NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1. I say this notwithstanding the work of James Shapiro, Shakepeare and the Jews, and the review, “An English Obsession,” by Stephen Greenblatt, The New York Times Book Review, 11 August 1996, pp. 12–13.

2. For the number of Jews in Elizabethan and Jacobean England see E. R. Samuel, “Portuguese Jews in Jacobean London,” Jewish Historical Society of England—Transactions, 18 (1953–1955): 171–187; Theodore K. Rabb, “The Stirrings of the 1590s and the Return of the Jews to England,” ibid., 26 (1974–1978): 26–33;Lewis S. Feuer, “Francis Bacon and the Jews: Who was the Jew in the New Atlantis?” ibid., 29 (1982–1986): 1–25. See also chapter 1 in David S. Katz, Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England, 1603–1655.

3. See the account by James Rosier, A Trve Relation of the most prosperous voyage made this present yeere 1605, by Captaine George Waymouth, C4r-Dr.

4. For accounts of the Indians who came (or were brought) to England, see Carl Bridenbaugh Jamestown 1544–1699, chapter 3; Carolyn Thomas Foreman, Indians Abroad 1493–1938, chapter 1; Lee, “The American Indian in Elizabethan England,” in Elizabethan and Other Essays, Boas, ed., pp. 263–302; Cawley, The Voyagers, pp. 357 ff. For Indians in English drama, ibid, pp. 359 ff. and Loren E. Pennington, “The Amerindian in English promotional literature 1575–1625,” in The Westward Enterprise, K. R. Andrews et al., eds., pp. 175–194.

5. Ahmad Gunny has dealt with writers who traveled into central Asia and the subcontinent in Images of Islam in Eighteenth-Century Writings, esp. chapters 1 and 7. See also Sir Denis Wright, The English amongst the Persians, and my introduction in Islam in Britain, pp. 2–4.

6. Parker, Books to Build an Empire, p. 131. See also the dedication to Sir Robert Cecil in the second volume of Navigations (1599), where Hakluyt describes how the English have traveled “into the Leuant within the Streight of Gibraltar, & from thence ouer land to the South and Southeast Parts of the world.”

7. Suraiya Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans: The Hajj under the Ottomans, p. 16.

8. G. K. Hunter, “Elizabethans and Foreigners,” p. 52. See Hall, Things of Darkness, p. 11 and Hall’s description of the “blackmoors” (sub-Saharan Africans) in late Elizabethan England, “Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner? Colonization and Miscegenation in The Merchant of Venice,” Renaissance Drama, n. s. (1992): 87–111. In his discussion of race, Kwame Anthony Appiah stated that in Shakespeare’s England, the Moors “were barely an empirical reality.” “Race,” in Critical Terms for Literary Study, p. 277.

9. Harris, “A Portrait of a Moor,” pp. 89–97; Eldred Jones, Othello’s Countrymen: pp. 12 ff.; Jack D’Amico, The Moor in English Renaissance Drama, chapter 1. Emily C. Bartels mentioned in her article, “Imperialist Beginnings: Richard Hakluyt and the Construction of Africa,” that during “the Elizabethan period, too, Moors appeared prominently at court as ambassadors and diplomats,” p. 528.

10. Hall, Things of Darkness. Only once did she allude to the encounter with Barbary, p. 17. Jack D. Forbes, in Africans and Native Americans, also drew little distinction between North Africans and sub-Saharans, pp. 54–56. The earlier studies by Jordan, White over Black, and Tokson The Popular Image of the Black Man, failed to distinguish between the two geographical communities.

11. Purchas his Pilgrimage (1617 ed.), p. 276; see also John Brereton: “if it were as farre and dangerous as the Moores trade is from Fess and Marocco (ouer the burning and moueable sands, in which they perish many times, and suffer commonly great distresses) unto the riuer called Niger in Africa, and from thence, up the said river manie hundred miles; afterwards ouer-land againe, unto the riuer Nilus,” A Briefe and true Relation of the Discouerie of the North part of Virginia, p. 23.

12. For a discussion of these terms, see the introduction in Barthelemy, Black Face, Maligned Race and in D’Amico, The Moor in English Renaissance Drama.

13. Jonathan Haynes, The Humanist as Traveler, pp. 119–121; Emily C. Bartels, Spectacles of Strangeness: Imperialism, Alienation and Marlowe, p. 59 and “Making More of the Moor: Aaron, Othello, and Renaissance Refashionings of Race,” Shakespeare Quarterly, 41 (1990): 433–454;Relihan, “Suppressing Islam: The Geography of Sidney’s Arcadian Landscape,” a paper read at the MLA Conference, Chicago, December 1995;Virginia Mason Vaughan, Othello: A Contextual History, p. 14; Jean E. Howard, “An English Lass amid the Moors: Gender, race, sexuality, and national identity in Heywood’s ‘The Fair Maid of the West’,” in Women, “Race,” and Writing in the Early Modern Period, Margo Hendricks and Patricia Parker, eds. pp. 101–117, especially the last page; Karen Newman, “‘And wash the Ethiop white’: Femininity and the Monstrous in Othello,” in Shakespeare Reproduced, Jean E. Howard and Marion O’Connor, eds. p. 150. Although Jack D’Amico focused in his study on the literary representation of the Moor, he also alluded to England’s “budding colonialism” and “expanding colonial empire,” The Moor in English Renaissance Drama, pp. 61–62.

14. E. S. Bates, Touring in 1600, p. 189. See also my Islam in Britain, pp. 11–14 and the discussion against supposed English imperialism (with specific reference to The Tempest) in Meredith Anne Skura, “Discourse and the Individual: The Case of Colonialism in The Tempest,” Shakespeare Quarterly, 40 (1989): 42–69; Leo Salingar, “The New World in The Tempest,” in Travel and Drama in Shakespeare’s Time, Jean-Pierre Maquerlot and Michèle Willems, eds., pp. 209–223. The works of Mary C. Fuller and Jeffrey Knapp are also important in this context.

15. A Dialogue of Comfort in The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Martz and Manley, eds., “The third boke,” pp. 188 ff.

16. R. Carr, The Mahumetane or Turkish Historie, p. 111 v.

17. See my Islam in Britain, pp. 40–45.

18. Dahiru Yahya, Morocco in the Sixteenth Century, p. 187. Chapter 8 is very informative about English-Moroccan relations.

19. De Castries, Les Sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc . . . d’Angleterre, 2:208. See also Bovill, The Battle of Alcazar, chapter 17.

20. De Castries, Les Sources inédites de l’histoire du Maroc . . . d’Angleterre, 2:222 ff.

21. Ibid., 3:129.

22. Ibid., 3:165.

23. A. N. Porter, ed., Atlas of British Overseas Expansion, pp. 5–22. In this period, England also came into possession of Barbados (claimed in 1605, occupied in 1624), Bermuda (1609–1615), half of St. Kitts (1623–25); it made “some feeble pretence” at occupying Nova Scotia (Innes, The Maritime and Colonial Expansion, p. 123), and colonized New Providence but only for a short period.

24. Eburne, A Plain Pathway to Plantations, pp. 65–67.

25. The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, Spedding et al., eds., 13:176–181. For an excellent survey of the impact of the Barbary Corsairs on England, see Hebb, Piracy and the English Government. Some earlier studies include R. L. Playfair, The Scourge of Christendom; Samuel C. Chew, The Crescent and the Rose, units I and II; G. N. Clark, “Barbary Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century,” Cambridge Historical Journal, 8 (1945-1946): 22–35; Sir Godfrey Fisher, Barbary Legend; Peter Earle, Corsairs of Malta and Barbary, chapters 1–4; Stephen Clissold, The Barbary Slaves.

