The papers of Thomas Jefferson. Retirement series

Having occasion for a remittance to Paris for some books I propose to import from thence, I requested mr Vaughan to inform me through what channel it could be obtained. he wrote me in answer that you would be so kind as to give me a credit with your correspondent there to the necessary amount. the cost of the books I write for, according to Catalogue prices of 20. years ago, would be about 275.D. and I expect that 350.D. would cover the increase of price since that time. this sum therefore I wish to have placed at the order of mr George Ticknor of Boston who proposing to pass some time in that city (Paris)² is so kind as to select and forward the books to me. should the augmentation of price be greater than I have allowed for, it can surely be but little, and if answered by your correspondent, the surplus shall be reimbursed to you the moment it is made known to me. I have also occasion to ask for some wines from my antient friend Stephen Cathalan of Marseilles, and to place at his disposal a further sum of 200.D. if you can conveniently add this to the credit on your correspondent in Paris, it will add to the obligation; and presuming on it, I have desired mr Vaughan to place in your hands the sum of 550.D. which I have directed to be remitted to him from Richmond.

Having long borne high respect for your character as a man and citizen, I embrace with pleasure this first occasion offered of rendering it’s just tribute, and, with my thanks for your present kindness, which, from the difficulty of finding a medium of small remittances to Paris, is a real accomodation, I add the assurance of my great esteem & respect.

RC (PPGi: Girard Papers [microfilm at PPAmP]); addressed: “Stephen Girard esq. Philadelphia”; franked; postmarked Charlottesville, 19 July; endorsed in a clerk’s hand as received 23 July and answered 30 July. PoC (MHi); on verso of reused address cover of Charles Willson Peale to TJ, 2 May 1815; endorsed by TJ.

Stephen Girard (1750–1831), merchant and financier, was born in Bordeaux, France. He joined the crew of a merchant ship owned by his father in 1764 and received a captain’s license from the French government in 1773. After living in New York City, 1774–76, he settled permanently in Philadelphia. Girard profited greatly from his involvement in foreign trade, gradually extending his business ventures from the West Indies to Europe and Asia and investing the profits in banks and real estate. After the charter of the first Bank of the United States expired in 1811, he bought the building and all other remaining assets, using them the following year to establish Stephen Girard’s Bank, a private, unincorporated enterprise. During the War of 1812 Girard and other businessmen from Philadelphia and New York City united to sell government bonds to investors in order to support the war effort. When the second Bank of the United States was created in 1816, he was one of its five commissioners and a major investor, although he soon withdrew from involvement in the institution. A noted philanthropist throughout his life, Girard left an estate valued in excess of $7 million, the bulk of which he willed in trust to the city of Philadelphia for the education of poor, white, orphaned boys. The resulting institution became Girard College (ANB; DAB; George Wilson, Stephen Girard: America’s First Tycoon [1995]; Donald R. Adams Jr., Finance and Enterprise in Early America: A Study of Stephen Girard’s Bank, 1812–1831 [1978]; Harry Emerson Wildes, Lonely Midas: The Story of Stephen Girard [1943]; Girard to TJ, 31 May 1806 [DLC]; Philadelphia National Gazette and Literary Register, 29 Dec. 1831; Washington Daily National Intelligencer, 29, 30 Dec. 1831).

¹ Reworked from “June.”

² Word interlined.

The intelligence which you communicated to me the evening before I left home, of a vote having been given in the H. of C. against L^d C. has not been confirmed, and I fear will not be. Little, has been receiv’d of late from Europe, but all accounts concur¹ in the probability of a war, which Engl^d prompts & leads, that will become general. Nothing can be more unprincipled than such a war, since it strikes at the very foundation of right in every community, not solely as between the sovereign and His people, but assumes a right to a number of sovereigns to interfere in the interior concerns of another country, & to dictate a gov^t & a King to it. I am strongly under the impression, that the treaty of Vienna, partakes of the quality of that of Pilnitz, and if the parties are successful, against France, that their attention will be directed against this country afterwards, the parent of revolutions, and the imputed source of the misfortunes of the Bourbons. By the vast force said to be collected and collecting, it seems, as if the coalesced powers, intended to risk every thing in a great effort, to accomplish their objects. From our ministers we hear nothing, which may [be]² owing to their having saild, on their return home, tho’ of that, we are uninformd. under these circumstances there seems to be little motive for remaining. The President will not stay long, & I shall soon follow him.

The enclosed is a survey made for me by m^r Lewis, of the land lying below the old road, comprizing a purchase which I made, of Ch: Carter, after that of John, which bounds on m^r Shorts, in the point in which we disagree. If m^r Lewis ever surveyd the tract first purchased, it was at the instance of the m^r Carters, or some other person after I left the country to whom they sold land, after the Sale to me. By comparing these courses, with those in your possession, you will ascertain whether they are the same, or whether the latter form a survey of my tract first purchasd. If they do, I shall be glad to have a copy of them When I have the pleasure to see you.

It was at Culpeper³ court house, that I heard for the first time that M^r Galloway had arriv’d with you the day I left, Albemarle, or the day before. I regret that I had not the pleasure of seeing him; but as I shall soon get home I hope Still to have that satisfaction.

RC (DLC); mistakenly endorsed by TJ as a letter of 8 July received 15 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure: Robert Lewis’s 1794 survey of Monroe’s 442-acre tract, not found (see PTJ, 28:55).

The VOTE in Great Britain’s House of Commons against Lord Castlereagh was actually a division in his favor (TJ to Monroe, 15 July 1815). Far from HAVING SAILD or given up their negotiations, on 3 July 1815 the American envoys John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Albert Gallatin wrote from London enclosing a commercial convention they had negotiated with Great Britain (Clay, Papers, 2:54–9). Monroe LEFT THE COUNTRY in 1794 to serve as the United States minister plenipotentiary to France (ANB).

¹ Manuscript: “concer.”

² Omitted word editorially supplied.

³ Manuscript: “Culpepeper.”

⁴ Manuscript: “rgard.”

Absences and other avocations have prevented me till now from preparing the catalogue of my wants from France, and the letters they call for. I have now got thro’ them, and have desired Mess^rs Gibson & Jefferson my correspondents at Richmond to remit you the sum of 550.D. to be placed in the hands of mr Girard, as I propose to avail myself of his kind accomodation of a corresponding credit at Paris. 350.D. of this I have to request him to make payable to the order of mr George Ticknor, who will call for it in Paris, and 200.D. to the order of Stephen Cathalan, merchant and Consul for the US. at Marseilles. the former sum is to enable mr Ticknor to procure the books of which I have Sent him a Catalogue; that to mr Cathalan for some wines I have asked of him, from the South of France and I have informed both you will be so good as to drop them a line covering mr Girard’s orders on his correspondent. that to Ticknor will require to be by duplicate, the one¹ under cover to mr Adams our minister at Paris, and the other² to D^r Henry Jackson, our Chargé des affaires at Paris; it being uncertain at which place a letter will find him. I have addressed him in like manner by duplicates sent to London & Paris, the former through his father, the latter the Secretary of State. with my apologies for this trouble, accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect

RC (PPAmP: Vaughan Papers); at foot of text: “turn over”; addressed: “John Vaughan esq. Philadelphia”; franked; postmarked Charlottesville, 19 July; endorsed in an unidentified hand, with Vaughan’s additional notation that it was “received 24—ans^d 28^th” and that he was “to pay Girard 550 of which 350 to G Ticknor 200 to Cathalan remittance of S Girard Bill”; conjoined with RC of TJ to Vaughan, 15 July 1815, and Trs of enclosures to Vaughan to TJ, 31 July 1815. PoC (DLC); conjoined with PoC of TJ to Vaughan, 15 July 1815; on verso of reused address cover to TJ; endorsed by TJ, in part: “July 11. & 15. 15.”

Rather than Paris, TJ presumably intended a duplicate of the money order to be sent to John Quincy adams at his new posting in London.

¹ Preceding two words interlined.

² Preceding two words interlined.

I have in my possession a Small box Containing Seeds directed to you, this box is from france, I would have forwarded it should I not have been afraid of its having miscaried, please to give me your directions about it, and I Shall make it a duty to follow them

Permit me Sir to Subscribe myself with the Greatest Respect Your most humble Servant

RC (DLC); dateline at foot of text; endorsed by TJ as received 19 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL, which mistakenly describes it as a letter of 5 July 1815. RC (MHi); address cover only; with PoC of TJ to Obadiah Rich, 23 July 1815, on verso; addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r late President of the U.S. Monticello”; franked; postmarked Baltimore, 12 July.

Peter August Guestier (1762–1842), merchant, was transacting business in Baltimore by 1795 and resided there from at least 1803. He traded with France and the West Indies and served as an agent for a mercantile firm of his native Bordeaux, perhaps that of Barton et Guestier. A member of the Loge Française l’Aménité, a Philadelphia Masonic lodge, in 1808 Guestier helped oversee a lottery to raise money for the construction of a Masonic hall in Baltimore. In that same year he acquired seeds from European sources for TJ’s personal use. Guestier was a founding director of the Patapsco Insurance Company, 1813–14, and last appeared in a Baltimore directory in 1829 (Paul Butel, Histoire de la Chambre de Commerce et d’Industrie de Bordeaux des Origines a nos Jours [1705–1985] [1988], 151; Federal Intelligencer, and Baltimore Daily Gazette, 16 Dec. 1795; Tableau Des F. F. Composant La T. R. Loge Française l’Aménité, No. 73 [Philadelphia, 1802], 11; Cornelius William Stafford, Baltimore Directory, for 1803 [Baltimore, n.d.], 57; Report of the Committee of Claims, to Whom was Referred, on the Sixth of December Last, The Petition of Peter A. Guestier [Washington, 1806]; Michael Stephen Smith, Emergence of Modern Business Enterprise in France, 1800–1930 [2006], 38; Laws Made and Passed by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland [title varies] [1807–08 sess.]: ch. 67 [20 Jan. 1808]; [1813–14 sess.]: ch. 55 [11 Jan. 1814]; Guestier to TJ, 14 Mar. 1808 [DLC]; MB, 2:1224; Baltimore Patriot & Evening Advertiser, 10 Dec. 1813; Matchett’s Baltimore Directory Corrected Up To June 1829 [1829], 135).

My absence from Washington and the circuitous tour which your letter to me has made, has prevented its reaching my hands before the 6^th of this month. For the last 18 months I have resided at Pittsburg, engaged for M^r Fulton in the agency of one of his Steam boat companies, whose object it was to establish a compleat line of boats from thence to New Orleans. But so deficient were the estimates made at New York, that instead of 60.000^$, the Louisville & Orleans boats have cost more than 120,000^$, & the Pittsburg & Louisville Comp^y abandoned the undertaking. Thus an establishment which would have been highly advantageous to me proved much the contrary, and when I was invited to resume my labors in this city, it was at a moment, when the pecuniary emolument, was an object of at least equal importance to me, with the testimony thus afforded to the integrity with which I had formerly performed my duties.—

After recieving the invitation of the Commissioners, I left Pittsburg on the 6^th of April & staid in Washington till the 10^th of May when I returned for my family & arrived on the 22^d. I again left Pittsburg on the 2^d June & arrived here on the 20^th. In the meantime your letter had been returned from hence to Pittsburg, & was sent to me only a few days ago by a private hand.—M^r Nielson¹ arrived here,—(as I understand for the 2^d time) a few days ago, and is now in the city. M^r Dinsmore I have not seen.—But the Commissioners have not appointed either of them to any situation, & if you will permit me to state how this has happened, you will, I am sure, approve what they have done.—

Since the commencement of the War, the public buildings have afforded no employment of any importance to building artisans; & all those who had no local ties to the spot left the city. Many of them followed me to Pittsburg, where they found ample employment & good wages. Others however were forced² to drag on a miserable existence & remain. They had families, or property in Lots on which they had built, or were detained as Militia men. After the irruption of the British, their case was still more deplorable. The numerous mechanics of the Navy Yard were deprived of bread, and it is almost a miracle that many did not die with hunger & cold³ during the last winter. The situation of very respectable & once wealthy families has been described to me as inconceivably wretched, from the period of the invasion of the enemy, to that of the appropriation for the repair & rebuilding of the public edifices. Wood was at 25^$

