informers charged with the flimsiest or vaguest false accusations, Empson and Dudley condemned and deprived of their property. . . . And they proceeded against not the poor but the wealthy, churchmen, rich magnates, even the intimates of the king himself, and any and every individual of fortune—not only the living, but the dying, and those who were long since dead, if by chance they had left property. Moreover, they devised many fresh ways of satisfying the king’s avarice while they were eagerly serving as the ministers of their own private fortunes. . . . While such methods were in vogue, you could have seen daily in the halls of Empson’s and Dudley’s houses a host of convicted persons awaiting sentence, to whom wretchedly evasive replies were given, so that they were exhausted by the duration of their anxiety and voluntarily gave up their money. For many preferred to do this, rather than remain longer in that sort of agony. Thus through the agency of these two men, who behaved as if they were plotting to snatch all lay and ecclesiastical wealth, the most savage harshness was made complete.

In the meantime, serious men who were unwilling to tolerate this state of affairs urgently entreated the two judges to refrain from plotting harm against wretched mortals and from conspiring their deaths (for many indeed died, stricken by grief at the loss of their possessions). Some important clergymen also publicly preached their disgust at such proceedings and at the same time exposed the king’s avarice. But these remonstrances were of no avail. Shortly afterward the king died and the two extortioners (as we shall presently mention in the life of Henry VIII) were deprived of their lives, just as they had deprived others of their possessions.

While this state of affairs persisted no one dared to complain, at all events openly, but all greatly feared for themselves and their interests, since the king claimed that he tolerated these exactions on purpose, in order to preserve the population’s obedience by these means. For the rest, avarice (as we have shown) now so dominated and penetrated into all activities, that it was truly burdensome to his people and brought no profit to the monarch. For although the king was not unaware that, as a result of this ruthless extortion, there were many who rather feared than loved him, his sole interest was to ensure his safety by supervising all details of government; through which preoccupation he at last so wore out his mind and body that his energies gradually declined, he fell into a state of weakness, and from that, not long after, died. Had he been spared to live a little longer, it may be believed that he would have established a more moderate manner of conducting all his affairs. For in the year prior to his death, learning that there was widespread complaint concerning the plundering in which the two judges daily indulged, he is said to have decided to restrain them, to deal more gently with his people and to restore what the two had illegally seized, so that thereafter justice and mercy might flourish throughout his kingdom. But even while he was contemplating this reform death cut him off. When he realized he was not to be allowed to live longer he laid down in his will that all were to be given back such possessions as had been illegally carried off to the treasury by those two most brutal extortioners.

Questions: What steps did Henry VII take to secure his throne? How does Polydore Vergil judge Henry? How was the judicial system subject to abuse and corruption under Henry? Who resisted these abuses, and how?

102. An Italian Relation of England

The following extracts come from the report of a Venetian official who traveled to England in 1496–97 in the entourage of a Venetian ambassador. While it is not always entirely accurate, the impressions of the foreign visitor are always interesting and at times perceptive, while the wealth of detail and the sweeping generalizations make for good reading.

Source: trans. C.A. Sneyd, A Relation, or Rather a True Account, of the Island of England (London: Camden Society, 1847), pp. 8–12, 20–29, 31–39, 41–46, 54; revised.

The climate, as your magnificence knows, is very healthy, and free from many complaints with which [Italy] is afflicted; and, though so far to the northwest, the cold in winter is much less severe than in Italy, and the heat proportionably less in summer. This is owing to the rain, which falls almost every day during the months of June, July, and August; they have never any spring here, according to the report of the islanders. . . . They abound also in every description of tree, though, according to Caesar, they have not the beech or the fir. They have laurels, and myrtles, and all our fruit trees, with the exception, however, of the olive and the orange. They are not without vines; I have eaten ripe grapes from one, and wine might be made in the southern parts, but it would probably be harsh. This natural deficiency of the country is supplied by a great quantity of excellent wines from . . . Germany, France, and Spain; besides which, the common people make two beverages from wheat, barley, and oats, one of which is called beer, and the other ale; and these liquors are much liked by them, nor are they disliked by foreigners, after they have drunk them four or six times; they are most agreeable to the palate, when a person is by some chance rather heated.