26. By the Protector. A Proclamation Giving Encouragement to such as shall transplant themselves to Jamaica (October 1655).

27. David B. Quinn, “New Geographical Horizons: Literature,” in Explorers and Colonies, pp. 86–89 especially. See also the study of English (and other European) colonial “ceremonies of possesion” in Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of Possesion in Europe’s Conquest of the New World.

28. See David B. Quinn’s analysis of the term colonization in “Renaissance Influences in English Colonization,” Explorers and Colonies, pp. 97–118.

29. Richard Beacon, Solon his Follie, p. 140.

30. See the introduction in Felsenstein, Anti-Semitic Stereotypes for an analysis of the term stereotype.

31. See chapter 4 in Barthelemy, Black Face, Maligned Race for a discussion of the racism in these plays.

32. See the discussion of Othello by Daniel Vitkus: “Turning Turk in Othello: The Conversion and Damnation of the Moor,” Shakespeare Quarterly, 48 (1997): 145–177.

33. Tokson, The Popular Image of the Black Man, p. x.

34. Ibid., p. 138.

35. See chapter 5 in my Islam in Britain.

36. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, p. 28.

37. W. R. Jones, “The Image of the Barbarian in Medieval Europe,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1971): 376–407. See also chapter 2 in Pagden, The fall of natural man.

38. See the valuable discussion on the link between barbarity and domination in Lotfi Ben Rejeb, “Barbary’s ‘Character’ in European Letters, 1514–1830: An Ideological Prelude to Colonization,” Dialectical Anthropology, 6 (1982): 345–355.

39. See the discussion of this “superiority” in Jeffrey Knapp, An Empire Nowhere: England, America, and Literature from Utopia to The Tempest, and the critique in Fuller, Voyages in Print, chapter 3.

40. Chantal de la Véronne, Tanger sous l’occupation anglaise d’après une description anonyme de 1674, p. 27. It is significant that the English had viewed Tangier as a “colonial” outpost. It was the only place in the Muslim world to which they had sent men accompanied by their wives and children, and the only place whose geography they had tried to anglicize, imposing names such as Cambridge, Whitehall, York, and Charles Fort.

41. Al-Wufrani, Nuzhat al-Hadi, p. 309: Mulay Ismail “sent his armies and they surrounded [Tangier] and all the Christians who were there until they got in their ships and fled by sea, leaving it empty.” The translation is my own.

1. TURKS AND MOORS IN ENGLAND

1. See Appendix VIII in M. Epstein, The Early History of the Levant Company, where English merchants explained to Queen Elizabeth the benefits of their trade with the Turks and therefore justified their dealings with them.

2. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:170. This was confirmed a year later in “The charter of the privileges granted to the English, & the league of the great Turke with the Queenes majestie in respect of traffique, dated in June 2580,” Navigations, 5:178–189.

3. Ibid., 5:177.

4. From the report sent to Rudolf II in March 1579, quoted in Susan Skilliter, William Harborne, p. 63.

5. Calendar of Scottish Papers, 1589–1593, 10:404. Calendar of Scottish Papers, 1597–1603, 13:532.

6. The Portable Hakluyt’s Voyages, Blacker, ed., p. 516.

7. See The Fugger News-Letter, Second Series, Klarwill, ed., 11 September 1588: “A hundred Turks and Moors who had been at the oars in a Spanish galleass were here recently. Our King had caused them to be brought here with an archer from Calais at his own expense and sent them from here to Marseilles by water. From there they sail at the King’s expense to Constantinople,” p. 176.

8. C. S. P, Domestic, Elizabeth, 1591, 3:109.

9. In 1587, Sir Francis Drake’s account included the following payment: “For a charge of the Turk, lighterage, and other charges paid by Alderman Martyn by the Commissioners’ warrant,” Papers Relating to the Navy, ed. Corbett, p. 95. In February 1589, “News that Gondy’s Moor, who was [brought to] England by Drake, attacked d’[Omal] in Paris because he took away Gondy’s horse, which the Moor had in his charge. ‘D‘Omal was armed, and so had no great harm…. The poor Moor is drawn with four horse.’” C. S. P., Foreign Series, Elizabeth, January–July 1589, 23:90.

10. Matthews, ed., News and Rumor in Renaissance Europe (The Fugger Newsletters), pp. 220–221.

11. See Meredith Hanmer, The Baptizing of a Turke. For a study of Chinano, see chapter 4 in my Islam in Britain and the article by Quinn, “Turks, Moors, Blacks,” in Explorers and Colonies; Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, part 3, section 4, p. 330.

12. Acts of the Privy Council, 1597–1598, 28:408: “forasmuch as there ar fewe of late yeres taken by the turke and that at this present divers poore marryners that ar come over hither out of Spaine, whereof som have bin in the gallies, others have bin cruelly and barbourously racked and most of them have indured great missery, wee have bin moved with compassion of their poore estates to recomend them to your Lordship [Mayor of London], that of the collection that shalbe gathered at the Spitle sermons there maie somethinge be reserved to be distributed emongst them to releive their necessityes and to send them home into their contries.” De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 2:220.

13. John Manningham, The Diary of John Manningham of the Middle Temple, 1602–1603, p. 150.

14. Letters from George Lord Carew, p. 125.

15. Acts of the Privy Council, July 1621–May 1623, pp. 329, 467.

16. Ibid, June 1630–June 1631, p. 257

17. Mercurius Fumigosus, June 28–July 5.

18. John Evelyn, The Diary De Beer, ed., 3: 197. See also the following extract from John Cotgrave’s, Wits Interpreter (1655, 2nd ed., 1662), pp. 322–325 for the whole poem: “A Wight there is come out of the East, / A mortal of great fame; / He looks like a man, for he is not a beast, / Yet he has never a Christian name: / Some say he’s a Turk, some call him a Jew, / For ten that believe him, / scarce one tels true, / Let him be what he will, ‘tis all one to you; / But yet he shall be a Turk.”

19. Thomas Warmstry, The Baptized Turk, or a Narrative of the Happy Conversion of Signior Rigep Dandulo, pp. 18–19.

20. C. S. P. Domestic Commonwealth, 1656–1657, 10:289.

21.S. P. 18/182/ f. 193.

22.S. P. 18/182/f. 194.

23. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles II, 1669, 9:163.

24. “Hamett Clavecho and Braham MacKaden, imployed as Commissioners to his Majestie from Sally,” in The Acts of the Privy Council of England, 1628 July–1629 April, p. 311.

25. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1635, 8:533.

26. De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 3:176.

27. Ibid., 3:332.

28. C. S. P. Domestic, Commonwealth, 1655, 8:365.

29. C. S. P. Domestic, Commonwealth, 1657–58, 11:309. Such articles continued to appear in treaties well into the eighteenth century. See the treaty of 1721 cited by John Windus, article XII, which stipulated that the “Subjects of the King of Fez and Morocco shall be suffered to transport out of the Dominions of the King of Great Britain, any sort of Goods whatsoever, to the Dominions of the said King of Fez and Morocco,” in John Windus, A Journey to Mequinez, p. 246.

30. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:279.

31. C. S. P. Domestic, William III, 1 January–31 December 1697, pp. 2, 24.

32. Ibid., pp. 63, 98.

33. C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 1619–1621, 16:486; John Rawlins, The Famous and Wonderful Recovery of a Ship of Bristol, in Firth, ed., An English Garner, pp. 274, 272.

34. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:526.

35. S. P. 14/183/ff. 51 and 51 I. All subsequent quotations in the paragraph are from these two documents.

36. Acts of the Privy Council of England, 1625–1626, p. 31.

37. S. P. 16/30/f. 37. All subsequent quotations in the paragraph are from this document.

38. The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Ottoman Porte, p. 346.

39. Ibid., p. 376.

40. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:7–8.

41. S. P. 16/31/f. 164.

42. Acts of the Privy Council of England June–December 1626, p. 120.

43. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1626, 1:418; De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 3:8.

44. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1625–1626, 1:113.

45. De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 3:94.

46. Fisher, Barbary Legend, p. 141. In Things of Darkness, Hall reproduced numerous paintings of “Moorish” and “Negro” slaves. For Muslim slaves on English ships, see the reference in The Lives and Deaths of the Two English Pyrats Purser, and Clinton, B3r.

47. Lawdon Vaidon, Tangier: A Different Way, p. 24.

48. Thomas Phelps, A True Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps, p. 2.

49. Comte Henry De Castries, Moulay Ismail et Jacques II, pp. 48–49; and the anonymous article on “Le Raiss Abdallah Ben Aicha Corsaire de Sale et Amiral de la Flotte Cherifienne,” La Revue Maritime, New Series, no. 140 (August 1931): 194–200. See also the reference to Muslim slaves owned by Sir Dudley North, The Lives, 3:64–65.

50. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1636, 10:173.

51. S. P. 16/408/f. 119.

52. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1636, 10:532.

53. Acts of the Privy Council of England, June–December 1626, p. 297. All subsequent quotations in the paragraph are from this document.

54. Ibid., pp. 402–403.

55. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:12. See also Harrison’s reference to this commission in September 1627, Ibid., 3:35.

56. The Manuscripts of the Earl Cowper, K. G., 1:311.

57. For the accusation, see C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1625–1626, 1:529;S. P. 71/12/f. 126.

58. Acts of the Privy Council of England, January–August, 1627, p. 48.

59. S. P. 71/1/ f. 74.

60. Discovery of 29 Sects, here in London (1641), p. 4.

61. Yungblut, Strangers Settled Here, chapter 4. See also C. W. Chitty, “Aliens in England in the Sixteenth Century,” Race 8 (1966): 129–145.

62. S. P. 16/332/f. 30 vi.

63. S. P. 16/332/f. 30 i.

64. S. P. 16/322/f. 52.

65. S. P. 16/332/f. 30 vi.

66. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1636–1637, 10:146; ibid., 1637, 11:294. See also for other ships that were captured: C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1626, 1:257 and the reference to the Algiers man-of-war that was brought into the Downs and “received by the people with no little satisfaction,” C. S. P. Domestic, Charles II, January–November 1671, 11:170.

67. S. P. 16/332/f. 30 and 16/370/f. 12.

68. Acts of the Privy Council of England, January–August 1627, p. 191.

69. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1636–37, 10:177.

70. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1637, 11:742.

71. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles II, 1669, 9:234.

72. Acts of the Privy Council of England, Colonial Series, 1670, entry 1338.

73. Hakluyt, Navigations, 6:137.

74. Calendar of Letters and State Papers, relating to English Affairs preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, Elizabeth 1568–1579, 2:699.

75. Skilliter, William Harborne, pp. 50–51.

76. Ibid., p. 77.

77. Harris, “A Portrait of a Moor,” p. 96.

78. De Castries, Les Source . . . d’Angleterre, 1:512.

79. The Fugger News-Letters, Second Series, Klarwill, ed., (17 February 1595): English vessels “are to meet the corsair Amurad and then the combined force is to join the English Armada sailing this spring to lie in wait for the Indian fleet,” p. 263.

80. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:158; John Nichols, The Progresses …of Elizabeth, 2:9–10.

81. Quoted in Harris, “A Portrait of a Moor,” p. 92. See also De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:164–67.

82. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:203.

83. Ibid.

84. Nichols, The Progresses … of Elizabeth, 2:10. Years after the visit Londoners still recalled the stinginess of the ambassador. See Calendar of the Manuscripts of . . . Salisbury, Giuseppi and Lockie, eds., part 19: 287.

85. The Chamberlain Letters, McClure, ed., 1:108.

86. See H. B. Rosedale, Queen Elizabeth and the Levant Company, p. 16; S. A. Skilliter, “Three Letters from the Ottoman ‘Sultana’ Safiye to Queen Elizabeth I,” in Documents from Islamic Chanceries, S. M. Stern, ed., p. 143, and my “Renaissance England and the Turban,” pp. 41–43.

87. The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities, of King James the First, Nichols, ed., 2:157 n.

88. Ibid., p. 158.

89. As Ben Jonson noted in The Alchemist, in The Works of Ben Jonson, Percy and Simpson, eds., 10:61. “Each was given 30 £ by the King,” Calendar of the Manuscripts of . . . Salisbury, 21:315.

90. John Finet, Finetti Philoxenis (1656), p. 58. In a similar manner, Christians in the Ottoman Empire got “a holy man, though a Turk, to read over a sick child,” North, The Lives, 3:56.

91. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1625–1626, 1:12 and 113.

92. C. S. P., Colonial Series, East Indies, China and Persia, 1625–1629, p. 84.

93. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:25 n.

94. John Finet, Ceremonies of Charles I, The Note Books of John Finet 1628–1641, Loomie, ed., p. 231.

95. The Arrivall and Intertainements of the Embassador, Alkaid Jaurar Ben Abdella, p. 9. The name of the ambassador was spelled in different ways. See “Alcayde Taudar Ben Abdala” in C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1637–1638, 12:476.

96. John Finet, Ceremonies, Loomie, ed., p. 231; Arrivall, p. 12.

97. The description that follows derives from John Finet, Ceremonies, Loomie, ed., pp. 233–234.

98. Arrivall, p. 5.

99. See the letter from Mulay al-Mansur to Queen Elizabeth, where there is mention of the Dutch captives, De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:149–151.

100. See chapter 2, below, the unit on “Pirates,” for English piratical attacks on North Africa.

101. See De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:524.

102. Finet, Ceremonies, Loomie, ed., pp. 293–295.

103. C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . Venice, 1657–1659, 3:534.

104. The Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, Abbot, ed., 4:515, 568.

105. See the account of Cigala in John Evelyn, The History of the Three late famous Imposters, pp. 33–34 especially.

106. For Evelyn’s account of this visit see Diary, De Beer, ed., 4:265–266. See also E. M. G. Routh, Tangier: England’s Lost Atlantic Outpost, 1661–1684, chapter 12; see, for a more detailed account, Wilfrid Blunt, Black Sunrise: The Life and Times of Mulai Ismail, Emperor of Morocco 1646–1727, chapters 16 ff.

107. Yungblut, Strangers Settled Here, p. 30.

108. During the occupation of Tangier by British forces between 1661–1684, Moors visited the outpost and were entertained by the soldiers there: “we daily entertaine,” wrote Sir Hugh Cholmeley to the Ambassador in Madrid in 1665, “Christians and Turks that come to see us.” Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Bath, 2:150.