Cord, Coal 1.50^$ & 2^$

Bushel, Oats 1.50, & Hay 50^$ a Ton; every thing in the same proportion.—The depression of the spirits & exertions of every one during the cold debates of Congress on the subject of removing the seat of Govern. added to the misery of all.—

As soon however as the Law for the restoration of the public buildings was passed the whole face of things was changed, & nothing but the total absence of all building materials prevented the immediate activity of all the Artisans that remained. After the appointment of the Commissioners, all the former agents of the public applied to them for situations in the public works. The principal of these, were Lenox, Meade, Farrell,—Blagden, Harbaugh, Shaw & Birth, and others, who during your administration were engaged at the Capitol & President’s house, & many from the Navy Yard who had no immediate prospect of being engaged there again, among them Shadrach Davis, my Clerk of the Works there, Howard, & White, all men of great personal respectability, and the latter three⁴ of whom, had served with great, but useless zeal & courage in the Militia army. They were all wholly out of employ, & in more or less distress. These applications were before the board on my arrival. M^r Hoban having received the charge of the President’s house my duties were confined to the Capitol. The names were laid before me, & I nominated to the Commissioners, Shadrach Davis as Clerk of the Works, Harbaugh carpenter, Blagden Stone cutter, Farrell & White bricklayers, Howard overseer, constituting a corps of Mechanics capable of executing any Work of any degree of difficulty or magnitude. The names of M^r Dinsmore & Nielson were then proposed to me supported by your & the Presidents testimonials, & also accompanied by the opinion of the Commissioners, that those who had formerly proved themselves worthy of trust, and who were now on the spot, & suffering in the cause of the city, were entitled (if their merit were only equal) to a preference above others from a distance, & who had not been without employment,—I adhered to my nomination, which was confirmed, & the appointments given. M^r Hoban chose M^r Lenox as his foreman.—

It was not till a few days ago that I received your letter. It came in every respect too late for the object of that part of it which relates to Mess^rs Dinsmore & Nielson, but I have recommended to M^r Nielson to go to work here, & have promised him as far as lies in my power to promote his interests. I have every reason to believe that I shall be able to start him in a good business before winter, & have already given him recommendations to those persons who can best serve him for the present.

Permit me now to assure you, that the confidence you are pleased to express in me, as to the future conduct of the public Works, from your experience of my former services, is to me by far a more gratifying reward, than I could possibly have received from any emolument, or any other commendation. It is not only because you are certainly the best judge of the merits of an artist in the United States, but because you certainly know me better as an artist and as a man than any other, that your good opinion is valuable⁵ to me.—And why should I say so to You, who have forever retired from the seat from which favors are dispensed, & to whom adulation would be an insult, if I were not most sincere in what I express on this subject. You well remember, that if I committed an error in executing the Trust you reposed in me, it was not by blindly yielding my professional⁶ opinions to yours, or in executing, without even remonstrance sometimes, what you suggested, in order to win your favor.—My thanks therefore for the kindness with which you express your approbation of what I have formerly done, are offered with sentiments of the Sincerest respect & attachment.—

Some details respecting the state of the ruins of the buildings may perhaps be new, & not unpleasant to be received by You, & may perhaps find you at leisure to read them, as your Library is no longer around you.—

The South wing of the Capitol was set on fire with great difficulty. Of the lower story nothing could be burned but the Sashes & frames, & their Shutters & dressings, & the doors & doorcases. As all these were detached from one another some time & labor was necessary to get thro’ the work.—The first thing done was to empty into buckets a quantity of the composition used in the rockets. A man with an axe chopped the wood work, another followed, & brushed on some of the composition & on retiring from each room the third put fire to it. Many of the rooms however were thus, only partially burnt & there is not one in which some wood does not yet remain. In the Clerks office the desks & furniture & the records supplied a more considerable mass of combustible materials than there was else where: & the fire burnt so fiercely that they were obliged to retreat & leave all the rooms on the West side entirely untouched, & they are now as clean & perfect as ever. Two other committee rooms have escaped & the Gallery stairs have none of their wooden dressings injured. Above stairs the Committee room of Ways & Means & accounts is uninjured, & the whole of the Entrance with all the Sculptured Capitals of the Columns has fortunately suffered no injury but in the plaistering, & that from the wet & frost of the Winter. In the house of Representatives the devastation has been dreadful.—There was here no want of materials for conflagration. In 1811, when the number of members of Congress was increased the old platform was left in its place, & another raised over it, giving an additional quantity of dry & loose lumber. All the stages & seats of the Galleries were of timber & yellow pine. The Mahagony furniture, desks, tables & Chairs were in their places. At first they fired Rockets through the Roof. But they did not set fire to it; they sent men on to it, but it was covered with Sheet Iron. At last they made a great pile in the Center of the room of the furniture, & retiring, set fire to a large quantity of Rocket stuff, in the middle. The whole was soon in a blaze & so intense was the flame, that the Glass of the Lights was melted, & I have now lumps weighing many pounds of Glass, run into Mass. The stone, is like most freestone, unable to resist the force of⁷ flame. But I believe no known material could have with stood the effects of so sudden & intense a heat. The exterior of the Columns & entablature therefore, expanded far beyond the dimensions of their interior, scaled off & not a vestige of fluting or Sculp ture remained Sound. The appearance of the ruin, was awfully grand when I first saw it, and indeed it was terrific for it seemed to threaten immediately to fall, so Slender were the remains of the Columns that carried the Massy entablature.—The sketch below is an exact copy of two Columns, excepting that my paper does not admit of⁸ their being of proportionate heighth: but the Blocks stand upon one another in the manner represented, and at Images

the locust pin which I had placed in the center of each block, to keep the next steady while putting into place is bare. If the Colonnade had fallen the Vaulting of the rooms below might have been beaten down; but fortunately there is not a single arch in the whole building which requires to be taken down.—In the North wing the beautiful Doric Columns which surrounded the supreme Court room have shared the fate of the Corinthian Columns of the Hall of Representatives and in the Senate Chamber the Marble polished Columns of 14 feet Shafts in one block are burnt to lime & have fallen down. All but the Vaults is ruined. They stand a most magnificent ruin.

The West side containing the Library which was never Vaulted burnt very fiercely & by the fall of its heavy timbers great injury has been done to the adjoining Walls and arches, & I fear that the freestone is so much injured on the outside that part of the outer wall must be taken down. otherwise the exterior stands firm & sound especially of the south Wing, but of about 20 Windows & doors thro’ which the Flames found vent, the Architraves & other dressings are so injured that they must be replaced, All the parapet is gone.— The most difficult work to be performed was to take down the ruins of the Hall of Representatives. Our Workmen hesitated to touch it. To have erected a Scaffold & to have risked striking the ruins with the heavy poles necessary to be used was not to be thought of. An unlucky blow against the Column I have represented, (& 5 or 6 of them were as dangerously situated) might have brought down 100 ton of the Entablature, & of the heavy brick vault, which rested upon it. It therefore occurred to me to fill up the whole with fascines to the soffit of the Architrave. If any thing then gave way, it could not fall down, the Columns would be confined to their places, & the fascines would furnish the Scaffold. The Commissioners approved the scheme, but as time would be required to cut the fascines from the Commons, M^r Ringgold most fortunately recommended the use of Cord wood, which has been adopted, & most successfully. We have Images

of the Work done, & the remainder is supported, & will be all down in 10. days. The Cordwood will sell for its cost. It required 500 Cord to go half round, which was then shifted to the other side.—I have already nearly completed the vaults of two Stories on⁹ the West side of the North wing¹⁰ according to the plan submitted by you with my report to Congress in 1807.—

I need not, I hope, apologize to you for this long detail. An alteration is proposed & adopted by the President in the Hall of Representatives,¹¹ on which I will send you a copy of my report as soon as time will permit.

Mr^s Latrobe joins me in the sincerest wishes that you may long enjoy the repose & happiness at which you are arrived—

RC (DLC); at head of text: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r”; endorsed by TJ as received 26 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. PoC (Lb in MdHi: Latrobe Papers).

Latrobe FORMERLY PERFORMED his duties in Washington as surveyor of public buildings during TJ’s presidency (TJ to Latrobe, 6 Mar. 1803 [two letters] [MdHi: Latrobe Papers]; Latrobe to TJ, 13 Mar. 1803 [DLC]). He received the 14 Mar. 1815 INVITATION OF THE COMMISSIONERS of public buildings on 22 Mar. 1815 (Latrobe, Papers, 3:634–5). Congress approved an APPROPRIATION of up to $500,000 in “An Act making appropriations for repairing or rebuilding the public buildings within the city of Washington,” 13 Feb. 1815 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 3:205). Both houses of Congress held extensive DEBATES on removing the national capital to another section of the country, either temporarily or permanently, and changing the location and design of the federal buildings within Washington (Annals, 13th Cong., 3d sess., 202–3, 216–22, 311–23, 341–2, 344–76, 387–93, 413–4, 1132, 1134–40 [26 Sept., 3–5, 13, 20 Oct. 1814, 1, 3, 7–8 Feb. 1815]). James Madison decided on John P. Van Ness, Richard Bland Lee, and Tench Ringgold in his APPOINTMENT OF THE COMMISSIONERS of public buildings (Madison to Van Ness, Lee, and Ringgold, 10 Mar. 1815 [DLC: Madison Papers]).

The selection of James HOBAN to restore the President’s House was announced in the Washington Daily National Intelligencer, 24 May 1815. THE NUMBER OF MEMBERS in the United States House of Representatives was increased by “An Act for the apportionment of Representatives among the several States, according to the third enumeration,” 21 Dec. 1811 (U.S. Statutes at Large, 2:669). Latrobe’s REPORT TO CONGRESS of 27 Oct. 1807 was presented to the House on the following day (ASP, Miscellaneous, 1:482–3; Annals, 10th Cong., 1st sess., 790). Latrobe suggested alterations to the original design of the Hall of Representatives in a 27 Apr. 1815 report concerning the south wing of the Capitol that he made to the commissioners of public buildings (Latrobe, Papers, 3:654–60).

¹ Manuscript: “Nelson.”

² Manuscript: “forcced.”

³ Preceding two words interlined.

⁴ Word interlined.

⁵ Word interlined in place of “flattering.”

⁶ Manuscript: “professsional.”

⁷ Preceding two words interlined.

⁸ PoC does not include the following illustration, although space was left for it on the manuscript page. In the RC the text flows inside and around the illustration.

⁹ Manuscript: “or.”

¹⁰ Manuscript: “Northwing.”

¹¹ Manuscript: “Reprentatives.”

Most unexpectedly to me, my son Robert, writes me from Washington, that he had received such proposals in Baltimore, as induced him to determine to go immediately to Leghorn & to settle at that place. He says “it wou’d add very much to my prospects to be appointed Consul for the U.S. at Leghorn.” will you my Dear Sir, add to the obligations that I am under to you by interesting yourself in his favour? The known honor & respectability¹ of my son, his late rank in the army, and his having been brought up to mercantile business by one of the first merchants in America, will I trust justify in the public estimation, his appointment, and I feel great confidence his conduct will be such as to prevent your ever having cause to regret your interposition in his favour if he shou’d be so fortunate as to be again patronised by you.

Robert says “to succeed the application shou’d be made as soon as possible.” I owe you an apology for this application, and the trouble I have so frequently given you. I beg you to be assured if from any cause it wou’d be unpleasant to you to interpose in this case, it is sincerely my wish, that you shou’d not do it. I had rather my son shou’d forego any advantage, than to give you a moments trouble.

The accounts from Europe to the first of June are that things were there in the same state that they had been for a considerable time— This delay is most fortunate for the French people—their only danger was from the first shock. I feel a deep interest in their succeeding in resisting the effort of foreigners to impose a government upon them. you my Dear Sir, I am sure will be now as you ever have been, on the side of those who contend for self government, whether you approve of the government of their choice or not.

RC (DLC); at foot of text: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r”; endorsed by TJ as received 15 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

ROBERT Carter Nicholas was employed by his uncle Samuel Smith (of Maryland), who was ONE OF THE FIRST MERCHANTS IN AMERICA. On 28 July 1815 the elder Nicholas also wrote to James Madison on his son’s behalf (DLC: Madison Papers).

¹ Manuscript: “respactability.”