Agriculture is not practised in this island beyond what is required for the consumption of the people; were they to plow and sow all the land that was capable of cultivation, they might sell a quantity of grain to the surrounding countries. This negligence is, however, atoned for by an immense profusion of every comestible animal, such as stags, goats, fallow deer, hares, rabbits, pigs, and an infinity of oxen. . . . But above all, they have an enormous number of sheep, which yield them quantities of wool of the best quality. They have no wolves, because they would immediately be hunted down by the people; it is said, however, that they still exist in Scotland, as well as in the forest of Caledonia at the extremity of the island, toward the north. Common fowls, pea-fowls, partridges, pheasants, and other small birds abound here beyond measure, and it is truly a beautiful thing to behold one or two thousand tame swans upon the River Thames, as I, and also your magnificence have seen, which are eaten by the English like ducks and geese. Nor do they dislike what we so much abominate, that is, crows, rooks, and jackdaws; the raven may croak at his pleasure, for no one cares for the omen, and there is even a penalty attached to destroying them, as they say that they keep the streets of the towns free from all filth. . . .

I believe that what has been written concerning the extreme shortness of the nights in summer is true; for many truthful persons tell me, and assure me that it is a positive fact, that at the farthest extremity of Scotland, at the time of the summer solstice, one may see to read and write at any hour of the night, and that the days in winter are short in the same proportion. But this cannot be the case all over the island, because during the whole winter that I found myself there with your magnificence, I observed the length of the daylight with great attention, and there were never less than seven hours together, in which one could see to read and write. How many hours the sun might be above the horizon, however, I cannot say, for it is so rarely to be seen in the winter, and never but at midday. . . .

The English are, for the most part, both men and women of all ages, handsome and well-proportioned; though not quite so much so, in my opinion, as it had been asserted to me before your magnificence went to that kingdom; and I have understood from persons acquainted with these countries, that the Scots are much handsomer; and that the English are great lovers of themselves, and of everything belonging to them; they think that there are no other men than themselves, and no other world but England; and whenever they see a handsome foreigner, they say that “he looks like an Englishman,” and that “it is a great pity that he should not be an Englishman,” and when they partake of any delicacy with a foreigner, they ask him whether such a thing is made in his country. They take great pleasure in having a quantity of excellent victuals, and also in remaining a long time at table, being very sparing of wine when they drink it at their own expense. And this, it is said, they do in order to induce their other English guests to drink wine in moderation also; not considering it any inconvenience for three or four persons to drink out of the same cup. Few people keep wine in their own houses, but buy it, for the most part, at a tavern; and when they mean to drink a great deal, they go to the tavern, and this is done not only by the men, but by ladies of distinction. The deficiency of wine, however, is amply supplied by the abundance of ale and beer, to the use of which these people are become so habituated, that, at an entertainment where there is plenty of wine, they will drink them in preference to it, and in great quantities. . . .

They all from time immemorial wear very fine clothes, and are extremely polite in their language; which, although it is, like the Flemish, derived from the German, has lost its natural harshness, and is pleasing enough as they pronounce it. In addition to their civil speeches, they have the incredible courtesy of remaining with their heads uncovered, with an admirable grace, while they talk to each other. They are gifted with good understanding, and are very quick at everything they apply their minds to; few, however, excepting the clergy, are addicted to the study of letters, and this is the reason why anyone who has learning, though he may be a layman, is called by them a clerk. And yet they have great advantages for study, there being two general universities in the kingdom, Oxford and Cambridge, in which are many colleges founded for the maintenance of poor scholars. . . .

The common people apply themselves to trade, or to fishing, or else they practise navigation; and they are so diligent in mercantile pursuits that they do not fear to make contracts on usury.

