THE POLITICAL LIFE OF SRI AUROBINDO
It appears that there was a transformation in the life of Sri Aurobindo after his departure to Pondicherry. However, from a deep insight one may find no cardinal change had occurred, the principal aim remained steady. The vast and profound experience he had, now made his life multifaceted—as though creating many streams from the original river. Due to this, we see him first as a meritorious student, his creative talent in poetry during his adulthood, a seeker of knowledge during his academic life, a leader during his political life and finally as a Guru in his spiritual life. However, it would be a mistake to think that there are breaks or discontinuity in the outward manifestation of these various traits. Even now, Sri Aurobindo in the yogic state professes and teaches his disciples. In a way he is a political leader too because on several occasions at the crucial juncture of time he had given the nation the correct direction (while the country had failed to understand the truth and had taken a wrong course). He is a world leader because during World War II he had supported the liberty of mankind.76 On the other hand, he is a poet and litterateur; however, now he has become a seer poet and creator of spiritual literature. And he is not only the Guru (spiritual teacher) for his disciples but also the Guru for humanity. Everywhere he is the creator of the novel, a modern day Bhagirath bringing down upon the earth the celestial river Mandakini.
At present, the age of politics is not over, so it is necessary to discuss in detail the politics of Sri Aurobindo. In a way, the typical characteristics of a “politician” were absent in Sri Aurobindo. There was no party politics in his political philosophy. Of course, he was in the forefront of forming a national group, but it was never the intention to create party feuds. He had realised that the Congress alone can bring freedom of the country that is why he had tried his best to make the Congress Party adapt the idealism for complete independence. When he realised that in course of time the Congress would accept this idealism, he stayed away from the front row of politics. It is only a modest, humble and truthful person who can renounce the desire for public fame, which is not usual even in the case of an intelligent individual. Sri Aurobindo was a youth leader. He made the youth of Bengal brave and adventurous; they had adapted from him the idealism of self-sacrifice and renunciation of earthly enjoyment. He not only made them glorious from the human point of view but also instilled in them the aspiration for the highest. That is why we find so many young men with exceptional character in the Swadeshi age. Others who came in contact with them all concluded that such great personalities are unusual to come across. On the other hand, the sacrifice of their self had not made them in the least undisciplined or defiant—in the later age unfortunately this unrestrained attitude got changed to notoriety and has upset the society. While these young men were supporters of Sri Aurobindo’s Nationalist Party, they were at the same time getting ready for an armed struggle against the British. They did not rise to such commitments based only on courage and moral convictions but with a divine inspiration. The source of this inspiration was Sri Aurobindo.
With the detection of the explosives-making devices and facilities at Maniktala garden, the plan for an armed revolution was temporarily foiled, but a bigger plan had been schemed in 1915—during World War I. This was organised by the teaming up of the revolutionaries of Punjab and Bengal. It had been planned that the Punjabis residing in America and Canada would send arms and weapons in a German vessel which would land in Sundarbans, but unfortunately the shipment did not arrive. The bravest of the youth, Jatindranath Mukherjee (better known as “Bagha Jatin”) went to coastal Orissa to receive the weapons and sacrificed his life fighting the police force in a trench battle (Balasore, Odisha) along with a few revolutionary comrades. The revolutionary hero Rash Behari Bose, after many acts of valour in India, went to Japan with the purpose of supplementing the armed revolution. And what a twist of fate! Later, this great revolutionary operation was led by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose with the Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauj). This military campaign did not succeed due to some complex reasons, but it must be admitted that after the 1857 uprising in the rank and file of the armed forces for independence, such an elaborate military operation for the freedom of the country had not taken place. These are the instances of the contribution of the armed revolution to the freedom movement for about a century.
It is true that the wheel of politics in the country took a different direction due the freedom movement led by Mahatma Gandhi, yet the call for armed revolution could not be given up by a section of the youth in that era. There had been an element of terrorism in the revolutionary activities and for that, the oppressive policy of the British government and their lack of foresight can be held responsible. Sri Aurobindo did not feel the need for armed revolution after he shifted to Pondicherry; as a result—the great Kali Dance which started in Bengal after his arrival (from Baroda) gradually with passage of time was withdrawn by Goddess Kali herself. Sri Aurobindo had realised much earlier that the British will be compelled to affirm independence to India.77
A comparable flavour of the wisdom and thoroughness shown by Sri Aurobindo in politics, was visible in Lokmanya Tilak and “Deshabandhu” Chittaranjan Das. Sri Aurobindo had never stepped back from facing any grave conflicts in politics, but never could one find in that any sign of injudiciousness. In the Bengal Provincial Congress sessions in Midnapore and Hooghly and in Surat Congress one can witness his skills, proficiency and political wisdom, and profundity. He was a great critic of the Moderates and the middle-path policy in Congress but he had never made even the slightest of personal attacks on anyone. Truly, due to the influence of Sri Aurobindo, both politics and journalism had reached a high standard in that age.