Colonel Robert C Nicholas Son of Governor Nicholas will depart¹ for Leghorn in a few days² with a View of establishing himself there as a Merchant. he will have the good wishes of the Merchants of Balt^e & their entire confidence—It would tend greatly to his advantage to recieve the appointment of Consul at that port. A Change I am told is to be made, (& Surely it had become necessary.) and I know no person more worthy than Col^o N. I write to Solicit your good offices with the President to procure it for him.—If you Should determine to do him that favor you will please to take the earliest Opportunity lest the place should be given to another,—The Choice of Consuls has heretofore been unfortunate. It is time to fill those Posts with Men of honor. With sentiments of the highest Esteem & real Regard I am D^r sir Your friend & serv^t

RC (DLC: TJ Papers, 201:35832); misdated; endorsed by TJ as a letter of 14 July 1815 received five days later and so recorded in SJL.

¹ Word interlined in place of “Sail.”

² Preceding four words interlined.

Your favor of the 10^th is this moment recieved. the plat it covers shall be duly examined. you were so kind as to say you would patronise the passage of my letters for France and England. I therefore inclose a packet to you. it is important to me that those to Jackson and Cathalan should have the benefit of the first safe conveyance.

I was soon ashamed of the hasty information I communicated to you. but mr Galloway had just arrived, full of it. he had seen it, he said in a Baltimore paper copied from two N. York papers, the one federal, the other republican. I was soon convinced however he had exactly mistaken the nays on the question for the yeas. he left us on the 7^th inst.

I suspect the allies are holding back to see how Bonaparte really stands with his nation, and how the powers of Europe will divide on their enterprize against human rights. my greatest anxiety is to learn that mr Adams has obtained a convention settling the question of impressment, and that this is not made to await the delays of a treaty of commerce, quod deus avertat. if they refuse to settle it, the first American impressed should be a declaration of war. the depredations on our merchants I would bear with great patience as it is their desire. they make themselves whole by insurances, very much done in England. if the consequently increased price falls on the consumer, it still costs him less than a war, and still operates as a premium to our own manufactures. the other point therefore being settled, I should be slow to wrath on this. affectionately yours

RC (DLC: Monroe Papers); at foot of text: “Col^o Monroe.” PoC (DLC); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; endorsed by TJ. Enclosures: (1) TJ to Stephen Cathalan, 3 July 1815. (2) TJ to Tadeusz Kosciuszko, 3 July 1815. (3) TJ to Madame de Staël-Holstein, 3 July 1815. (4) TJ to George Ticknor, 4 July 1815. (5) TJ to Henry Jackson, 5 July 1815.

The HASTY INFORMATION concerned a 6 Apr. 1815 message to the British House of Commons from the Prince Regent, later George IV. It announced that, in response to Napoleon’s return to power in France, he had given “directions for the augmentation of his Majesty’s land and sea forces” and had entered “into communications with his Majesty’s allies” to form a coalition that would “effectually provide for the general and permanent security of Europe.” Samuel Whitbread objected to the militant actions being taken by the government and proposed “that an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to entreat his Royal Highness that he will be graciously pleased to take such measures as may be necessary to prevent this country being involved in war, on the ground of the executive power in France being vested in any particular person.” On 28 Apr. 1815 this motion was soundly defeated, 72 to 273 (Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, 30:347–53, 960–97; quotes on pp. 347, 969). Benjamin GALLOWAY may have read the newspaper account of this debate and vote in the Baltimore Patriot & Evening Advertiser, 21 June 1815. The debate had been published earlier in the New-York Courier, 30, 31 May, 7, 10, 12 June 1815, and the New-York Evening Post, 10, 12–14 June 1815.

QUOD DEUS AVERTAT: “which God forbid.”

Your favor of yesterday is this moment recieved and furnishes me matter of real regret: because there is nothing just & honorable which I would not cheerfully do for yourself or any member of your family. but the case in question stands thus. while I lived in Paris, I became acquainted with Thomas Appleton of Boston, then a young man, and recommended him to the old Congress as Consul for Leghorn, & he was appointed. on the commencement of the new government he was confirmed by Gen^l W. at my request.¹ he has been now about 30. years in possession of the office, has conducted himself with integrity & diligence and never done an act to incur blame from the government. under these circumstances it would be immoral in me to sollicit his removal.—I recieved a letter from him some months ago asking my aid to get him removed from Leghorn to Paris. I did nothing in it upon my general principle of declining these sollicitations. I know that Fulwar Skipwith was appointed to Paris, & was preparing to go when the return of Bonaparte suspended it; some former transactions having made it doubtful whether Bonaparte would recieve him &² whether our government could with propriety propose him. how this has been settled I know not. but in the event of Appleton’s removal to Paris there would be an opening at Leghorn. Appleton is not a man who could be put into comparison with your son on any original competition: but 30. years possession & approbation cannot fail to be a weight in his scale.³ I will chearfully communicate your wishes to the President by our next mail, on the hypothesis that Leghorn may be now vacant; yet I know at the same time that the president’s own dispositions to do any thing in his power which would be agreeable to yourself or your family will render my application merely an evidence of my wishes to be useful to you.⁴ While you were living in Albemarle you once proposed that a few of us should join in an enterprize to import our own plaister from Halifax, for the very just reason that we might recieve it clear of the exorbitant profits levied on it by the merchant. I should be glad [to]⁵ be one in such an adventure to the amount of 15. tons. probably yourself, mr Patterson & Gen^l Cocke might want what would make up a load for a vessel of 60. or 80. tons: and your present situation might enable you to engage some vessel from Halifax to return here with such a cargo on our account. there is living there as a merchant, a brother of Tho^s E. Randolph. perhaps we might engage his agency in it. or perhaps you could get some merchant in Richmond to transact the business for us on commission for a reasonable per cent. if any arrangement for this object be practicable I shall be glad to be concerned to the extent I have mentioned, and will concur in any advances requisite for it’s execution. Accept the assurance of my constant esteem & respect

RC (MHi); endorsed by Nicholas. PoC (DLC); on reused address cover of Thomas Law to TJ, 8 May 1815; torn at seal; at foot of first page: “Governor Nicholas”; endorsed by TJ. Tr (DLC: James Madison Papers); entirely in TJ’s hand; extract in TJ to Madison, 16 July 1815. PoC (DLC).

In a 14 Nov. 1788 letter to John Jay, TJ RECOMMENDED Thomas Appleton for a United States consulship at Rouen, France, not Leghorn (Livorno), Italy. Appleton was CONFIRMED as consul at Leghorn during the administration of John Adams, not George Washington. He remained in this post until his death in 1840 (PTJ, 14:60; JEP, 1:260, 5:290 [7, 8 Feb. 1798, 15 June 1840]). FULWAR SKIPWITH was nominated as consul at Paris on 2 Mar. 1815 and confirmed the following day (JEP, 2:626, 627). President Madison advised Wilson Cary Nicholas on 2 Aug. 1815 that Appleton would not be removed from the Leghorn consulship in favor of Robert Carter Nicholas (RC in MHi; endorsed by Wilson Cary Nicholas).

¹ Sentence interlined. Tr: “on the commencement of the new government he was confirmed by Gen^l Washington on my recommendation also.”

² Tr here adds “perhaps.”

³ In Tr this sentence is positioned above, immediately after “sollicit his removal.”

⁴ Tr begins after dateline and ends here.

⁵ Omitted word editorially supplied.

The enclosed letter from my worthy friend the Rev^d D^r Bentley of Salem has been some time in my posession, retained with the hope of delivering it to you personally. I now take the liberty of forwarding it, and of making myself known to you, feeling confident that, having from my youth cultivated the Sciences of Natural history and Botany, Sciences which you have not thought unworthy YOUR attention, you will not consider this as too great an intrusion, nor refuse to accept of the accompanying little work (the production of a few leisure months) and that I may even be permitted to hope you will not consider as impertinent the favor I am about to ask. Having resided several years in Spain and acquired a knowledge of the language, Commerce &c of that Country, I have been induced to offer myself as a candidate for a Consulate there, and understanding, a native citizen with Suitable recommendations would obtain that of Malaga, I have applied to my friends for their aid in this object. While I was in Spain my friends in this country volunteered a Strong recommendation in my favor for the consulate of Valencia (copy of which I take the liberty of enclosing) but owing to the State of the country at that time no consular appointments were made for it; and on my return to this country in 1812 I withdrew the application. I Shall receive the support of all the gentlemen whose Signatures are annexed to that paper, who are Still living, and of many others of equal respectability; but permit me Sir to add, that with none Should I feel So confident of Success, or personally so much gratified, as with the Support your name would give to my application: May I be permitted to Solicit it?

RC (DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1809–17); at foot of text: “His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Monticello”; endorsed by TJ as received 19 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures: (1) William Bentley to TJ, 16 Apr. 1812. (2) Rich, A Synopsis of the Genera of American Plants, According to the Latest Improvements on the Linnæn System: With the new Genera of Michaux and others (Georgetown, 1814). (3) Crowell Hatch and eleven other Boston merchants to James Madison, Sept. 1809, recommending Rich’s appointment as United States consul at Valencia in light of his current residence at that place, his “Talent, Integrity, and Love of Country,” and his recent efforts on behalf of American fisheries (Tr in DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1809–17; endorsed by Secretary of State James Monroe as “Relating to M^r Rich” and by an unidentified State Department clerk, in part, as “Sundry Merchants of Boston recommend M^r Rich to be Consul at Malaga”). Enclosed in TJ to Madison, 23 July 1815.

Obadiah Rich (1783–1850), merchant, diplomat, and bibliophile, was born at Truro, Massachusetts, but later resided in Boston where, as a young man, he was employed by Hatch. By 1809 Rich was an established merchant in Valencia, Spain. After returning to the United States in 1810, he settled two years later in Georgetown, where he was a founder of the Central Bank of Georgetown and Washington and a commissioner for the Georgetown Importing and Exporting Company. Rich served as the United States consul at Valencia from 1816 until his replacement early in Andrew Jackson’s presidency, but he moved to Madrid in 1823 in order to take charge of the archives of the American legation. While there, he collected books and manuscripts relating to the history of Spain and Latin America. Many of his purchases were later sold to American book collectors and libraries, with the bulk of his manuscript collection now housed at the New York Public Library. In 1828 Rich established a home and bookstore in London, where he published a gazetteer, A General View of the United States of America [1833; 2d ed., 1836]. He was the purchasing agent in London for the Library of Congress, 1830–50, and served as the United States consul at Port Mahon, on the Spanish island of Minorca, 1834–45. Rich maintained his London bookstore and continued to buy rare books and manuscripts until his death (ANB; DAB; Norman P. Tucker, “Obadiah Rich [1783–1850]: American in Spain,” in Vern G. Williamsen and A. F. Michael Atlee, eds., Studies in Honor of Ruth Lee Kennedy [1977], 133–46; Benjamin Homans to James Monroe, 24 July 1815 [DNA: RG 59, LAR, 1809–17]; Norwich [Conn.] Courier, 25 Oct. 1809; Georgetown Federal Republican, 10 Mar. 1815; Washington Daily National Intelligencer, 15 July 1815; JEP, 3:29, 34, 4:68, 447, 453, 7:6 [14 Feb., 6 Mar. 1816, 12 Mar. 1830, 10, 30 Dec. 1834, 18 Dec. 1845]; Rich, Bibliotheca Americana Nova; or, A Catalogue of Books in Various Languages, Relating to America, Printed Since the Year 1700 [1835]; Edwin Blake Brownrigg, Colonial Latin American Manuscripts and Transcripts in the Obadiah Rich Collection: An Inventory and Index [1978], vii–xv; William Dawson Johnston, History of the Library of Congress [1904], 1:226, 246, 350–1; Athenæum Journal of Literature, Science, and the Fine Arts [1850]: 102).

GENTLEMEN in Boston and men of equal respectability from Georgetown and Washington signed petitions and wrote letters recommending Rich in 1815. He requested a consular appointment to Málaga in his APPLICATION of 22 July 1815 to Secretary of State James Monroe. Failing to receive a reply, Rich then wrote Monroe on 22 Dec. 1815 and 11 Feb. 1816 asking for an appointment to Valencia instead (all DNA: RG 59, LAR [1809–17]).

The letter on the preceding page was written at the time of it’s date, but was witheld from the post office until I could learn that the remittance therein mentioned was actually made. this I learn from your favor of the 8^th this moment recieved. being anxious that the articles desired from France, and especially the books should get in before the bad weather of the winter sets in, I have only to repeat the requests of my letter, and as early an attention to them as is convenient with the assurance of my friendly esteem & respect.