They all attend mass everyday, and say many Paternosters in public (the women carrying long rosaries in their hands, and any who can read taking the office of our Lady with them, and with some companion reciting it in the church verse by verse, in a low voice, after the manner of churchmen), and they always hear mass on Sunday in their parish church, and give liberal alms. . . .

They have a very high reputation in arms; and from the great fear the French entertain of them one must believe it to be justly acquired. But I have it on the best information that when the war is raging most furiously, they will seek for good eating, and all their other comforts, without thinking of what harm might befall them.

They have an antipathy to foreigners, and imagine that they never come into their island, but to make themselves masters of it, and to usurp their goods; neither have they any sincere and solid friendships among themselves, insomuch that they do not trust each other to discuss either public or private affairs together, in the confidential manner we do in Italy. And although their dispositions are somewhat licentious, I never have noticed anyone, either at court or among the lower orders, to be in love; whence one must necessarily conclude either that the English are the most discreet lovers in the world, or that they are incapable of love. I say this of the men, for I understand it is quite the contrary with the women, who are very violent in their passions. Howbeit the English keep a very jealous guard over their wives, though anything may be compensated in the end, by the power of money.

The want of affection in the English is strongly manifested toward their children; for after having kept them at home till they arrive at the age of seven or nine years at the most, they put them out, both males and females, to hard service in the houses of other people, binding them generally for another seven or nine years. And these are called apprentices, and during that time they perform all the most menial offices; and few are born who are exempted from this fate, for everyone, however rich he may be, sends away his children into the houses of others, while he, in return, receives those of strangers into his own. And on inquiring their reason for this severity, they answered that they did it in order that their children might learn better manners. But I, for my part, believe that they do it because they like to enjoy all their comforts themselves, and that they are better served by strangers than they would be by their own children. Besides which the English being great epicures, and very avaricious by nature, indulge in the most delicate fare themselves and give their household the coarsest bread, and beer, and cold meat baked on Sunday for the week, which, however, they allow them in great abundance. If they had their own children at home, they would be obliged to give them the same food they made use of for themselves. . . .

Nevertheless, the apprentices for the most part make good fortunes, some by one means and some by another; but, above all, those who happen to be in the good graces of the mistress of the house in which they are domiciled at the time of the death of the master; because, by the ancient custom of the country, every inheritance is divided into three parts; for the church and funeral expenses, for the wife, and for the children. But the lady takes care to secure a good portion for herself in secret, first, and then the residue being divided into three parts as aforesaid, she, being in possession of what she has robbed, of her own third, and that of her children besides (and if she have no children, the two-thirds belong to her by right), usually bestows herself in marriage upon the one of those apprentices living in the house who is most pleasing to her, and who was probably not displeasing to her in the lifetime of her husband; and in his power she places all her own fortune, as well as that of her children, who are sent away as apprentices into other houses. . . .

I saw, one day, when I was with your magnificence at court, a very handsome young man of about eighteen years of age, the brother of the duke of Suffolk, who, as I understood, had been left very poor, the whole of the paternal inheritance among the nobility descending to the eldest son; this youth, I say, was boarded out to a widow of fifty, with a fortune, as I was informed, of 50,000 crowns; and this old woman knew how to play her cards so well, that he was content to become her husband, and patiently to waste the flower of his beauty with her, hoping soon to enjoy her great wealth with some handsome young lady. . . .