109. C. S. P., Colonial Series, East Indies, China and Japan, 1513–1616, pp. 335 and 347.

110. S. P. 16/311/f. 9.

111. T. S., The Adventures of (Mr. T. S.), pp. 205 ff.

112. Ibid., pp. 56, 57.

113. Fisher, Barbary Legend, p. 101. See for an account of this woman Francis Brooks, Barbarian Cruelty, pp. 27–34.

114. Routh, Tangier: England’s Lost Atlantic Outpost, p. 22.

115. Thomas Rymer, Shakespeare: The Critical Heritage, Brian Vickers, ed., 2:29. This desire on the part of English women to seduce or marry Muslim royalty continued into the modern period. From November 1809 until June 1810 the Iranian ambassador to London, Abul Hassan Khan, resided in London. As he complained in his journal, he was pestered by “a shameless woman who writes to me declaring her love and begging to come with me to Iran,” p. 245. And throughout his stay the Prince of Wales queried him about alleged affairs he was having with English women. In A Persian at the Court of King George, 1809–1810, Margaret Morris Cloake, ed. and trans.

116. See my paper “Britons, Muslims, and American Indians: Gender and Power,” presented at the South Central Renaissance Conference, Waco, Texas, 2–4 April, 1998.

117. For anti-alien riots see Yungblut, Strangers Settled Here, pp. 40–41.

118. See my “Eurocentrism or Islamocentrism? The Anglo-Spanish Conflict in Islamic Documents,” forthcoming in A Festschrift for Hussam Al Khateeb, Mohammad Shaheen, ed.

2. SOLDIERS, PIRATES, TRADERS, AND CAPTIVES: BRITONS AMONG THE MUSLIMS

1. Henry Robinson, Libertas, or Reliefe to the English Captives in Algier, p. 5. This figure was engrained in Christian memory. Over a century and a half later Royall Tyler still recalled it in The Algerine Captive, p. 95.

2. Sha’ban, “The Mohammedan World in English Literature, c. 1580–1642: Illustrated by a text of the Travailes of the Three English Brothers,” p. 226.

3. Ferguson, The Indian Summer of English Chivalry, p. 225.

4. Ide, Possessed with Greatness, p. 4.

5. Quoted in Paul A. Jorgensen, “Theoretical Views of War in Elizabethan England,” J. H. I., 12 (1952): 476.

6. Barret, The Theorike and Practike of Moderne Warres, p. 7.

7. Quoted in Shepherd, Marlowe and the Politics of Elizabethan Theatre, p. 143.

8. Writers against the new technology included the following: Sir John Smythe, Discourses Concerning Weapons (1590); and Sir Henry Knyvett, Briefe Discourse of Warre (1596). Writers in support included Sir Roger Williams, Briefe Discourse (1590) and Robert Barret. For a survey of this controversy, see Draper, The Othello of Shakespeare’s Audience, chapter VIII.

9. C. S. P. Domestic, Edward, Mary, Elizabeth I, 1:506.

10. Vella, An Elizabethan-Ottoman Conspiracy, p. 8.

11. C. S. P. Foreign Series, Elizabeth, 1578–79, 13:476; C. S. P. Foreign Series, Elizabeth, 1583–84, 18:309.

12. All references are to the edition by John Yoklavich in The Dramatic Works of George Peele. Stukley’s name has been spelled in various ways—I shall use Peele’s. For a study of the development of the play’s background see Thorleif Larsen, “The Historical and Legendary Background of Peele’s Battle of Alcazar,” Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 2 (1939): 185–197. See also Joseph Candido, “Captain Thomas Stukeley: The Man, the Theatrical Record, and the Origins of Tudor ‘Biographical’ Drama, Anglia, 105 (1987): 50–68.

13. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:282.

14. The Fugger News-Letter, Second Series, Klarwill, ed., p. 188.

15. Ibid., pp. 290–291.

16. Hakluyt, Navigations, 12:102.

17. Petruccio Ubaldini, S. P. 9/102: “To Lord Burleigh from Petruccio Ubaldini, citizen of Florence, a veracious account of the Enterprise which Pope Gregory XIII made in Ireland against the Queen of England” (1580).

18. See the account in Z. N. Brooke, “The Expedition of Thomas Stukeley in 1578,” English Historical Review, 28 (1913): 330–337.

19. As confirmed by one of the ballads about Stukley, quoted in The Famous History of the Life and Death of Captain Thomas Stukeley, in Simpson, The School of Shakespeare, 1:147.

20. Quoted in Izon, Sir Thomas Stucley, p. 222.

21. The play, The Famous History, is reproduced in Simpson, The School of Shakespeare, vol. 1.

22. Hakluyt, Navigations, 6:294.

23. Fuller, however, concluded his description by confirming that Stukley had been “a bubble of emptiness, and meteor of ostentation,” The History of the Worthies of England, 1:415.

24. Purchas his Pilgrimes: 6:70.

25. Ibid., 6:91.

26. Quoted in a letter by R. Cocks to Thomas Wilson in Penz, Les Captifs Francais, p. 5. See also De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2: 308, where there is reference to English and French men who were taken in March 1607 to “serve . . . the warres [in Morocco], promising them good recompence.”

27. R. C., A True Historicall discourse of Muley Hamets rising to the three Kingdomes of Moruecos, Fes and Sus, G1r.

28. Ibid., G1v.

29. Penz, Les Captifs Francais, p. 5.

30. Hasleton, The Miserable Captivity, 2:174. English gunners were also prized by the Spaniards, see Coxere, Adventures by Sea, p. 64.

31. Hasleton, The Miserable Captivity, 2:174.

32. Purchas his Pilgrimes, 8:312.

33. Letters from the great Turke lately sent vnto the holy Father the Pope and to Rodulphus naming himselfe King of Hungarie, and to all the Kinges and Princes of Christendome, Bv. Renegades were in high numbers in the North African armies. See the references in de la Véronne, ed., Les Sources Inédites de L’histoire du Maroc, Archives et Bibliothèques d’Espagne, 3: 259. The army of Abdel-Malek consisted of twelve thousand soldiers, two thousand of whom were “renégats”; by 1577, his army was “au moins 30000 cavaliers, tous de la région ou renégats,” ibid., p. 352. Unfortunately, it is not known how many of those were Britons.

34. Shirley, Discours of the Turkes, p. 4; De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:290.

35. Coryat, Master Coryats in Purchas His Pilgrimes, 10:422–423; Roe, The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 205.

36. Rawlins, The Famous and Wonderful Recovery in An English Garner, Firth, ed., p. 258; The Chamberlain Letters, McClure, ed., 2:507.

37. Blount, A Voyage, p. 112.

38. As late as 1691, “the Number of Deserters that come over to the Turks is almost incredible,” wrote the traveler the Sieur du Mont. There were “several compleat French Regiments in the Ottoman Army” who joined because of “the favourable Treatment they receive[d] at their Arrival.” A New Voyage, pp. 180–181.

39. Coxere, Adventures by Sea, p. 82.

40. The quotation continues with a condemnation of “the greater number of French and other nations, renegades and volunteers, who in the act of serving the Turks make themselves more barbarians than the barbarians themselves.” C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 33:276

41. Brooks, Barbarian Cruelty, p. 81.

42. Baker, Piracy and Diplomacy, Pennell, ed., p. 126.

43. Pellow, The Adventures of Thomas Pellow.

44. Pitts, A True and Faithful Account, p. 143.

45. Harris, “A Portrait of a Moor,” p. 90.

46. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:56.

47. Blount, A Voyage, p. 15.

48. Carteret, The Barbary Voyage of 1638, p. 10. For a detailed study of the English attack on Salee see Kenneth R. Andrews, Ships, Money and Politics: Seafaring and Naval Enterprise in the Reign of Charles I, chapter 7.