RC (PPAmP: Vaughan Papers); on verso of RC of TJ to Vaughan, 11 July 1815, and sharing its address leaf; with Vaughan’s notation that it was received 24 July 1815 and answered 28 July 1815; with subjoined Trs of enclosures to Vaughan to TJ, 31 July 1815. PoC (DLC); on verso of PoC of TJ to Vaughan, 11 July 1815; on recto of reused address cover to TJ; endorsed by TJ, in part: “July 11. & 15. 15.”

We have the pleasure of informing you that at a meeting of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New york on the 13^th instant, you was elected an honorary member.

RC (MoSHi: TJC-BC); torn at seal; text and address cover in Mitchill’s hand, signed by Williamson and Mitchill; at foot of text in Mitchill’s hand: “Thomas Jefferson LL.D. &c”; addressed: “The honble Thomas Jefferson Virginia”; franked; postmarked New York, 8 Aug.; endorsed by TJ as received 16 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

Hugh Williamson (1735–1819), physician, public official, and author, was a native of West Nottingham, Chester County, Pennsylvania. He studied theology after graduating in 1757 from the College of Philadelphia (later the University of Pennsylvania) and was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Philadelphia. William son soon changed professions. He taught mathematics at his alma mater, 1760–63, studied in London and Edinburgh beginning in 1764, and received an M.D. from the University of Utrecht. Williamson then practiced medicine in Philadelphia before moving in 1777 to Charleston, South Carolina, and shortly thereafter to Edenton, North Carolina, where he kept a medical practice and engaged in trade with the French West Indies. During the Revolutionary War he served as surgeon general for the North Carolina militia, 1780–81. Williamson was a delegate in the North Carolina House of Commons in 1782 and 1785. He represented that state in the Continental Congress, 1782–85 and 1787–88; the 1787 Philadelphia Convention, where he signed the new United States Constitution; and the United States House of Representatives, 1790–93. Already a member of the American Philosophical Society when he moved to New York City in 1793, Williamson became a founder of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New-York and a member of the New-York Historical Society and New York City’s Humane Society. He published Observations on the Climate in Different Parts of America (New York, 1811), The History of North Carolina, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1812), and other books and essays on medical, political, and scientific topics. After his death TJ attested to Williamson’s erudition and usefulness to the public (ANB; DAB; David Hosack, A Biographical Memoir of Hugh Williamson, M.D. LL.D. [New York, 1820; Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 5 (no. 165)], esp. 31–2, 67; Louis W. Potts, “Hugh Williamson: The Poor Man’s Franklin and the National Domain,” North Carolina Historical Review 64 [1987]: 371–93; Samuel A. Ashe, ed., Bio graphical History of North Carolina [1906], 5:458–66; Literary and Philosophical Society of New-York, Transactions 1 [1815]: v–vii, xv–xvi; APS, Minutes, 2 Feb. 1768 [MS in PPAmP]; PTJ, esp. 7:569–70; New-York Evening Post, 24 May 1819).

Samuel Latham Mitchill (1764–1831), physician, educator, and public official, was born in Hempstead, New York. After serving a medical apprenticeship in New York City, 1781–83, he enrolled at the University of Edinburgh, receiving an M.D. in 1786. Mitchill was a professor of natural history, chemistry, and agriculture at Columbia College (later University), 1792–1801; professor successively of chemistry, natural history, and materia medica at the College of Physicans and Surgeons (later merged with Columbia University), 1807–26; and vice president of Rutgers Medical College (in New York City), 1826–30. He served three terms in the New York state legislature, 1792, 1798, and 1810, and he represented New York as a Jeffersonian Republican in the United States House of Representatives, 1801–04 and 1810–13, and the United States Senate, 1804–09. A member of the American Philosophical Society, Mitchill was a founder of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New-York, the New-York Institution for the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, and the Lyceum of Natural History in the City of New York (later the New York Academy of Sciences), and a president of the Society for the Promotion of Agricultural Arts and Manufactures of New York and the American Mineralogical Society. He was a founder in 1797 and longtime editor of the Medical Repository, a pioneering New York medical and scientific journal, and he authored numerous articles, orations, and books on scientific, cultural, and political topics, several of which TJ owned. Mitchill’s A Discourse on the Character and Services of Thomas Jefferson, more especially as a Promoter of Natural and Physical Science (1826) was based on his 11 Oct. 1826 address to the Lyceum of Natural History (ANB; DAB; Alan David Aberbach, In Search of An American Identity: Samuel Latham Mitchill, Jeffersonian Nationalist [1988]; Mitchill, Some of the Memorable Events and Occurrences in the Life of Samuel L. Mitchill, of New-York, from the Year 1786 to 1826 [ca. 1828]; “Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washington: 1801–1813,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 58 [1879]: 740–55; APS, Minutes, 21 Jan. 1791 [MS in PPAmP]; Literary and Philosophical Society of New-York, Transactions 1 [1815]: v–vii, xv–xvi; Directors of the New-York Institution for the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, Annual Report 25 [1844]: 13–8; Herman Le Roy Fairchild, A History of the New York Academy of Sciences, formerly the Lyceum of Natural History [1887], 52, 57–62; PTJ, esp. 32:18–9; Sowerby, nos. 670, 977, 4006; New-York Spectator, 9, 13 Sept. 1831).

I have duly recieved your favor explaining to me your improvement on the carding machine; but I am too little acquainted with that now in use to form any opinion of their comparative merits. the only part of your request therefore which I can answer respects the obtaining patent rights in France & England. in France before the revolution (I know not how it is since) no standing law allowed patent rights for inventions. a special law was necessary to be passed in every individual case, and was refused but for great discoveries promising important advantages; nor was it easy under that government to procure attention to a petition for this purpose. in England there is a standing law granting a patent as a matter of right on petition & payment of fees, amounting I believe to about 100. guineas, perhaps more. but the patent is void if for an invention used, before it’s date, in any other country. this last circumstance requires your attention.

M^r Breckenridge informs me you have invented a spinning machine which from it’s cheapness, simplicity and saving of labor is rapidly getting into general use. I should like to know in what this differs from the old spinning Jenny, or from Arkwright’s machines. these last will not answer in the country because they require nice workmen to keep them in repair. I have therefore used the Jenny, because our workmen can make them, and any body can repair them. I have three of these, carrying 24. threads each, in operation in my own family. but if there be any thing yet more simple & of equal effect I should prefer it. Accept the assurance of my respect.

PoC (DLC); on verso of reused address cover of Patrick Gibson to TJ, 28 Apr. 1815, for which see note to Gibson to TJ, 3 May 1815; at foot of text: “Mr Baxter”; endorsed by TJ. Enclosed in TJ to Joseph Cabell Breckinridge, 16 July 1815.

John George Baxter (d. 1826), machinist and inventor, emigrated from Dundee, Scotland, to Philadelphia and resided in 1807 in Philadelphia County, where he was working a year later at the Blockley Flax and Hemp Spinning Mill. He had previously been in New York; New London, Connecticut; and Boston. In 1809 Baxter advertised his improved looms and six-spindle machines that spun thread from flax, hemp, cotton, or wool, noting that he had thirty years of background in manufacturing with flax and hemp and considerable experience with cotton. He received a patent in 1811 for a “family cotton spinning machine.” Baxter moved about the same time to Lunenburg County, Virginia. His plan to manufacture his various machines there failed, and by 1813 he was in Philadelphia. Two years later Baxter had relocated to Kentucky, and he settled in Frankfort by 1825 (Josiah Stoddard Johnston, ed., Memorial History of Louisville from its First Settlement to the Year 1896 [1896], 1:623; Baxter to TJ, 1 Apr. 1807 [PHi]; The Process For Rotting Hemp [Philadelphia, 1808; broadside in DLC: TJ Papers; content by Thomas Cooper, with Baxter’s 21 Apr. 1808 covering letter]; Sag Harbor, N.Y., Suffolk Gazette, 8 Apr. 1809; List of Patents, 99; John S. Ravens croft to TJ, 21 July 1812; New York Commercial Advertiser, 8 Jan. 1814; John A. Paxton, The Philadelphia Directory and Register, for 1813 [Philadelphia, 1813]; Kite’s Philadelphia Directory for 1814 [Philadelphia, 1814]; Breckinridge to TJ, 20 June 1815; Frankfort Argus of Western America, 2 Mar. 1825; Brent Moore, A Study of the Past, the Present and the Possibilities of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky [1905], 55; Frankfort Commentator, 23 Sept. 1826).

Baxter’s undated letter explaining his improvements to the carding machine, not found, is recorded in SJL as received 5 July 1815 from Lexington, Kentucky. Although TJ expressed interest in acquiring one of Baxter’s carding machines in 1812, he bought a different one instead (TJ to Ravenscroft, 3 July 1812; TJ to Jacob Alrichs, 10 Aug. 1812; MB, 2:1287).

I hope that soon after the date of your letter of June 20.¹ you recieved my answer of June 12. to your preceding one of May 14. in compliance with that of June 20. I have writte[n] one to mr Baxter, which I inclose open for your perusal, and will ask the favor of you, after perusal, to have delivered to him. Accept the assurance of my great respect.

PoC (MHi); edge trimmed; at foot of text: “M^r Breckenridge”; endorsed by TJ. Enclosure: TJ to John George Baxter, 16 July 1815.

¹ Word added in margin.

I recieved yesterday from our friend Gov^r Nicholas a letter stating that very advantageous offers had been made to his son at Baltimore (late a colonel in the army) which would induce him to go and fix himself at Leghorn, and that it would add very much to his prospects to be appointed Consul there, and counting on my knolege of the character of his son, he supposed my testimony of it to you might befriend his views. with respect to the character of the son I should certainly bear honorable and ample testimony, as of a high order: but there is more than that in the case as it respects myself. I suppose the office to be at present full and that there are considerations due to the incumbent from myself. I cannot give you a better view therefore of the footing on which my answer to the governor places it, than by transcribing what related to it, as follows. ‘Your favor of yesterday is this moment recieved, and furnishes me matter of real regret; because there is nothing just and honorable which I would not cheerfully do for yourself or any member of your family. but the case in question stands thus. while I lived in Paris I became acquainted with Thomas Appleton of Boston then a young man, and recommended him to the Old Congress as Consul at Leghorn, & he was appointed. on the commencement of the new government he was confirmed by Gen^l Washington on my recommendation also. he has been now about 30. years in possession of the office, has conducted himself with integrity and diligence, and has never done an act to incur blame from the government. under these circumstances it would be immoral in me to sollicit his removal. he is not a man who could be put into comparison with your son on any original competition; but 30. years of possession &¹ approbation cannot fail to be a weight in his scale. I recieved a letter from him some months ago asking my aid to get him removed to Paris from Leghorn. I did nothing in it upon my general principle of declining these sollicitations. I know that Fulwar Skipwith was appointed to Paris, and was preparing to go, when the return of Bonaparte suspended it, some former transactions having made it doubtful whether he would recieve him, and perhaps whether our government could with propriety propose him. how this has been settled I know not. but in the event of Appleton’s removal to Paris, there would be an opening at Leghorn. on the hypothesis therefore that Leghorn may be now vacant I will chearfully communicate your wishes to the President by our next mail. yet I know at the same time that the President’s own dispositions to do any thing in his power which would be agreeable to yourself or your family will render my application merely an evidence of my wishes to be useful to you.’ this extract placing the case fully before you, I will add nothing more to the trouble of reading it but the assurances of my affectionate attachment and respect

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); addressed: “James Madison President of the US at Washington”; franked; postmarked Charlottesville, 19 July; endorsed by Madison. PoC (DLC); on reused address cover to TJ; endorsed by TJ.

TJ’s ANSWER to Governor Wilson Cary Nicholas was dated 15 July 1815.

¹ Manuscript: “& and.”

I thank you, Sir, for the pamphlet which you have been so kind as to send me. I have read it with attention & satisfaction. it is replete with sound views, some of which will doubtless be adopted. some may be checked by difficulties. none more likely to be so than the proposition to amend the constitution so as to authorise Congress to tax exports. the provision against this in the framing of that instrument, was a sine qua non with the states of peculiar productions, as rice, indigo, cotton & tobacco, to which may now be added sugar. a jealousy prevailing that to the few states producing these articles, the justice of the others might not be a sufficient protection in opposition to their interest, they moored themselves to this anchor. since the hostile dispositions lately manifested by the Eastern states, they would be less willing than before to place themselves at their mercy: and the rather as the Eastern states have no exports which can be taxed equivalently. it is possible however that this difficulty might be got over: but the subject looking forward beyond my time, I leave it to those to whom it’s burthens & benefits will belong adding only my prayers for whatever may be best for our country and assurances to yourself of my great respect.