More than the astuteness is the uniqueness of Sri Aurobindo’s marvellous political prudence. To give a glimpse of it perhaps one has to compile a complete book. His arena of politics is not only India but the whole world. Therefore, to know his views, ideals and far-sightedness it would be necessary to study the various articles published in the Arya over seven extensive years. To get a deeper understanding and knowledge on India we get help from the two books (The Renaissance of India and The Indian Polity78), which were compiled from the Arya. An attempt is made here to give a brief idea.
Firstly, even though complete independence of India was the aim, Sri Aurobindo was in favour of taking a different course of action depending upon the prevailing situation. Keeping in mind the possible future requirement, Sri Aurobindo had proficiently inspired the people of the country for an armed revolution, and he had also chalked out deployment of the masses in the political movements.
Passive resistance and the effort for self-determination of the nation were the two principal precepts of the mass movement. According to this precept it was decided that people would stand firm against the unjustified policies of the government and offer passive resistance. Due to the practice of fierce suppression, however, it was not possible to pursue passive resistance in those days. However for the establishment of the national spirit, organisational work had commenced. Swadeshi was the main focus of this activity. In a way the Swadeshi Movement in Bengal had given the inspirational impetus for achieving industrial progress in India in the later period. Building institutions for national education, boycotting the court and settlement of disputes instead by mutual consent, carrying out organisational work in villages, etc. were the political activities introduced during the Swadeshi period. Later, after about a decade, the Non-Cooperation Movement led by Gandhiji adopted this procedure and was accepted extensively all over India.
Secondly, in the national movement of that period, not only was emphasis laid on organisational activities, the Nationalist party also had aims for the superintendence by nationalistic people in the establishments set up by the British. The Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909 made a launch of improvement in the administration, which Sri Aurobindo criticised severely as insufficient. But before withdrawing from the field of activities in his appeal to the people for building up the nation, he had hinted about spreading the influence of the Nationalist Party in the various councils set up as per the reforms. Although, the Nationalist Party could not work according to this suggestion because of the adverse situation, in the later period Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das followed this policy and showed the way to the Congress Party to enter the legislative councils. Of course, Deshabandhu had to win over lots of opposition from supporters and colleagues, but his policy had given the nation a valuable political experience—there were no two opinions about it. Lokmanya Tilak too had this view. As the leader of the “Extremist” party, although he was dissatisfied at the hollowness of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms (1919), even then he had counselled the Congress to get involved in the administration so as to learn the process of governance as much as possible by means of this reform. Had he been alive perhaps the national movement would have taken a different course. Thus, it can be seen that even though Sri Aurobindo himself had not been at the forefront of the political arena, whatever policies he had supported, in course of time, were vindicated and the nation achieved independence as a result of such collective policies—though the independence had come with a tint of bitterness amid the rejoicing because of the partitioning of India into two.
Sri Aurobindo had realised that the Indians did not have any particular experiences of modern political processes and yet they had to be prepared for the complete independence of the country. For this reason, in various ways he was motivating the country to acquire this great privilege. Independence must be won, whether by political processes, through armed revolution, or by employing the non-cooperation policy— this was the only aim. If it can be achieved quickly by mutual understanding and settlement then what’s wrong with it? In 1942, he surprised the nation by supporting the Cripps Mission for this reason alone. After thirty-two years of silence, Sri Aurobindo made a statement on political matters. How surprising! He even tried to convince the Congress Party through personal channels to accept this new policy. But alas! The verdict of destiny did not allow this to fructify. The leadership and the nation could not recognise the significance of Sri Aurobindo’s message and could not realise its deeper purpose. If at that time there was a settlement with the British (by accepting the Cripps Mission) then,
But who could prevent the independence of India in spite of the confused national policy of that period? What Sri Aurobindo predicted in 1920 had now taken place. The Labour Party won the election in Britain in 1945 and formed the government and the very next year a three-member committee formed by the new government brought the proposal for independence of India. Sri Aurobindo knew from his younger days the character of the English people. He had denounced and severely criticised various acts of the British. Yet he knew that one day the British would understand the futility of their repressive measures and be disturbed by the dissatisfaction of the Indian masses and the new wave of internationalism, and agree to grant independence to India. Actually that is exactly what happened, but this was accompanied by a great catastrophe, which no one anticipated. India was partitioned— Mother India was broken up.
The terrible suffering that Sri Aurobindo had perceived long before, occurred, and the world was stupefied at this ghastly scourge. It was as though a monster in a single moment had churned out and destroyed the thousands of years of “spiritual India”. Sri Aurobindo’s feeling of national spirit is unique. His patriotism was not out of the yearning for the wellness of the country; from the dawn of his adulthood he had realised the divine being amidst the nation. On this, he had written a nice letter to his wife.79 He has seen India and the Universal Mother; out of all the powers of the Universal Mother, the main one is inherent in India. This is his yogic realisation. Hence, during the Swadeshi era he had stated that God, Himself, was the leader of the National Movement. Because of this deep insight and profound realisation everything in India is much treasured by Sri Aurobindo. He has analysed so judiciously the tradition and the genius of India, which touches our heart so deeply as though we are guided by a mystic light to help us know our land. On the other hand, he has never hesitated to show impartially whatever has been the cause for our national weaknesses; because his vision is not confined within the country or the epoch of time.