49. The Arrivall and Intertainements of the Embassador, Alkaid Jaurar Ben Abdella, pp. 23, 31.

50. Jorgensen, Shakespeare’s Military World, chapter 4.

51. See Ralston, Importing the European Army, pp. 43 ff.

52. Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World, Reynolds, trans., vol. 2; Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, chapter 4; Senior, A Nation of Pirates.

53. H. Timberlake, A True and strange discourse of the trauailes of two English Pilgrimes (1603), p. 7.

54. Davis, A True Relation, B4v.

55. Middleton, An Account of the Captivity, p. 263.

56. In 1577 Father Luis de Sandoval warned the Moroccan ruler against sending ships to ransom his captives in Spain for fear of English, along with other Protestant “Lutheran” pirates. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Espagne, 3:286.

57. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:482.

58. Acts of the Privy Council, 1599–1600, 30:744.

59. De Castries, Les Sources . . . de France, 3:321, 363.

60. Roe, Negotiations, p. 605.

61. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, p. 61.

62. See Henry and Renée Kahane and Andreas Tietze, The Lingua Franca in the Levant, entry 251.

63. Roe, Negotiations, p. 140. Actually, when the expedition against Algiers was being discussed in 1617, Sir William Monson suggested that all captured “Turks and Moors” be sold as slaves, Morgan, History of Algiers, p. 633.

64. C. S. P. D., James I, 1623–25 with Addenda, 11:430.

65. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:160; C. S. P. D., Charles I, 1639, 14:315.

66. Thurloe, A Collection of State Papers, Birch, ed., 7: 567.

67. The Journals of Thomas Allin, 1:178, 2:240–242. See also the agreement between the government of Algiers and Allin: “De plus les vaisseaux anglais où il se recontra des turcs ou turques et mores escalves pour le transport [à] vendre en autre lieu, nous le[s] ferons aussi de bonne prise,” 2:227.

68. See the chapter entitled “Pirates” in Christopher Hill, Liberty Against the Law, pp. 114–122. For other studies on British pirates see Williams, Captains Outrageous: Seven Centuries of Piracy, chapter 4; Kenneth R. Andrews, Elizabethan Privateering; Lloyd, English Corsairs on the Barbary Coast.

69. Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine, Baxter, ed., p. 174. The same information in Gorges appear in De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:463.

70. Smith, The Description of New England (1616), in Travels and Works, Arber, ed., 1:217.

71. Morgan, History of Algiers, p. 634.

72. Senior, A Nation of Pirates, p. 37.

73. Drake, The World Encompassed (1628), pp. 4–5.

74. Quoted by Vella, An Elizabethan-Ottoman Conspiracy, p. 45

75. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:309.

76. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, p. 75.

77. Penz, Les Captifs Francais, p. 6.

78. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, p. 81.

79. Manwaring, ed., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, 2:11.

80. Ibid., 2:25.

81. Ibid., 2:25 n.

82. Ibid., 2:26; Coindreau, Les Corsairs de Salé, p. 48.

83. The Chamberlain Letters, McClure, ed., 2:433.

84. Nevves from Sea, Of two notorious Pyrats Ward the Englishman and Danseker the Dutchman, B3v.

85. Daborne, A Christian turn’d Turke, Swaen, ed., line 1916.

86. Quoted by Senior, A Nation of Pirates, p. 90.

87. Ibid., p. 96.

88. Ibid., pp. 90–91.

89. Ibid., p. 93.

90. Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, p. 14, n. 1.

91. Ibn Abi Dinar, Kitab al-Munis, p. 192. The translation is my own.

92. Williams, Captains Outrageous, p. 100.

93. Ibid., p. 92.

94. Pringle, Jolly Roger, p. 49.

95. Senior, A Nation of Pirates, p. 98.

96. Morgan, History of Algiers, p. 634.

97. Rawlins, The Famous and Wonderful Recovery of a Ship of Bristol, Firth, ed., p. 274.

98. A Fight at Sea, B2v.

99. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:569, 588.

100. Byam, A Retvrne from Argier, pp. 33–35.

101. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:114.

102. The Manuscripts of the Earl Cowper, 2:117.

103. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:438.

104. Hakluyt, Navigations, 6:433.

105. See also the introduction to “La Barbary Company” in De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:445 ff.

106. Ibid., 1:101, 1:107.

107. Tudor Economic Documents, 2:48–49.

108. Ibid., 2:65. See also pp. 58–61.

109. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:431.

110. Ibid., 1:511, 2:56–57, 2:237.

111. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:289.

112. De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 1:362.

113. The Travells and Adventures in Travels and Works, Arber, ed., 2:871.

114. C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 1617–1619, 15:196.

115. Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, p. 92, n. 2.

116. C. S. P. Domestic, James I, 1623–1625, with Addenda, 11:27.

117. Acts of the Privy Council of England, 1630 June–1631 June, p. 264.

118. Cartaret, The Barbary Voyage, p. 24.

119. Coindreau, Les Corsairs de Salé, p. 49.

120. Skilliter, William Harborne, p. 10.

121. Ibid., p. 33.

122. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5: 187. Cf. Skilliter’s translation of Murad’s incorporation: “Those people from England and the lands which are dependent upon it who have settled down in our well-protected dominions, whether they be married or bachelors, shall pursue their professions,” William Harborne, p. 88.

123. C. S. P. Domestic, Elizabeth I, 1598–1601, 5:249.

124. Robinson, Liberty of Conscience: or the sole means to obtaine Peace and Truth, “Epistle to the Reader”; C. S. P. Domestic, 1652–53, p. 238.

125. See the detailed study in Daniel Goffman, Britons in the Ottoman Empire 1642–1660.

126. Milton, The Life Records of John Milton, 1655–1669, French, ed., 4:173–174.

127. De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 1:112. The translation is my own.

128. Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade, pp. 108 ff. and the unit on “Sugar and the Elizabethans.”

129. See for instance her request in De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:120.

130. Ibid., 3:108.

131. Ibid., p. 112.

132. Shirley, Discours of the Turkes, p. 11.

133. De Castries, Les Sources … d’Angleterre, 3:175.

134. Industrial spying had been going on between Europe and Islam since the early Renaissance. See Jardine, Worldly Goods, chapter 1, “Conditions for Change: Goods in Profusion.”

135. See the complaint about dishonesty in Tudor Economic Documents, 2:218.

136. Tudor Economic Documents, 2:50.

137. Ibid., 2:51–53.

138. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:230.

139. Ibid., p. 234 Less than half a century later, circa. 1621, English merchants were still unable to compete in international markets because their “cloths” were not “well made as in former times or not well dyed,” Seventeenth-Century Economic Documents, p. 12; see also pp. 29 ff.

140. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:234–237. The transfer of crafts and knowledge was therefore not just from Christians to Muslims, as Braudel maintains. The Mediterranean, Reynolds, trans., 2:799–800.

141. New American World, Quinn, ed., 3:122.

142. Skilliter, William Harborne, p. 78.

143. Charles H. Talbot, “America and the European Drug Trade,” in First Images of America, Chaippelli, ed., 2:833: “Since the key texts studied and commented on in the medieval universities were those of Rhazes, Avicenna and Averroes, it followed that all physicians trained in the schools were impregnated with Arabic ideas on materia medica. As a result, European dependence on the Levant for its spices and drugs lasted for at least 400 years.”

144. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:169.

145. Al-Wufrani, Nuzhet al-Hadi, p. 51.

146. Purchas His Pilgrimes, 6:57.

147. Acts of the Privy Council, 1600–1601, 31:365. The appointment of these two English doctors came immediately after the departure of Mulay’s French physician, Etienne Hubert, who had been in Morocco since 1598. Elizabeth was eager to replace the French in such a sensitive position.

148. S. P., 16/373/f. 135.

149. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:559.

150. Heywood, The Dramatic Works of Thomas Heywood, 5:23–24.

151. Gascoigne, The Posies, Cunliffe, ed., pp. 75–85; The Plays and Poems of Philip Massinger, 4:277, 5.3, 17–36; A Brave and Memorable and Dangerovs Sea-Fight, (1636), p. 10.

152. Jones, Designs by Inigo Jones for Masques & Plays at Court, p. 102.

153. See the description and analysis of this theme in Donald P. McCrory, ed. and trans., The Captive’s Tale, especially appendix 1.

154. TheWorks of Beaumont and Fletcher, 5:135. British Library MS. Add 5489 shows how 29 Algiers captives (including three women) in 1645 owed 2107 pounds and 18 shillings for their ransom.

155. There is still no study of the genre of English captivity writings among the Muslims. Daniel Vitkus and I are currently preparing a select edition of writings from 1577 to 1704.

156. Cited in Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, p. 117, n. 2.

157. See for instance S. P. 16/5, f. 24; S. P. 16/329, f. 29; S. P. 16/332, fols. 30 and 30 V.

158. S. P. 16/316, f. 52

159. S. P. 16/316, f. 52 I.

160. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5: 153–165. See the expanded version in The Admirable Deliverance of 266. Christians by Iohn Reynard Englishman from the captiuitie of the Turkes (1608).

161. Webbe, His Trauailes, 1590, p. 25.

162. Ibid., p. 21.

163. Hasleton, The Miserable Captivity, 2:151–185.

164. T. S., The Adventures of (Mr. T. S.), p. 67.

165. Ibid., pp. 43, 93..

166. Ibid., pp. 31–33.

167. Ibid., pp. 161–162.

168. Elliott, A Modest Vindication of Titus Oates, pp. 11–12.

169. Pitts, A True and Faithful Account, p. 162.

170. Coryats Crudities, pp. 64–66; Henry Marsh, A New Survey of the Turkish Empire, pp. 69–72; John Covel, Extracts from the Diaries, Bent, ed., pp. 270–271.

171. The Works of Thomas Kyd, Boas, ed.

172. The Travailes of The Three English Brothers, Sha’ban, ed., p. 240. See further on this English religious latitude my forthcoming article, “The Toleration of Muslims in Renaissance England.”

173. Spratt, Travels and Researches in Crete, 1:386.

3. THE RENAISSANCE TRIANGLE: BRITONS, MUSLIMS, AND AMERICAN INDIANS

1. Geoffrey W. Symcox, “The Battle of the Atlantic, 1500–1700,” First Image of America, Chiapelli, ed., 1:269.

2. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, Reynolds, trans., vol. 2; David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620, prologue and chapter 2. Marvin Arthur Breslow also ignored the Muslim world completely although “Barbaria” is prominent on the map that is printed on the cover jacket of his English Puritan Views of Foreign Nations, 1618–1640. Similarly, K. R. Andrews et al. described The Westward Enterprise, but ignored the eastward one. A. D. Innes described the Far Eastern enterprise but ignored the venture into the Mediterranean: The Maritime and Colonial Expansion of England.

3. See Helen Wallis, “The Cartography of Drake’s Voyage,” in Sir Francis Drake and the Famous Voyage, 1577–1580, Norman J. W. Thrower, ed., pp. 121–164. For White, see The New World, Stefan Lorant, ed., p. 169. See also the reference by C. M. Senior, A Nation of Pirates, p. 65, to the English pirate Tibald Saxbridge, who stopped at Mogador, in Morocco, before sailing to the West Indies. In the eighteenth century Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe was captured by Moors off the western coast of Morocco, then sailed down to sub-Saharan Africa before launching out toward the West Indies.

4. Fuller, Voyages in Print: English Travel to America, 1576–1624, p. 12.

5. When Purchas published his Pilgrimes in Five Bookes in 1625, the description of America occupied only a part of the second book, while the third, fourth, and fifth books described English navigation in Africa and the “Arabian, Persian, Indian Shoares,” “beyond the East Indies to the Ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinae,” and in “the Easterne parts of the World” (title page).

6. William Harrison, The Description of England, Georges Edelen, ed., p. 182. It is important to note that Barbary was England’s admission to the Mediterranean. As K. R. Andrews has observed, “the Barbary connection . . . provided the incentive and opportunity” for the English incursion into the Mediterranean”—an incursion that developed into a permanent presence. “Sir Robert Cecil and Mediterranean plunder,” The English Historical Review, 87 (1972), p. 519.

7. Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, E3r.

8. Ibid., B2v-B3r. For studies on the motives of the early transatlantic adventurers see David Cressy, Coming Over, chapter 3; David B. Quinn, “Why They Came,” in Explorers and Colonies, pp. 151–179; Carl Bridenbaugh, Vexed and Troubled Englishmen, 1590–1642. For the Roanoke project see Kenneth R. Andrews, “Elizabethan Privateering,” in Raleigh in Exeter, Joyce Youings, ed., pp. 1–20, especially p. 10: “It has been established beyond reasonable doubt that one of the main purposes of founding a colony there was to provide a base for privateering action against the Spanish treasure fleets bound from Havana to Seville and against the ports and shipping of Spain’s Caribbean in general.”

9. Cressy, Coming Over, pp. 6–7. A similar situation was taking place in the Caribbean too: see Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America, p. 32; “Certainly no question arose of permanent colonization with the Caribbean” in the Elizabethan period, K. R. Andrews, “The English in the Caribbean, 1560-1620,” in The Westward Enterprise, K. R. Andrews et al., eds., p. 115.

10. “The Discourse of the Old Company, 1625,” in Lyon Gardiner Tyler, ed., Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 434. That is why the population had consisted chiefly of males. See Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling with the Indians, p. 10. See also Cressy, Coming Over, pp. 37–38.

11. Stuart Royal Proclamations, 1:108–109.

12. Ibid., p. 571.

13. Ibid., pp. 98, 206. Johnson, The New Life, Force, ed., 1:21.

14. Ibid., pp. 52, 378.

15. As estimated by Thomas Mun, the seventeenth-century economic historian, and cited in Wood, A History of the Levant Company, p. 42.

16. Stuart Royal Proclamations, 1:146 n.

17. See Peter N. Carroll, Puritanism and the Wilderness, chapter 2, for a detailed survey of the impact of the ocean on New England emigrants. See also Cressy, Coming over, chapter 6, “The vast and furious ocean.”

18. Edward Johnson, Johnson’s Wonder Working Providence, J. Franklin Jameson, ed., chapter XVI and passim;Thomas Tillam, “Uppon the first sight of New England June 29, 1638” in Messerole, ed., Seventeenth-Century American Poetry, p. 397.

19. Sir Thomas Gates, “A true reportory of the wracke” (1609), in Purchas his Pilgrimes, 19:8.

20. An Account of the Captivity of Sir Henry Middleton in Jean de Laroque, A Voyage to Arabia Foelix through the Eastern Ocean and the streights of the Red-Sea, p. 268.