PoC (DLC); at foot of text: “Andrew C. Mitchell esq.” Tr (MHi); posthumous copy.

On pp. 30–42 of The Second Crisis of America (for which see his 23 June 1815 letter to TJ), Mitchell calls for a convention TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION, particularly Article I, section 9, which prohibits Congress from imposing any tax or duty on exports. He argues that an export tax will raise needed revenue; that “when there is not a competitor to undersell in the market abroad,” such a duty is “always paid by the consumer” (p. 40); and that it should be placed on a number of products, including tobacco, flaxseed, rice, beef, pork, ginseng, wool, and cotton.

Harry will deliver Mr Jefferson the above bale of Cotton—Mr Johnson was unloaded at the Locks & I thought it better to send it by the present opportunity than to wait his return

RC (ViU: TJP-ER); in Ligon’s hand; dateline at foot of text; with unrelated calculations by TJ on verso; endorsed by TJ: “Gibson Patrick.”

HARRY worked as a boatman out of Richmond for his owner, Thomas Mann Randolph (George Jefferson to TJ, 23 Aug. 1811; Gibson to TJ, 22 Dec. 1815).

I take the liberty of addressing you as the friend of literary establishments, on a subject which may be beneficial to the youth of this state. I received a few days since, a letter from Professor Thomas Cooper of Carlisle College informing me that he quits that seminary in October next, and has yet fixed on no future place of residence and wishes that I might suggest some situation that would suit. It is unnecessary for me to inform you of the acquirements and Talents of Professor Cooper as you are certainly well acquainted with his character as a man of science¹ and general literature. Being confident that any literary establishment of which Professor Cooper was the President, would flourish, I have thought that the situation of Charlottesville would be an eligible one for this purpose; and as you have no seminary of consequence in that neighbourhood I should suppose the Gentlemen of the county would patronise such an institution. Professor Cooper writes me that he would divide his time between Chemical students and Law Students provided he could reasonably expect 2000 Dollars a year. From the unhealthy state of Petersburgh and the bad health which I myself have enjoyed for the last two years, I should also gladly remove to Charlottesville in the event of M^r Cooper’s coming and with the assistance of a good classical teacher I think a seminary of some importance and utility might be formed, as that village possesses all the local advantages for the education of youth. Professor Cooper’s sole motive for leaving Carlisle I believe is the bigotry and the prejudice of the Clergy who I understand usurp the control of the College. I received only yesterday a letter from Professor Blackburn of Columbia College South Carolina late of Williamsburg telling me he has been under the necessity of resigning his Professorship from the same cause the persecution of the Clergy. It is very remarkable that in this country Clerical influence should prevail in our Colleges much more than in the Seminaries of Europe. I should esteem it a favour if you would as soon as your conveniency permit give me your opinion as to the success of such a seminary. Requesting you will present my respects to Colonel Randolph and M^r Thomas Jefferson Randolph

RC (DLC); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r Monticello by Milton Albemarle”; stamp canceled; franked; postmarked Petersburg, 19 July; endorsed by TJ as received 24 July but recorded in SJL as received 28 July 1815.

COLUMBIA COLLEGE: South Carolina College (now the University of South Carolina) in Columbia, South Carolina.

¹ Manuscript: “sience.”

I recieved yesterday your favor of the 9^th and observe one article in it requiring immediate answer, that which relates to the using our wheat for bread, instead of purchasing corn. the price of last year’s flour now at Richmond is 8.D. & of this year’s 10.D. which is equal to 8/ and 10/ for wheat; and war in Europe, now I think absolutely certain, will ensure the last price at least, thro’ the year. this is equal to 9/ a bushel at Lynchbg. we had certainly then better buy corn at any price it has ever been sold at, & pay for the hauling than eat wheat at 9/. it would be much most convenient to me if it can be bought on credit, till our flour can get to Richmond & be sold. if not, then on a credit of 60. days before which I shall be with you and can meet it. if nothing but the cash will do, then if mr Robertson will advance it, & you immediately advise me of the amount, it shall be placed at his credit in Richmond, within 5. days after I recieve your letter, or shall be ordered up to him at Lynchburg as he chuses.

The toll for crushing and grinding plaister is uniformly one eighth here. I have ground for the neighborhood at my mill & always recieved that, and it is willingly paid. my workmen are engaged in shingling a barn; and the moment that is done they will set out for Poplar forest, & myself the day after them. this will be within three or four weeks. there will be one white, (a brother of mr Goodman) and from 4. to 6. or 7. blacks as I shall find convenient. with respect to the overseers, you know I placed them absolutely at your command. do as you please on that subject without waiting to consult m[e.] if you can rub thro’ the year with them (and I expect certainly you ma[y] with one, if not both) it will be better than to be embarrassed with a law suit: for the wages are not the only damages which may be claimed, and costs would probably be high, especially if sued here.

the best overseer I have ever employed leaves this place this year for a fault which perhaps he might not contract at a new place. it has lost him here the respect of those under him. if you should not have a better offer, we may consider, when I come up, whether we may trust him, if he should not get new business in the mean time which he will easily do here.—I am glad you approve my plan of culture, because it will be the more agreeable to you to pursue it. it’s general effect is this. one third of the farm (2 fields out of 6.) is in wheat for market & profit. one sixth (that is one field) is in corn for bread for the laborers. the remaining half of the farm, that is to say, one field in peas or oats, one field in clover for cutting, and one in clover for pasture, is for the sustenance of the stock of the farm, aided by 8. acres of pumpkins at each place, which feeds every thing¹ two months in the year & fattens the pork, and as much timothy as our meadow ground can be made to yield, which is very important when the clover crop fails from drought, a frequent occurrence. on this plan I know it to be unnecessary that a single grain of corn should ever² be given to any animal, unless a little perhaps to finish the fattening pork; but even for that peas are as good. of these you may certainly count on 10. bushels to the acre, which on 160. acres will be 1600. bushels, or 320. barrels, equal to that much corn, and all fall-fallowing will be saved. to the produce for market my plan adds 80 tobacco hills at each place, as much of it on first year’s land as can be cleared. if this plan be fully executed, I will most gladly take all risk of the result to myself, and my own blame. Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect

PoC (MHi); on reused address cover to TJ; one word faint in dateline; edge trimmed; at foot of first page: “M^r Yancey”; endorsed by TJ.

Yancey’s missing favor of the 9^th July is not recorded in SJL. William Ballard, the best overseer, was employed at Tufton farm (Agreement with Ballard, 18 July 1813; TJ’s Account with Ballard, 20 Oct. 1815). each place: TJ’s Bear Creek and Tomahawk plantations at Poplar Forest.

¹ Preceding two words interlined.

² Word interlined.

I shall have occasion for 600. feet, running measure of scantling 5¼ Inches square, clear of the saw, all of heart poplar, without a speck of sap. when we use it it will be cut into lengths of 2 f 8 I. for ballusters. the stocks therefore must be of such lengths as to cut into these smaller lengths of 2 f 8 I. without waste.

PoC (MHi); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; undated; signature faint; subjoined to covering letter; at head of text: “A note for mr Atkinson.” Not recorded in SJL. Enclosed in TJ to Joel Yancey, 21 July 1815.

Michael Atkinson operated a sawmill in Campbell County, where he paid tax on six slaves in 1816 and lived until at least 1820. TJ had engaged Atkinson’s services for his Poplar Forest estate by 1814. He paid Atkinson a total of $113.89 between 20 May and 29 Sept. 1815 (TJ to Jeremiah A. Goodman, 11 July 1814; MB, 2:1309, 1310, 1314; Vi: RG 48, Personal Property Tax Returns, Campbell Co., 1816–20; DNA: RG 29, CS, Campbell Co., 1820).

M^r Garrett has just had the misfortune to lose his youngest child. It is the request of M^rs Garrett, many of whose connections have been buried there, that you will permit his remains to be deposited in the burial ground at Monticello. In his affliction M^r Garrett has desired me to present the request to you—

RC (MHi); dateline at foot of text; addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r Monticello”; endorsed by TJ: “Garrett Arch.”

No gravestone survives at Monticello for the YOUNGEST CHILD of Alexander Garrett and Evelina Bolling Garrett, who are both buried there. Evelina Bolling Garrett’s CONNECTIONS to Monticello came through her grandmother, TJ’s sister Mary Jefferson Bolling (Shackelford, Descendants, 1:38, 261, 2:217; Wyndham Robertson, Pocahontas, alias Matoaka, and her Descendants [1887], 32, 35, 41).

In my letter of the 18^th I omitted a material article, which was to give the inclosed bill to mr Atkinson & get him to saw it immediately so as to have it ready on the arrival of the carpenters. there are, I imagine, belted poplars in the cleared grounds sufficient to furnish the stocks, for I do not suppose they will take more than 3. or 4. trees. he will need help in pitting, but the shorter he makes the stocks the less help he will need.—in your provision of bread about 3. or 4. barrels must be allowed for the carpenters. Accept the assurances of my esteem & respect

PoC (MHi); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; adjacent to signature: “M^r Yancey”; with PoC of enclosure subjoined; endorsed by TJ. Enclosure: TJ to Michael Atkinson, [ca. 21 July 1815].

Yancey’s 29 July 1815 reply to TJ, not found, is recorded in SJL as received 11 Aug. 1815 from Bedford.

I rec^d your favour of the 16. curr^t by the last mail. On enquiry I find that M^r David Michie left this place with his family about the middle or 20^th of last month he is no doubt now residing in Albemarle or Louisa. The Serg^t of the City informed me yesterday that he had not been in Richmond since he rec^d your notices, but that when he returned to town which was expected to be in a short time, that he would attend to it

I return you the blank notices, they will answer if he is in Albemarle. I have procured for you one Doz Lemmon Acid which I will endeavour to place in the care of M^r Opie Norris who goes by tomorrows Stage price $2 50. It will give me much pleasure to render you any service in this place

RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures not found.

TJ’s letter to Wardlaw OF THE 16. 26 CURR^T and his 14 June 1815 message to the SERG^T OF THE CITY of Richmond, William D. Wren, are both recorded in SJL, but neither has been found.

I thank you for the very splendid morsel of eloquence which you have been so kind as to send me. it is a happy and pregnant example to the orators of the 4^th of July, of change from the hackneyed topics of 1776, to those of the current year. I have read it with sensations very different from those which will be felt by our recreant citizens of the East. if theirs be sensations of sorrow ‘I shall rejoice; not that¹ they were made sorry; but, in the hope, that they sorrow to repentance.’ with wishes that a return of fidelity to their country, and of affection for their fellow citizens, may furnish you with themes for equally eloquent eulogies on the future anniversaries of our independance, accept my salutations and assurances of respect

RC (CtY: Franklin Collection); addressed: “M^r James T. Austin Boston”; franked; postmarked Charlottesville, 26 July. PoC (DLC).

I SHALL REJOICE . . . SORROW TO REPENTANCE is from the Bible, 2 Corinthians 7.9.

¹ Manuscript: “that that.”

I thank you, Sir, for the eloquent oration you have been so kind as to send me. it is always matter of comfort to observe the heirs of that independance which has signalised in history the age of their fathers, recalling it to memory, and hallowing it’s principles. their own deeds by sea and land are worthy sequels of it, and earnests that they will faithfully maintain it: and we do but justice in offering our prayers to heaven for the maintenance of independance to the friendly nation which aided us in the establishment of our own, and the support of their choice of a ruler, whatever we may have thought of his former enterprises on the peace and freedom of the world. Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect

PoC (DLC); at foot of text: “Samuel Berrian esq. New York.”

Samuel Berrian (d. 1819), attorney, operated a circulating library in New York City, 1803–08. He received an A.B. degree from Columbia College (later University) in 1809. In 1812 Berrian was admitted to practice law in the New York State Supreme Court. He was a member of New York City’s Tammany Society or Columbian Order and the Hibernian Provident Society (Berrian, A Catalogue, of Samuel Berrian’s Increasing and Circulating Library, No. [20] Chatham-Street [New York, 1803; bracketed number inserted by hand]; Longworth’s New York Directory [1804]: 84; [1808]: 76; Milton Halsey Thomas, Columbia University Officers and Alumni 1754–1857 [1936], 125; New York Public Advertiser, 3 July 1811; New York Mercantile Advertiser, 2 Nov. 1812; New York National Advocate, 4 July 1815, 4 Apr. 1817; New-York Evening Post, 13 Nov. 1819).