The word nation indicates the people of the land. Sri Aurobindo, from the dawn of his adulthood, has become one with the people of India. Right after his arrival in India he criticised the policy of the Congress because then the party was composed of rich aristocrats and a class proud of its Western education. In that era itself, he wanted to change the Congress to an organisation of the people. As long as he was in the political field, the awakening of people had begun; but it is also true that this new throb of life was confined mainly among the educated class. On the other hand, it is well-known that the people had risen during the Swadeshi Movement. What more can be expected at the prelude of a revolution?
In course of time, people’s awakening had become intense with the spread of the revolution. We get a glimpse of how Sri Aurobindo succeeded in becoming one with the common people from his beautiful narration about a prison inmate—the milk man. He has not written anything about his comrades— the renowned patriots— neither has he written anything about his favourite person, Kanailal Dutta. He has written only about that nameless and illiterate milkman! And what wonderful praise he has showered on him! Today the yogi, Sri Aurobindo, is one with the soul of every individual—he is indeed a universal friend. He is adorable certainly, but for him there is no distinction between the high class or low class. The Divinity in Sri Aurobindo is certainly “yoga-wealthy”, but he is not a god for any person, creed or race. The heart of the world is in his heart, the universal life is his life and the universal form is also his appearance. He is an individual, he is the nation, and he is also humanity. This noble vision, this great perception is not a poetic fancy, it is Supreme Truth.
Sri Aurobindo knows that heaven will come down to earth but he has no impatience or prejudice of a mortal. The progress of the entire humanity, at the individual and societal levels, is guided towards that goal. Sri Aurobindo hence views the human history differently. The topics or events, which we may pay no heed to, condemn outright or ignore, are viewed by Sri Aurobindo from a different angle, with deeper insight. For example, Sri Aurobindo has criticised the British quite a lot. The treatment meted to him by the British, the great animosity towards him could have made any other person a lifelong hater of the English. When he moved to Pondicherry, the spies of the British shadowed him and his disciples everywhere and established police outposts in front of their houses. He wrote in the Arya a beautiful article indicating the future course of the British Empire. During that time i.e. 1917, the English had not even anticipated the imminence of the Statute of Westminster (the Act of the British Parliament through which the Colonies of the Empire got independence). Sri Aurobindo had written many years before that the face of the British Empire would be totally changed. At that time, he had advised the British to settle (the Independence issue) with India and Ireland. In many cases, the conscience of the British happens to wake up late. The same happened in the case of India and Ireland; however, it has to be accepted that independent India got a special place in the Commonwealth (this also was an unthinkable change for the Empire); the past prophecy of Sri Aurobindo had become a reality. This is beneficial for both India and England and is supportive of human unity. If we view this with a narrow perspective, we shall miss its true significance.
The articles Sri Aurobindo wrote in the Arya had also indicated the progress of humanity. Today we witness the actions and reactions happening before our eyes. He had indicated his views on socialism in 1909 in the Introduction to Gita. In the article in the Arya titled “The Ideal of Human Unity”, he discusses in detail the face of politics and the political theory and has shown that any nation or society built solely on the political theory or dogma cannot bring in complete fulfilment or success in the life of man. At the end of World War I, he again hinted in a series of articles in the Arya that the time had not yet come for the end of war or true establishment of human unity.
The disorder and the degradation of the human character faced by the world today were indicated by him a couple of years ago (1930’s). But he has not given us the message of gloom and despair—he has given assurance of the inevitability of manifestation of the Divine Light.
He has not observed passively as a witness or simply criticised the transformation of the world and that of India. He is ever connected with the world and he is certain of the transformation of the human nature. Hence, at the critical juncture of human history, he has employed mystical spiritual power. During the great hours of crisis in World War II alone, he unhesitatingly announced the inevitable total defeat of the fascist powers. At an important juncture of the war he openly took the side of the allied power. For this reason, some of his countrymen were displeased with him because at that time, there was a wave of anti-British feeling running across India and the folly of the common man was to believe that the enemy of Britain would be a friend to India. How many would actually analyse the character of that “friend”. Whatever be it, when England was totally helpless at that time he instilled a marvellous inspiration in the heart of the people of England, this supreme mystery the British could not realise and perhaps never would. This is a wonderful occurrence in the history of spirituality, also in the common man’s view it is a noble example of rendering great help to a former enemy. But who is his enemy? In 1909, after his acquittal and coming out of imprisonment, he wrote:
“…Whom shall I call enemy? I have none anymore.”