21. Eburne, A Plain Pathway to Plantations, p. 44.

22. See for instance Jennings, The Invasion of America, chapters 3 ff.; David Stannard, American Holocaust, chapter 1.

23. The Letters of John Chamberlain, McClure, ed., 1:367.

24. Bridenbaugh, Jamestown, p. 45; David Ransom, “Wives for Virginia, 1621,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 48 (1991): 3–18; Kuperman, Settling with the Indians, p. 19.

25. For a brief account of the negative propaganda see Cressy, Coming Over, pp. 13–16. For White’s refutation see his account in The New World, Stefan Lorant, ed., pp. 169 ff. For Smith and Levett see Sailors’ Narratives of Voyages along the New England Coast, 1524–1624, George Parker Winship, ed., pp. 242–247, 290–291. See also Howard Mumford Jones, “The colonial impulse: an analysis of the ‘promotion’ literature of colonization,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 90 (1946): 131–161. For the earthly paradise motif see Bernard W. Sheehan, Savagism and Civility, chapter 1; Robert Ralston Cawley, The Voyagers and Elizabethan Drama, pp. 290 ff.

26. Sir Sidney Lee, Elizabethans and Other Essays, Boas, ed., p. 322.

27. William L. Sachse, “The Migration of New Englanders to England, 1640–1660,” American Historical Review, 53 (1948): 251–278. See also the introduction to the facsimile reproduction of Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence, p. v; Andrew Delbanco, “Looking Homeward, Going Home: The Lure of England for the Founders of New England,” New England Quarterly, 59 (1986): 358–386;Cressy, Coming Over, chapter 8.

28. Okeley, Eben-Ezer, pp. 46–47. It is possible that this hesitation to return home was in response to the propaganda for the settlement of America. See for instance Eburne’s “Epistle to Readers,” in which he denounced the poor and the indigent for staying in England and increasing the country’s “misery and decay” instead of relocating to the plantations, A Plain Pathway, pp. 11–12 especially.

29. George Alsop, A Character of the Province of Maryland (1666), Newton D. Mereness, ed., p. 106.

30. All the information is from Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, pp. 18, 89, 139, 138, 139–140.

31. Knight, A Relation, A3v; The Statutes of the Realm, 5:134.

32. List and Analysis of State Papers, Wernham, ed., 1:450.

33. Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, p. 163.

34. Christopher Hill, “Impressment and Empire,” in Liberty Against the Law, p. 165; see also James D. Butler, “British Convicts shipped to American Colonies,” American Historical Review, 2 (1896): 12–34, and the extensive survey by Abbot Emerson Smith, Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607–1776, and chapter 1 in Ballagh, White Servitude.

35. “Of Plantations,” in Essays in Selected Writings of Francis Bacon, Hugh G. Dick, ed., p. 90.

36. Hill, “Impressment and Empire” in Liberty against the Law, p. 169.

37. C. S. P., Colonial, 1574–1660, p. 268.

38. Edmund S. Morgan, “The First American Boom: Virginia 1618 to 1630,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 28 (1971): 197.

39. The Records of the Virginia Company of London, Kingsbury, ed., 1:334–335.

40. Richard S. Dunn, “Experiments holy and unholy, 1630–1631,” K. R. Andrews et al., eds., The Westward Enterprise, p. 272. In 1616 Bermuda had 600 inhabitants while Virginia had 350. See David D. Smits, “‘Abominable Mixture’: Toward the Repudiation of Anglo-Indian Intermarriage in Seventeenth-Century Virginia,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 95 (1987): 157–193. A detailed study of the colonists in Virginia appears in Morgan, “The First American Boom,” p. 170 and the references in note 4. Morgan asserts that in 1624 the number of colonists in Virginia was 1292; a year later, the number had fallen to 1210.

41. For the figures of captives see C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1625–1626, 1:343; for the American figures see Alden T. Vaughan and Daniel K. Richter, “Crossing the Cultural Divide: Indians and New Englanders, 1605–1763,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 90 (1980), pp. 27, 46. See also Nicholas Canny, “The permissive frontier: social control in English Settlements in Ireland and Virginia, 1550–1650,” in K. R. Andrews et al., eds., The Westward Enterprise, pp. 30-32.

42. For Wales see David B. Quinn, “Wales and the West,” in Explorers and Colonies, pp. 397–415.

43. Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence, p. 37.

44. See the analysis of White’s list in Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, pp. 55 ff. The data about the social status of the emigrants before the Great Migration are less detailed than those after the Migration. See John Camden Hotten, ed., The Original Lists of Persons of Quality . . . Who went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600–1700, pp. 169–196, 201–265, 266–274; the lists in W. S., The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first beginning from England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, till this present 1612, in Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages, 2:382–383, 397–400, 418–422; chapter 2 in Cressy, Coming Over. For an analysis of 273 migrants in 1637, see T. H. Breen and Stephen Foster, “Moving to the New World,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd. series, 30 (1973): 189–222.

45. Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony in Virginia, pp. 35–43.

46. Josiah Child, A New Discourse of Trade (1694), p. 183. See the study by David Souden, “‘Rogues, Whores and Vagabonds’?: Indentured Servant Emigrants to North America and the Case of Mid-Seventeenth Century Bristol,” Social History, 3 (1978): 23–41.

47. Alexander Young, ed., Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, 1602–1625, 2:257.

48. Paul Baepler, “The Barbary Captivity Narrative in Early America,” Early American Literature, 30 (1995), p. 96.

49. Smith, Travels and Works, Arber, ed., 1:240; Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, Davis, ed., p. 206.

50. Voyage to Maryland, Lawtasch-Boomgaarden, trans. and ed., p. 27; C. S. P., Colonial Series, 1574–1660, p. 309; C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 1640–1642, 25:18.

51. Winthrop’s Journal, “History of New England, 1630–1649,” Hosmer, ed., 2:126–27.

52. See the edition of Joshua Gee’s journal, Narrative of Joshua Gee of Boston, Mass.; Diary of Cotton Mather, 1681–1709, 1:260. Before Gee, Abraham Browne had written an account of his captivity. See Stephen T. Riley, “Abraham Browne’s Captivity by the Barbary Pirates, 1655,” in Seafaring in Colonial Massachusetts, (Boston: Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1980), pp. 31–42.

53. Mather, The Goodness of God Celebrated (1700), preface. There were many other references in the third quarter of the seventeenth century to American captives in North Africa. In 1676, a memorandum to King Charles II called for the protection of the Virginia fleet from the attacks of the “Algerines.” C. S. P., Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1675–1676, also Addenda, 1574–1674, p. 516. Three years later the future governor of the province of Albemarle was captured by the “Turks and carried into Algiers”; in April 1680, a petitioner in Jamaica complained about “the Algiers men-of-war infesting the seas,” and in the following month, a similar complaint about the “Algerine pirates” came from Barbados: the dread of pirates, wrote the governor, Sir Jonathan Atkins, had forced the ships to “go round by Ireland and Scotland, which will make their voyages longer than ever.” C. S. P., Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1677-1680, pp. 326, 530, 532. In 1681, The Impartial Protestant reported in London that “Mr. Seth Southel Sailing to the Colony of Carolina, in October 1678. with a Commission to be Governour thereof, and to Collect His Majesties Duty there, in his Passage was taken Captive by the Turks, and carried into Argier, where for about two years he under went a most intollerable and Barbarous Slavery.” The Impartial Protestant, no. 41, September 9–13, 1681.