The ORATION that Berrian sent TJ, one of at least three such efforts that he published, was An Oration, delivered before the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, Hibernian Provident, Columbian, and Shipwright’s Societies, in the City of New-York, on the Fourth Day of July, 1815 (New York, 1815; Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 13 [no. 818]; TJ’s copy at ViU). France was the FRIENDLY NATION and Napoleon the RULER.

I have to acknolege the reciept of your favor of the 12^th and to thank you for your attention to the box of seeds. this is an annual present from the National garden of France to this country the disposal of which is confided to me. I will pray you therefore to forward it to [m]r Bernard M^cMahon gardener of Philadelphia, who will be most likely to disseminate the useful things the box contains. the stage would be the safest conveyance, if any passenger would so far aid this benevolent work as to take it under his care to Philadelphia. whatever expences you may have incurred by this charge shall be instantly remitted on your being so kind as to inform me of their amount. with my thanks be pleased to accept the assurances of my esteem & respect.

PoC (DLC); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; two words faint; at foot of text: “M^r Guestier”; endorsed by TJ.

André Thoüin sent the present of seeds.

With the return of peace, my old friend Thouin returns to a recollection of me in his annual presents of seeds. a box of them is just arrived at Baltimore to the care of mr P. A Guestier merchant of that place. I have desired him to forward it to you, and if possible by some stage passenger who will take charge of it to Philadelphia. I have taken on myself all charges to Baltimore. Accept assurances of my esteem & respect

RC (DGU: Presidential Autograph Collection); addressed: “M^r Bernard M^cMahon Philadelphia”; franked; postmarked Charlottesville, 26 July; endorsed by McMahon. PoC (DLC); on verso of a portion of an unidentified document in an unknown hand, reading in its entirety “Directions for Aggy”; endorsed by TJ.

One of those cases now occurs which oblige me to relax from my general wish not to add to your troubles in the disposal of offices. I inclose you the papers which produce the occasion, and they will present to you all the grounds of interest which I can possibly feel in the success of the application. they will have with you exactly the weight they intrinsically merit & no more. Accept the assurance of my constant friendship and respect

RC (DLC: Madison Papers); endorsed by Madison. PoC (MHi); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; at foot of text: “The President of the US.”; endorsed by TJ. Enclosures: Obadiah Rich to TJ, 15 July 1815, and third enclosure to that letter.

I thank you for the botanical synopsis you have been so kind as to send me. it is a science to which I was formerly much attached; but long abstraction from it by other duties has lessened my familiarity with it. it is too a science peculiarly addressed to the memory, a faculty among the first which suffers decay from years. I still however recieve the synopsis thankfully as a mark of your kind attention, and an evidence of your science in so valuable a branch of knolege

I now write to the President on the subject of your request of the Consulship of Malaga, and forward to him the recommendations recieved with your letter. whether the place be vacant or not, I am not informed. possession of it in another would certainly be an obstacle of weight, as yourself would wish it to be should you recieve the appointment. if vacant the respectability of your recommendations will undoubtedly command attention. with my best wishes for your success, Accept the assurance of my great respect

PoC (MHi); on verso of reused address cover of Peter A. Guestier to TJ, 12 July 1815; with most of a line of text repeated due to a malfunction of the polygraph and then canceled by TJ; at foot of text: “M^r Oliver Rich”; endorsed by TJ as a letter to “Rich Oliver” and so recorded in SJL.

Before the reciept of your favor of July 14. I had recieved one from Gov^r Nicholas on the same subject; had answered it and written to the President. I stated to mr Nicholas, that mr Appleton had been appointed by the old Congress on my sollicitation to the Consulship of Leghorn; had been confirmed by Gen^l Washington, on my recommendation also, at the commencement of this government; that he had now held the office near 30. years, and had never done any thing within my knolege, incurring blame from the government; and that therefore no principle of morality would permit me to sollicit his removal, however ready I was to do any thing for himself or any member of his family which was just or honorable: that I had learned that mr Appleton had sollicited a removal to another Consulship, in which if he had been succesful, that of Leghorn was of course vacant, and certainly no one more worthy of it than Col^o Nicholas; and that on the hypothesis of a vacancy I would write to the President: and I did so. whether the place was vacant or not I have not learnt; but I am sure, if it was, that the president’s friendship to Gov^r Nicholas and his knolege of the merits of the son will ensure him the appointment. The atrocious & disorganising enterprize of the allied powers against the independance of France has made me at length a sincere votary for success to Bonaparte. he is now engaged in a cause the reverse of that he has heretofore acted in: and if they succeed in carving Europe up into new divisions and regulating their governments we can expect no other favor than that of being last devoured. with my affectionate respects to your brother accept the same for yourself, with an assurance of my gratification with every opportunity of repeating them

PoC (DLC); on verso of reused address cover from Patrick Gibson (in James Ligon’s hand) to TJ; at foot of text: “Gen^l Sam^l Smith”; endorsed by TJ. In Homer’s Odyssey, bk. 9, the cyclops Polyphemus offered Ulysses the privilege of BEING LAST DEVOURED.

Nous devions partir demain le bon Corréa et moi pour vous voir à Mounticello. Nous n’avons pu être plus tot prêts l’un et l’autre.

Mais comme il fallait passer à Washington, et nous y arrêter un peu, nous avons craint que le moindre accident arrivé en route ne nous retardât, et ne nous fit nous présenter à votre Porte qu’après votre départ que vous nous avez annoncé pour le 6 august, ou Si près de ce moment que nous vous gênassions ou vous dérangeassions.

Nous remettons ce Voyage, qui nous fera tant de plaisir, jusqu’à votre retour Sur lequel nous comptons du 6 au 10 octobre.

J’ai un extrême désir de vous voir: et j’espere le pouvoir tous les ans, car je ne quitterai plus l’Amérique.

The good Corrêa and I were to leave tomorrow to come see you at Monticello. Neither of us were ready any earlier than this.

As we need to pass through Washington and stay there awhile, we feared that the slightest accident on the road would delay us and cause us to pre sent ourselves at your door either after your departure, which you had told us would take place on 6 August, or so close to that time that we would bother or upset you.

We are therefore postponing this trip, which will give us so much pleasure, until your return, which we expect will be between 6 and 10 October.

I want very much to see you, and I hope to be able to do so every year, as I will never leave America again.

RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 28 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. RC (MHi); address cover only; with PoC of TJ to Henry Sheaff, 11 Aug. 1815, on verso; addressed: “Th. Jefferson, Esqre late President of the United States, Mounticello”; franked; postmarked Wilmington, Del., 25 July. Tr (DeGH: Henry A. du Pont Papers, Winterthur Manuscripts); posthumous copy. Translation by Dr. Genevieve Moene.

Henry’s resolutions, as given by Judge Marshall, were copied from Prior Documents. Your conjecture that the 5^th resolution was the 5^th as offered by M^r Henry, or at all events that which produced “the bloody debate” derives great strength from the resolutions of Rhode Island of which I enclose you a copy. These were obviously copied with a few slight variations from the Resolutions of Virginia, and retain the 5^th resolution which was expunged here. But how did this 5^th resolution get to Rhode Island, having been expunged from our Journals?—probably by a letter from George Johnston, or some other patriot in our house. I think you are mistaken in supposing that George Johnston wrote the resolutions. M^r Edmund Randolph has left a history of Virginia in which he says that William Fleming wrote them. And M^r Henry, on the back of the resolutions left by him, of which I sent you a copy, expressly says that he wrote them himself on the blank leaf of an old law book, and shewed them only to George Johnston and William Fleming before they were offered to the house. Judge Tyler says on the parol statement of M^r Henry, that they were written by him on the blank leaf of an old Coke upon Littleton. Nor does it seem to me that the style of the resolutions is at all above M^r Henry, but, on the contrary, very much like him. There remain in the office of the clerk of the House of Delegates several of his original letters fully equal to the Resolutions in point of composition.—

It would form a very interesting back ground to the portrait of Henry in exhibiting his resolutions, to give a sketch of the distinguished members who opposed them. I have been attempting some, of whom I write by information, without the aid of any personal knowledge, save the little which I saw of M^r Pendleton and M^r Wythe after they were in ruins. Will you take the trouble to examine these sketches of character and to correct or to enlarge¹ them where they require it.—You have not the journal of ’65—I send you a list of the members, and beg you to give me a sketch of any others who may strike you as deserving it. Landon Carter was a writer. I have seen his pamphlet in support of the Two Penny act, and thought it very well—I have been able to learn nothing more of him. M^r Thomas L. Lee is highly spoken of by M^r E. Randolph; but not as a public speaker. I would be obliged to you to mark off those of the members who were considered as composing the aristocracy of the day. and if you could add a statement of the differences between the classes of society and the lines of demarcation which seperated them, you would oblige me very much.

Will you give me leave to found myself on your statements in the following particulars—1^st in regard to the project of the loan office and its defeat—2 In regard to Josiah Philips—and 3^rdly as to the addresses from congress prepared by Henry & Lee, and superseded by those from Jay & Dickinson?—You may rely upon it that I shall make no use of your name, except so far as you may permit it.—

I do not perceive that Robert C. Nicholas was a member of the House in ’65—Edmund Randolph says that he came in, on the death of Peyton Randolph, and, in his place, as the delegate for W^ms Burg. The interest which you take in every thing that relates to the history and character of Your country, saves me the necessity of those frequent apologies which I should otherwise feel myself bound to make to you for the² trouble I give you.

It has just occurred to me that as you saw M^r Henry in 59–60 it will be in your power to give me a more distinct picture of his mind, information & manners at that period, than any other person who has described him to me—That was three years before his display in the parson’s cause—before he had studied the law and before his talent for public speaking is said to have been dreamed of—Will you be so good as to tell me how he struck you at that time.

P.S. The manuscript Journal of ’65 is not to be found.—Philips was indicted, tried convicted & executed³ for Robbery. I have now the original indictment with the names of the witnesses before me and will send you a copy if you desire it.

RC (DLC); addressed: “M^r Jefferson”; endorsed by TJ as received 31 July 1815 and so recorded in SJL. Tr (MdHi: Wirt Papers); misdated 21 July 1815.

Patrick Henry’s Stamp Act RESOLUTIONS were given in John Marshall, The Life of George Washington (Philadelphia, 1804–07; Sowerby, no. 496), vol. 2, backmatter, pp. 25–7, which copied them from A Collection of Interesting, Authentic Papers, relative to the Dispute between Great Britain and America (London, 1777), 6–7. The earlier work was often referred to by its running head, PRIOR DOCUMENTS.

At his death in 1813, Edmund Randolph left a manuscript of his as yet unpublished history of virginia, which Wirt borrowed from the family while writing his biography of Henry (Randolph, HISTORY OF VIRGINIA, ed. Arthur H. Shaffer [1970]; Wirt, Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry [Philadelphia, 1817; Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 4 (no. 131)]). Wirt enclosed a copy of Henry’s resolutions in a 27 July 1814 letter to TJ. Henry reputedly wrote the resolutions on the BLANK LEAF of a copy of Edward Coke, The First Part of the Institutes of the Lawes of England: or A Commentary upon Littleton (4th ed., London, 1639, and other eds.; Sowerby, no. 1781).

TJ’s 5 Aug. 1815 reply shows that Wirt enclosed draft SKETCHES OF CHARACTER, not found, of Henry’s contemporary burgesses. TJ had relayed anecdotes about the PROJECT OF THE LOAN OFFICE AND ITS DEFEAT and the ADDRESSES FROM CONGRESS in his Notes on Patrick Henry, printed above at 12 Apr. 1812. ROBERT C. nicholas served regularly in the Virginia legislature from 1756 to 1778, except for the 1761–65 General Assembly (Leonard, General Assembly). PEYTON RANDOLPH died on 22 Oct. 1775 (ANB). Edmund Randolph did not serve as a DELEGATE in the Fourth Virginia Convention, 1 Dec. 1775–20 Jan. 1776, but he did represent Williamsburg in the Fifth Convention, 6 May–5 July 1776 (Leonard, General Assembly).

¹ Preceding three words interlined.