Nor must your magnificence imagine that these successions may be of small value, for the riches of England are greater than those of any other country in Europe, as I have been told by the oldest and most experienced merchants, and also as I myself can vouch, from what I have seen. This is owing, in the first place, to the great fertility of the soil, which is such that, with the exception of wine, they import nothing from abroad for their subsistence. Next, the sale of their valuable tin brings in a large sum of money to the kingdom; but still more do they derive from their extraordinary abundance of wool, which bears such a high price and reputation throughout Europe. And in order to keep the gold and silver in the country, when once it has entered, they have made a law, which has been in operation for a long time now, that no money nor gold nor silver plate should be carried out of England, under a very heavy penalty. And everyone who makes a tour in the island will soon become aware of this great wealth, as will have been the case with your magnificence, for there is no small innkeeper, however poor and humble he may be, who does not serve his table with silver dishes and drinking cups; and no one who has not in his house silver plate amounting to at least £100 sterling, which is equivalent to 500 golden crowns with us, is considered by the English to be a person of any consequence. But above all are their riches displayed in the church treasures; for there is not a parish church in the kingdom so mean as not to possess crucifixes, candlesticks, censers, patens, and cups of silver; nor is there a convent of mendicant friars so poor, as not to have all these same articles in silver, besides many other ornaments worthy of a cathedral church in the same metal. . . .

The English, however, could muster a very large army, were they as devoted to their crown as the Scots are; but from what I understand few of them are very loyal. They generally hate their present sovereign, and extol their dead ones. Nevertheless, they reject the Caesarean code of laws, and adopt those given to them by their own kings. Nor are proceedings carried on in this country by the deposition of anyone, or by writing, but by the opinion of men, both in criminal and civil causes. And if anyone should claim a certain sum from another, and the debtor denies it, the civil judge would order that each of them should make a choice of six arbitrators, and when the twelve are elected, the case they are to judge is propounded to them: after they have heard both parties, they are shut up in a room, without food or fire, or means of sitting down, and there they remain till the greater number have agreed upon their common verdict. But before it is pronounced each of them endeavors to defend the cause of him who named him, whether just or unjust; and those who cannot bear the discomfort yield to the more determined, for the sake of getting out sooner. And therefore the Italian merchants are gainers by this bad custom every time that they have a dispute with the English; for although the native arbitrators chosen by the English are very anxious to support the cause of their principal, before they are shut up, yet they cannot stand out as the Italians can, who are accustomed to fasting and privations, so that the final judgment is generally given in favor of the latter. . . .

There are three estates in England: the popular, the military, and the ecclesiastical. The common people are held in little more esteem than if they were slaves.

The military branch is employed in time of war in mustering troops. The clergy have the supreme sway over the country, both in peace and war. Among other things, they have provided that a number of sacred places in the kingdom should serve for the refuge and escape of all delinquents, and no one, even if he were a traitor to the crown, or had plotted against the king’s own person, can be taken out of these by force. And a villain of this kind, who, for some great excess that he has committed, has been obliged to take refuge in one of these sacred places, often goes out of it to brawl in the public streets, and then, returning to it, escapes with impunity for every fresh offense he may have been guilty of. This is no detriment to the purses of the priests, nor to the other perpetual sanctuaries; but every church is a sanctuary for forty days; and, if a thief or murderer who has taken refuge in one cannot leave it in safety during those forty days, he gives notice that he wishes to leave England. . . . It is not unamusing to hear, how the women and children lament over the misfortune of these exiles, asking, “how they can live so destitute out of England,” and adding moreover that “they had better have died than go out of the world,” as if England were the whole world!

. . . But, notwithstanding all these evasions, people are arrested every day by dozens, like birds in a covey, and especially in London; yet, for all this, they never cease to rob and murder in the streets. Perhaps this great prevalence of crime might have been better prevented, had not former kings condensed the criminal jurisdiction under one head, called the chief justice, who has the supreme power over punishment by death. This officer either goes himself, or sends his lieutenants or commissioners, at least twice a year all over the kingdom, but still more frequently to London, to put the unfortunate criminals to death; and it is scarcely possible that one person should suffice for so great an extent of country, though the arrangements are as good as possible, for the kingdom of England, with the principality of Wales, is divided into thirty-six parts, which they call in their language shires. . . . And if the king should propose to change any old established rule, it would seem to every Englishman as if his life were taken from him; but I think that the present King Henry will do away with a great many, should he live ten years longer.

I dare say that your magnificence will have been surprised, when I stated that there was only one chief justice in the whole kingdom; and will, perhaps, have imagined that I meant to imply that the dukes of Lancaster, York, Suffolk, and many others dispensed justice in their own countries; but these English noblemen are nothing more than rich gentlemen in possession of a great quantity of land belonging to the crown; . . . and the jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, and the fortresses remain in the hands of the crown. . . . In the earliest times of the Norman kings, it was no great matter to give large estates to many gentlemen; for when King William the Bastard conquered England for the crown, all the land that was not fit for cultivation was divided into a number of parts called [fees]. . . . It is computed that there are at present 96,230 of these fees; but the English Church is in possession of 28,015 of them; the remainder are the property of the crown, or of the barons of the realm, who, however, pay acknowledgments to the crown for them. There is not a foot of land in all England, which is not held either under the king or the Church. . . . In former times the titled nobility, though, as I said before, they possessed no fortresses, nor judiciary powers, were extremely profuse in their expenditures, and kept very great retinues in their houses (which is a thing the English delight in beyond measure); and in this manner they made themselves multitudes of retainers and followers, with whom they afterward molested the court, and their own countries, and in the end themselves, for at last they were all beheaded. Of these lords, who are called milites (knights), there are very few left, and those diminish daily. But the present King Henry has appointed certain military services to be performed by some of his own dependents and familiars, whom he knows can be trusted on any urgent occasion; and can be kept on a much smaller number of fees. . . . All the lands of the nobility, however, are not in cultivation, for a great portion lies barren and waste; and I am told that there are more than 4,000 parks in England, all enclosed with timber fences. And such is the condition of the lords temporal in this kingdom. . . .

There are scarcely any towns of importance in the kingdom, excepting these two: Bristol, a seaport to the west, and Eboracum, otherwise York, which is on the borders of Scotland; besides London to the south. . . . At present, all the beauty of this island is confined to London; which, although sixty miles distant from the sea, possesses all the advantages to be desired in a maritime town, being situated on the river Thames, which is very much affected by the tide, for many miles (I do not know the exact number) above it: and London is so much benefited by this ebb and flow of the river that vessels of 100 tons burden can come up to the city, and ships of any size to within five miles of it; yet the water in this river is fresh for twenty miles below London. Although this city has no buildings in the Italian style, but only of timber or brick like the French, the Londoners live comfortably, and it appears to me that there are not fewer inhabitants than at Florence or Rome. It abounds with every article of luxury, as well as with the necessaries of life. . . . In one single street, named the Strand, leading to St. Paul’s, there are fifty-two goldsmith’s shops, so rich and full of silver vessels, great and small, that in all the shops in Milan, Rome, Venice, and Florence put together, I do not think there would be found so many as magnificent as those to be seen in London. . . . These great riches of London are not occasioned by its inhabitants being noblemen or gentlemen; being all, on the contrary, persons of low degree, and artificers who have congregated there from all parts of the island, and from Flanders, and from every other place. No one can be mayor or alderman of London who has not been an apprentice in his youth; that is, who has not passed the seven or nine years in that hard service described before. Still, the citizens of London are thought quite as highly of there as the Venetian gentlemen are at Venice, as I think your magnificence may have perceived.

The city is divided into several wards, each of which has six officers; but superior to these are twenty-four gentlemen whom they call aldermen, which in their language signifies old or experienced men; and, of these aldermen, one is elected every year by themselves, to be a magistrate named the mayor, . . . and the day on which he enters upon his office, he is obliged to give a sumptuous entertainment to all the principal people in London, as well as to foreigners of distinction; and I, being one of the guests, together with your magnificence, carefully observed every room and hall, and the court where the company were all seated, and was of opinion that there must have been 1,000 or more persons at table. This dinner lasted four hours or more; but it is true that the dishes were not served with that assiduity and frequency that is the custom with us in Italy, there being long pauses between each course, the company conversing the while.

And in such manner is England ruled and governed.

Questions: What aspects of England impress the author positively? Which aspects does he view negatively? How accurate is his description? What are his sources of information? Where has he exaggerated or overgeneralized? How does England, in his view, compare with other regions?