² Wirt here canceled “frequency.”

³ Preceding two words interlined.

William Wirt’s Notes on Membership in
the Virginia House of Burgesses and the
Rhode Island Stamp Act Resolves

On a more attentive persual, I find that the Journal of ’64 which you have, contains the names of the members who composed the house of burgesses in ’65. So that it becomes unnecessary to send you the list of members promissed in my letter. On the first day of May ’65 being the first of the session, 4 new writs of election were moved for. 1^st for Chesterfield to supply the place of Richard Eppes who had died. 2^nd for Amelia, to supply that of M^r Greenhill who had accepted the place of Sheriff 3^rd for Lunenburg, to supply that of M^r Clement Read, appointed coroner. and 4^th for Louisa, in the room of William Johnston also appointed coroner. The tradition is that Colo. Johnston vacated his seat for the express purpose of letting in Henry to oppose the Stamp act. The first appearance of a new member on either of those writs is on the 18^th May. the name of the member is not given. On monday the 20^th another member appeared and then it is added—“Ordered that M^r Ward be added to the committee of claims—and M^r Henry to the courts of justice.” Henry’s first appearance therefore was on the 18^th or 20^th of May. Other writs of election had been moved for after the 1^st of May, and in the course of the session the new members took their seats from time to time; but no farther¹ notice is taken of names ’till the 30^th of May when there is an order that M^r Read, M^r Carrington, M^r William Taylor & M^r Robert Munford should be added to a committee This is all the information which the journal of 65 affords as to the new members.

By the Pennsylvania Gazette of August 29. 1765—Printed by B. Franklin Postmaster, and D. Hall, It appears, that the town of Providence on the 13^th of that month instructed their² Deputies in General assembly to insist on the exclusive³ right of the colony to tax itself, and proposed a set of resolutions, which were afterwards adopted, in substance & nearly in words, by the Assembly, as follows—(Resolutions of Rhode I. & P. P. extracted from the

1. That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty’s Colony and Dominion of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, brought with them and transmitted to their Posterity, and all other his Majesty’s Subjects, since inhabating in this his Majesty’s Colony, all the Privileges and Immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed and possessed by the People of Great Britain

2. That by a charter, granted by King Charles the Second, in the 15^th year of his Reign,⁵ the Colony aforesaid is declared intitled to all Privileges and Immunities of natural born Subjects, to all Intents and Purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the Realm of England.

3. That his majesty’s liege people of this Colony have enjoyed the Right of being governed by their own Assembly in the Article of Taxes and internal Police; and that the same have never been forfeited or any other Way yielded up, but have been constantly recognized by the King & People of Great Britain.

4. That therefore⁶ the General Assembly of this Colony have in their Representative⁷ Capacity, the only exclusive Right to lay Taxes and Imposts upon the Inhabitants of this Colony: and that Every Attempt to vest such Power in any Person or Persons whatever⁸ other than the General Assembly aforesaid is unconstitutional, and hath a manifest Tendency to destroy⁹ the Liberties of the People of this Colony.

5. That his Majesty’s liege People the Inhabitants of this Colony are not bound to yield Obedience to any Law or Ordinance designed to impose any internal Taxation whatsoever upon them other than the Laws or Ordinances of the General Assembly, aforesaid.¹⁰

6. That all the officers in this colony appointed by the authority thereof be and they are hereby directed to proceed in the execution of their respective offices in the same manner as usual: and that this assembly will indemnify and save harmless all the said officers on account of their conduct agreable to this Resolution.

MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 204:36368–9); in Wirt’s hand; undated; endorsed by Wirt: “Members of the house of Burgesses of Virginia in 1765. and Resolutions of R. Island, in the same year.”

A 13 Aug. 1765 town meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, INSTRUCTED its representatives to propose a series of resolves on the Stamp Act to the Rhode Island General Assembly (Providence Gazette, extraordinary ed., 24 Aug. 1765, repr. in Pennsylvania Gazette, 29 Aug. 1765). At its session the following month the legislature passed a set of similar resolutions, which were printed in that year’s session laws (September, 1765. At the General Assembly Of the Governor and Company of the English Colony of Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantations . . . begun and holden [by Adjournment] at East-Greenwich . . . [Newport, 1765], 59–60) and EXTRACTED with only minor differences in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 26 Sept. 1765, from which Wirt copied. Significant differences between the Providence resolves (as given in the Providence Gazette) and those adopted by the Rhode Island General Assembly are noted below.

¹ Word interlined.

² Wirt here canceled “Delegates.”

³ Word interlined.

⁴ Omitted closing parenthesis editorially supplied.

⁵ Providence resolve from this point reads “it is declared and granted unto the Governor and Company of this Colony, and their Successors, that all and every the Subjects of his said Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, which were then planted within the said Colony, or which should thereafter go to inhabit within the said Colony, and all and every of their Children, which had been born there, or which should afterwards be born there, or on the Sea going thither, or returning from thence, should have and enjoy all Liberties and Immunities of free and natural Subjects within any the Dominions of his said Majesty, his Heirs or Successors; to all Intents, Constructions, and Purposes, whatsoever, as if they and every of them were born within the Realm of England.”

⁶ Providence resolve here adds “his Majesty or his Substitutes, together with.”

⁷ Wirt here canceled “character.”

⁸ Providence resolve: “whatsoever.”

⁹ Providence resolve from this point reads “British, as well as American Liberty.”

¹⁰ Providence resolves end here.

The favor with which you honored me, in acknowledging the receipt of a copy of Co^l Taylor’s Arator, which I had forwarded by Mail, to you, came duly to hand, and I am grateful for your attention to the liberty I took, inasmuch as I am so far afforded an opportunity to offer you my services as a Printer, if I can be useful to you in the line of my profession.—A report has reached me, that the Hon. Tho^s M. Randolph is preparing for publication some answer or criticism to Arator, he having taken some personal exceptions at some passages of it.—As I have not the honor of being personally known to this gentleman, may I ask it as a particular favor of you, Sir, (from your convenience to him) to represent me and my profession to him, with a view to serve him in his publication if he should desire it? I feel myself equal or better qualified to this end, than any other person of my profession, that I know of, if I may suppose that M^r R. should be desirous for his publication to take the same range or distribution that Arator has done, with a view to an equal hearing;—as a knowledge of which rests alone with me,—and I would use every means in my power to publish and circulate the work in question, with the utmost facility.

I would avail this opportunity also, Sir, barely to acquaint you with an intimation I have had, concerning a Correspondence in which you are engaged with the Hon. John Adams of Massachusetts, which, when concluded, may be designed for publication—in which event, I should consider myself highly favored with the execution of it.

RC (MHi); at foot of text: “Hon. Thos. Jefferson Monticello”; endorsed by TJ as received 3 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

Since I saw you I have been informed that m^r Willson intends continuing his School in milton for another year I do not think that the place could maintain two schools and that there may be no clashing of interest—I must for the present decline accepting the very generous offer You did me the honour to make of your house, offices, &c

Be pleased to accept my hearty thanks, & believe me to be your most Humble & Ob^t Ser^t

RC (MHi); dateline beneath signature; addressed: “M^r Jefferson Monticello”; endorsed by TJ as received 5 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

John Robertson (1767–1818), teacher, was born in Govan, near Glasgow, Scotland, and immigrated to the United States about 1791. TJ considered him an excellent teacher of the classics. Robertson kept schools in both Albemarle and Culpeper counties, and at the time of his death he was employed as a tutor at Springfield, the Culpeper County estate of Philip Slaughter. An inventory of Robertson’s personal property listed more than 450 volumes in his library and valued them at $1,038.68, more than half of a total value of $1,835.60 that also included two slaves (Lindsay G. Robertson, “Robertsons of Virginia, 1791–1987: John Robertson, Sarah Brand and their Descendants” [1987 typescript in ViCAHi], 1–7; Woods, Albemarle, 86, 149; TJ to John Wayles Eppes, 18 Apr. 1813; Raleigh Travers Green, Genealogical and Historical Notes on Culpeper County, Virginia [1900], 24; Albemarle Co. Will Book, 7:33–8; Richmond Enquirer, 20 Oct. 1818).

Your favor of the 5^th is recieved and enabled me to send off my letters for Paris through mr Vaughan. I had been assured by the miller at the Shadwell mills that 213. Barrels of flour had been sent off on my account¹ addressed to you. it was in payment of a year’s rent of the mills. your letter was the first notice that the whole had not gone to you, and setting me on further enquiry I found that on some sudden necessity, a boatload of it had been changed in it’s destination. I was assured it would be replaced as soon as they resume grinding. my grandson being Collector of the federal taxes here, it has been a mutual convenience when I have had occasions to draw on you, to recieve the money from him and give him the draught on you. it saves us both the risk of transmissions by the post. my letter of the 1^st instant mentioned such a draught for 167.D. and I have now recieved 230.D. from him for which I have given a draught on you. he will be in Richmond nearly as soon as this letter and will present both. the last is made on the assurance of your letter that my note for 1000 D. will be discounted. the bale of cotton is recieved. Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect

PoC (DLC: TJ Papers, ser. 10); on verso of reused address cover of John Adams to TJ, 20 June 1815; mutilated at seal, with missing text supplied by TJ above the line; at foot of text: “M^r Gibson”; endorsed by TJ.

Thomas Mann Randolph and Thomas Eston Randolph owed TJ 213 BARRELS OF FLOUR for the yearly rent due on their lease of TJ’s manufacturing mill at Shadwell (TJ to Thomas Eston Randolph, 20 Jan. 1815). TJ’s GRANDSON was Thomas Jefferson Randolph.

¹ Preceding three words interlined.

I recieved your favor of July 11. & shewd your letter to M^r Girard & then enclosed him a Copy, as he proposed given a Credit upon M^r Moreton of Bordeaux or order to him to arrange the business—I wrote him a note requesting that he would furnish me with a Copy of the Credit, which I could multiply & forward agreeably to your Directions, at same time I Sent him the 550$ that no time might be lost; I have not yet recieved any reply from him, as Soon as I do I shall miss no opp^y of forwarding Copies—As soon as the Dft rem^d by M^r P Gibson is paid, ballance payble to B. Jones shall be Sent to him.

RC (MHi); endorsed by TJ as received 3 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

REM^D: “remitted.”

Who shall write the history of the American revolution? Who can write it? Who will ever be able to write it?

The most essential documents, the debates & deliberations in Congress from 1774 to 1783 were all in secret, and are now lost forever. Mr Dickinson printed a speech, which he said he made in Congress against the Declaration of Independence; but it appeared to me very different from that, which you, and I heard. Dr Witherspoon has published speeches which he wrote beforehand, and delivered Memoriter, as he did his Sermons. But these I believe, are the only speeches ever committed to writing. The Orators, while I was in Congress from 1774 to 1778 appeared to me very universally extemporaneous, & I have never heard of any committed to writing before or after delivery.

These questions have been suggested to me, by a Review, in the Analectic Magazine for May 1815, published in Philadelphia, page 385 of the Chevalier Botta’s “Storia della Guerra Americana.” The Reviewers inform us, that it is the best history of the revolution that ever has been written. This Italian Classick has followed the example, of the Greek and Roman Historians, by composing speeches, for his Generals and Orators. The Reviewers have translated, one of Mr R H Lee, in favour of the declaration of Independence. A splendid morcell of oratory it is; how faithful, you can judge.

I wish to know your sentiments, and opinions of this publication.¹ Some future Miss Porter, may hereafter, make as shining a romance, of what passed in Congress, while in Conclave, as her Scottish Chiefs.

Tr (1957 typescript taken from unlocated RC, Adams Papers Editorial Files, MHi); adjacent to signature: “His Excellency Thomas Jefferson”; with editorial note at foot of text: “Signed in JA’s hand; text of letter in hand of unidentified amenuensis”; with editorial note that TJ endorsed it as received 9 Aug. 1815. RC (DLC); address cover only; with PoC of TJ to John Graham, 17 Aug. 1815, on verso; addressed in an unidentified hand: “His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Esq^re Monticello. Virginia”; franked by Adams; postmarked Quincy, 31 July. FC (Lb in MHi: Adams Papers); at foot of text: “His Excellency Gov^r McKean”; adjacent to signature, in Adams’s hand: “N.B. The same to Jefferson.” Recorded in SJL as received 9 Aug. 1815.

John DICKINSON presented his reasons for opposing independence in 1776 in a vindication that appeared in the Philadelphia Freeman’s Journal: or, the North-American Intelligencer, 1 Jan. 1783. For TJ’s contemporaneous summary of the arguments given against independence by Dickinson and others on 8 June 1776, see PTJ, 1:309–11. Congressional speeches by John WITHER-SPOON were published in John Rodgers, ed., The Works of the Rev. John Wither-spoon, 2d ed. (Philadelphia, 1802; for 1st ed. see Sowerby, no. 1558), 4:317–57. The TRANSLATED speech of Richard Henry Lee appears in the Analectic Magazine 5 (1815): 388–93. Jane porter wrote The Scottish Chiefs, A Romance, 5 vols. (London, 1810, and other eds.). DURANTE VITA: “during life.”

On this date Adams wrote Thomas McKean a letter that varied from the one to TJ only in spelling, punctuation, and capitalization (RC in PHi: McKean Papers; addressed in an unidentified hand: “His Excellency Thomas McKean Philadelphia”; franked; postmarked Quincy, 31 July; endorsed by McKean).

¹ Tr: “publications.” FC: “publication.”

² FC: “vitæ.”

On the 23^d instant I had the honour to receive your Letter of the 10^th Same month, which Shall be attended to, by remitting to M^r John Vaughan a Letter of Credit on Mess^rs Perregaux Laffitte & C^o of Paris for Three Hundred and Fifty Dollars in favour of M^r George Ticknor of Boston, and one for Two Hundred Dollars, in favour of Stephen Cathalan of Marseilles. If an additional Sum is wanted to compleat the purchase of the Books, it will be advanced to M^r Ticknor

M^r John Vaughan has paid me Five Hundred and Fifty Dollars¹ placed to your Credit.

RC (NNPM); dateline beneath signature; at foot of text: “Th^s Jefferson Esq^re”; endorsed by TJ as received 9 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL. RC (ICHi); address cover only; with PoC of TJ to Patrick Gibson, 19 Aug. 1815, on verso; addressed (trimmed) to “Thomas Jeff[erson] Mont[icello]”; postmarked Philadelphia, 1 Aug. FC (Lb in PPGi: Girard Papers [microfilm at PPAmP]).

¹ FC here adds “to be.”

Your favor of the 22^d is recieved and gave me the first information that mr Michie was in this county. I had yesterday a Notice duly served, so that I have only now to request the further trouble of countermanding that in the hands of the town serjeant; which being for different days from those now served, would produce mischief & confusion. indeed I would wish him to put them under cover to me by mail.

M^r Norris has been in our neighborhood & has left it. I did not see or hear from him while here; but I sent to the stage offices & post offices of Milton & Charlottesville & to mr Norris’s lodgings in the latter place, and could learn nothing of the Lemon-acid which your letter expected would come under his charge. I mention this as he may perhaps have left it in the Stage office in Richmond. I salute you with friendship and respect

PoC (DLC); on verso of reused address cover to TJ; at foot of text: “Doct^r Ward-law”; endorsed by TJ.

My Nephew James Maury of Liverpool having been charged by his Father to give you a call before his return to England, and he being now about to accompany¹ my Sister Matilda to the Springs I avail myself of the opportunity of making them both known to you—with real Esteem I am

RC (MHi); addressed: “Thomas Jefferson Esq^r” care of “Master Maury”; endorsed by TJ as received 1 Aug. 1815 and so recorded (adding that it was delivered “by James Maury j^r”) in SJL.

James Sifrein Maury (1797–1864) was born in Liverpool, England, the eldest son of James Maury, longtime United States consul there and TJ’s childhood friend. At the time of young Maury’s first visit to Virginia, his father described his poor physical condition, and other family letters confirm that he was frail. He went back to England in about 1819, returned to the United States in 1822, and settled near Fredericksburg. In 1825 Maury purchased Ridgemont, a 164½-acre property in Albemarle County. He sold this farm in 1833 (Anne Fontaine Maury, ed., Intimate Virginiana: A Century of Maury Travels by Land and Sea [1941], 53–70, 319; James Maury to TJ, 9 Sept. 1815, 24 Sept. 1821, 24 June 1822; James S. Maury correspondence, esp. Maury to James Maury, 30 Apr. 1822, and to Ann Maury, 16 Feb. 1828 [ViU: James Maury Papers]; Albemarle Co. Deed Book, 25:80–1, 27:124–5, 31:33; Woods, Albemarle, 269).

The SISTER was Matilda Hill Maury Eggleston (Maury, Intimate Virginiana, 318).

¹ Manuscript: “accopany.”

on the 13th instant images

steam boat I sent to the care of William Woodford Eqr innkeeper of Fredericksburg two Boxes which I have directed him to have forwarded to you by the mail cart without delay

they Contain Such books as I have had bound for you as images

enclosed list of Binding I have also enclosed a list of the Laws of Virginia and the Journals of the Senate which I have to bind for you I do not believe that I shall be able to get the Volumes of the Journal of the Senate that are missing there is in one of the Boxes a copy of Dufiefs Dictionary and one paris in 1802 & 1814 also a Ream of paper Cut down to pattern as images

order

I have not yet got Tracys manuscript but have had a letter from Gen^l Duane on the Subject he is to Send it to M^r R. C. Weightman of Washington who is to receive $60– from me and deliver it to me he only waits Some private hand to Send it by

The Library arrived in safety in Washington on Monday morning¹ of next week after I left Monticello that is in Six days from the time it was put into the wagons it was safely Laid into the passages of the General post office or Congress hall about three weeks ago I Commenced unpacking it and accomplished it last monday I am happy to inform you that it has not received the Slightest injury by transportation the Room which has been appropriated for it is sufficeently large the Catalogue will be printed as soon as a Suitable paper can be procured to print it on it is the intention to print in Quarto on post paper

I have been very much indisposed through out the whole of the month of June So much So as not to be equil to any business which is the cause that your books were not sent back Sooner or your letters attend to with regularity but I have now so far recovered my health as to attend to my usual business indeed the exertion which it required to set up the library seems to have been of service to me as I² gained Strength every day

RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 9 Aug. 1815 and so recorded in SJL.

ONE OF THE BOXES sent by Milligan contained William Shepherd, Paris, in Eighteen Hundred And Two, and Eighteen Hundred And Fourteen (Philadelphia, 1815; Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 7 [no. 323]). The first wagonloads of books from TJ’s library ARRIVED IN SAFETY at Washington on Monday, 8 May 1815 (Washington Daily National Intelligencer, 9 May 1815). Milligan accomplished the unpacking on Monday, 24 July 1815.

¹ Manuscript: “mornng.”

² Milligan here canceled “seemed to.”

Journal of the House of Representatives¹¹ of the United States
First Session of the Fourth¹² Congress
[Remainder of document written perpendicularly to above text:]
Acts of the General Assembly¹³ of the State of Virginia

MS (DLC: TJ Papers, 204:36420–1); entirely in Milligan’s hand; undated; repeated intermediate sum at head of p. 2 omitted; with Milligan’s note on p. 4: “Memorandum of Binding and of Books imperfect retainded to be bound when Complete.”

The items listed include PRICES CURRANT: Hope’s Philadelphia Price-Current, and Commercial Record (Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 12 [no. 713]; TJ’s copy at PPL); a UNIVERSAL HISTORY, probably that described in the 1829 sale of TJ’s library as “La Croix’ Abridgment of Universal History, fol. MS” (Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 3 [no. 2]); and a work on wisdom (SAGESSE): Pierre Charron, De la Sagesse (Paris, 1621; Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 9 [no. 462]). PATTERN refers to the grain of binding cloths, which came in a variety of designs (Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography [1995], 238–47). TJ also had Milligan bind a work on ECONOMIE POLITIQUE: Jean Baptiste Say, Traité d’Économie Politique (2 vols., Paris, 1803, Sowerby, no. 3547; 2 vols., 2d ed., Paris, 1814, Poor, Jefferson’s Library, 11 [no. 697], TJ’s copy at ViU).

¹ Manuscript: “½ ½.”

² Reworked from “1799.”

³ Manuscript: “Agricultiral.”

⁴ Reworked from “½ Bound.”

⁵ Reworked from “0 62½.”

⁶ Reworked from “0 37½.”

⁷ First page ends here.

⁸ Word interlined.

⁹ Second page ends here.

¹⁰ Manuscript: “2ⁿ.”

¹¹ Manuscript: “Representaties.”

¹² Manuscript: “Fouth.”

¹³ Manuscript: “Assenbly.”

¹⁴ Manuscript: “Comnencing.”

¹⁵ Third page ends here.

10 f. 8 I. will give	4. lengths
13 f.	4 I. 5 lengths
16 f	6 lengths

prices currant 1812 & 1813 folio Boards	$1 25
1809 & 13 4to	1 00
Universal History La Croze 3 N^o folio ½ Bound	1 50
Pamphlets Agricultural 4to Boards	0 37½
Tracts Physics 8 N^os 4to ½¹ Bound	1 50
Pamphlets Physics 8 N^os 8^v ½ Bound	0 62½
Arts 8^vo 28 N^os very Thick	0 75
American Historical Pamphlets 5 N^os 8^vo Boards	0 37½
History 8^vo 7^Nos Boards	0 37½
Historical Pamphlets English 3Nos 8^vo Boards	0 37½
Iroquois 8^vo 2 N^os ½ Bound	0 62½
Spanish Grammar 12^mo 2 N^os ½ bound	0 50
Wythes decisions folio ½ Bound	1 00
Pamphlets Medical 8^vo 10 N^os ½ Bound	0 62½
Education 5 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	0 62½
Lysias 2 Vols 8^vo full Bound	1 50
Jeffersons Notes 8^vo full Bound	0 75
Natural Law 8^vo 4^Nos ½ Bound	0 62½
Æsop 8^vo full Bound	0 75
Isocrates 3 vols 8^vo full Bound	2 25
Aristophanes 18^mo 2 vols fancy Binding	1 50
Sagesse de chîarron 12^mo 3 vols	1 50
Orations 18^mo Red morocco gilt edges	1 25
Gramatica de La lingua plain calf for Miss Randolph	0 62½
Ideology de Tracy bound to Pattern	1 00
Revised bills 1792 folio ½ Bound	1 00
Revised code 1779² folio full Bound	1 25
Religious Pamphlets 12^mo 14 N^os ½ bound	0 50
Geographical Pamphlets 8^vo 7 N^os ½ bound	0 62½
Political Pamphlets 8^vo 12 N^os ½ Bound	0 62½
Sermons 22 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	0 62½
Pamphlets Agricultural³ 4to 9 N^o ½ Bound	1 00
Fine Arts 14 N^os 8vo	0 62½
Unitarian 3 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	0 50
Randolphs abridgement 2 N^os 4to ½ Bound	1 00
Zoology 4 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	0 62½
Pamphlets Ethics 9 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	0 62½
Education 8^vo ½ Bound	0 62½
Encyclopaedia 8^vo 4 N^os Boards⁴	0 37½⁵
prices currant 1796–94to Boards	1 00⁶
	Amount carried over $34–25⁷
State papers 1813–1815 8^vo Boards	00 37½
Orations 1810–14 27 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	00–62½
3 Pamphlets not lettered 12^mo ½ Bound	00 50
Politics spanish⁸ 6 N^os 8^vo ½ Bound	00–62½
Jays Treaty 12^mo ½ Bound	00 37½
Review of Blackstone 8^vo full Bound	00 75
News papers 4to 1795–6 Boards	1 00
Economie Politique 2 vols 8^vo bound the Same as Ideology de Tracy (Calf Gilt)	2–00
Grays Poems 4to bound red morocco	5–00
	$3 00
Bellendeni 8^vo full bound	0–75
one Octavo & 1 Duodecimo for Mr Randolph	1–25
	$50–50⁹

	Journals of the Senate of the U states
	2^{^nd} Session of the	3 Congress
	I^st	4^th
	I^st	5^th
	I^st	7^th
	2^nd	7^th
	2^nd¹⁰	8^th
	I^st	9^th
	2^nd	9^th
	I^st	10^th

for 1734
6
8
1740
1752
3
9
1760
1
3
4
5	part missing
6
9
1771
2
5
1781
4
5
7	two copies
8
9
1790
1
2
3
4
5
6
9
1800
2
3
4
5
6
7	passed Jany
Commencing¹⁴ Decembr 7 ^th 1807
8
10
11
12
13	¹⁵