54. Edmund S. Morgan, “The First American Boom,” p. 196. See also Sheehan, Savagism & Civility, pp. 112–114; J. Norman Heard, White into Red, where the author maintains that when individuals of either race, white or Indian, experienced both civilizations—English and Native American—they “so frequently preferred the Indian life style,” p. 13; John Canup, Out of the Wilderness, p. 125.

55. For a study of converts to Islam, see chapter 1 in my Islam in Britain.

56. Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning, p. 9.

57. Strachey, Historie, p. 45; Rawlins, The Famous and Wonderful Recovery of a Ship of Bristol, Firth, ed., p. 274.

58. The term renegade or runnugate had also applied to an Englishman who went native among the Irish. For the use of the term among the Indians see, for instance, Captain Edward Maria Wingfield’s use in 1608 of “our men runnugates,” in Barbour, ed., Jamestown Voyages, p. 216, and the reference to Joshua Tift as a “Renegadoe” in N. S., A Continuation of the State of New-England (1676) in Narratives of the Indian Wars, 1675–1699, Lincoln, ed., p. 67.

59. Puritans among the Indians, Alden T. Vaughan and Edward W. Clark, eds., p. 15. For the change in attitude toward the Indians after 1622 see Vaughan, “‘Expulsion of the Salvages’: English Policy and the Virginia Massacre of 1622,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd. Series 35 (1978): 57–84; Vaughan and Richter, “Crossing the Cultural Divide,” p. 48.

60. Vaughan and Richter, “Crossing the Cultural Divide,” p. 63, figure 5;Vaughan and Clark, Puritans among the Indians, pp. 15–16. See the detailed study of the daughter of John Williams in John Demos, The Unredeemed Captive: A Family Story from Early America. On the other hand, Britons of mature age who were captured and forcibly Indianized often yearned to return home. See for instance John Tanner’s eighteenth-century account, The Falcon: A Narrative of the Captivity & Adventures of John Tanner During Thirty Years Residence among the Indians in the Interior of North America. James Axtell concluded that at the end of the colonial period, “large numbers of French and English settlers had chosen to become Indians.” The Invasion Within, chapter 13, pp. 302–305 especially.

61. Penrose, Travel and Discovery in the Renaissance, pp. 237–238.

62. See the biography of Pory by William S. Powell, John Pory, 1572–1636; Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, p. 150.

63. D’Amico, The Moor, p. 220. For a reproduction of the coat of arms see Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness, p. 20.

64. Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, p. 10; Smith, A Description of New England (1616), in Sailors’ Narratives, p. 243.

65. A Brief Narration . . . New-England, in Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Baxter, ed., p. 163 n.

66. The Roanoke Voyages, Quinn, ed., 1:464; Records of the Virginia Company of London, Kingsbury, ed., 4:43; Marvell, The Complete Poems, Donno, ed., p. 116.

67. Patricia Seed has shown how the Portuguese and the Spaniards used the same methods for colonizing the Indians as they had for subduing the Muslims. Ceremonies of Possesion in Europe’s Conquest of the New World, chapter 3.

68. Quoted in Sheehan, Savagism & Civility, p. 52; David B. Quinn, ed., New American World, 1:362 ff. See especially p. 416 where Coronado speaks of the “Indian Turk.” In the encounter with the American Indians, wrote Kevin Terraciano, the Spaniards “especially use[d] the Moors as model,” in “Discourses of Tolerance and Intolerance of Native Culture and History in Early Spanish American Writings,” paper given at the “Seminar on Toleration,” U. C. L. A., 24–25 April 1997. But the Spaniards later realized that the actual methods used in Christianizing the Moors “were inappropriate in America.” John Parry, “A Secular Sense of Responsibility,” in First Images of America, Chiappelli, ed., 1:303.

69. Hakluyt, Navigations, 5:62–63.

70. Parker, Books to Build an Empire, pp. 39–40.

71. Richard Eden, The first Three English books on America [circa 1511]–1555 A. D., Edward Arber, ed., pp. xxviii, 23, 25, 27, 374. See also Eden’s The History of Trauayle in the West and East Indies, and other countreys lying eyther way … Persia, Arabia, Syria, A Egypte, Ethiopia . . . Newly set in order, augmented, and finished by Richarde Willes (1577).

72. For a general comparison between the first two editions of Navigations, see chapters 2 and 3 in E. G. R. Taylor, Late Tudor and Early Stuart Geography. See also Parker, Books to Build an Empire, p. 174. For a study of Hakluyt’s ideological position in regard to Africa see Emily Bartels, “Imperialist Beginnings: Richard Hakluyt and the Construction of Africa,” Criticism, 34 (1992): 517–538. See also C. F. Beckingham, “The Near East: North and North-east Africa,” in D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook pp. 176–196. For Hakluyt’s view of the Indians see Alfred A. Cave, “Richard Hakluyt’s Savages: The Influence of 16th Century Travel Narratives on English Indian Policy in North America,” International Social Science Review, 60 (1985): 3–24.

73. In the 1613 edition of Purchas his Pilgrimage, the “Third Book” was about the Muslims (along with parts of the fifth too, which includes descriptions of Egypt and Barbary), and the eighth book was about America. The 1614 edition of Purchas further expanded the material. The 1617 edition expanded the “Third Booke,” which is about the “Arabians, Saracens, Turkes,” from the 110 pages in the 1614 edition (pp. 227–337) to 130 pages (pp. 255–385).

74. Mather, The Life of the Renowned John Eliot, p. 84.

75. Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583–1594, Irene A. Wright, ed. and trans., pp. 54, 212, 173. It is important to recall that Spain had instituted very strict laws against the travel or emigration of Moors and/or Moriscos to America. Peter Boyd-Bowman, “Spanish Emigrants to the Indies, 1595–98: A Profile,” in First Images of America, Chiappelli, ed., 2:738, 756.

76. Purchas His Pilgrimage (1617 ed.), p. 276. For Moors settled in America, see Father Escobedo, Pirates, Indians, and Spaniards, Covington, ed., pp. 76 ff. See also the fascinating study by Louis Cardillac, “Qadiyyat al-Moriskiyyeen bi America” (The Case of the Moriscos in America) in Al-Muriskiyyoon al-Andalusiyyoon wal Maseehiyyoon, al-Tamimi, trans., pp. 145–166. See further the interesting thesis by N. Brent Kennedy, The Melungeons, especially pp. 108–126.

77. D’Avenant, The Dramatic Works, 4:54–55. For a discussion of D’Avenant, see Barthelemy, Black Face, Maligned Race, pp. 171 ff.

78. Puritans, Indians, and Manifest Destiny, Segal and Stineback, eds., p. 143; John White, The Planters Plea (1630): “[S]ome conceive the Inhabitants of New-England to be Chams posterity,” p. 54; and earlier, Strachey, Historie, pp. 54 ff. See also William Mckee Evans, “From the Land of Canaan to the Land of Guinea: The Strange Odyssey of the ‘Sons of Ham, ’” American Historical Review, 85 (1980): 15–43.

79. Strachey, Historie, pp. 81, 84, 60, 61, 87, 116.

80. Travels and Works, Arber, ed., 2:811–813.

81. John Smith, A Map of Virginia, 1612, reproduced in Travels and Works, Arber, ed., 1:182.

82. Ibid., p. 280.

83. Arber, ed., Travels and Works, 2:817–18.

84. Arber, ed., Travels and Works, 2:972. For other Muslim-Indian allusions, see William Wood, New Englands Prospect (1634), where the Indians are described as “lolling on the Turkish fashion,” p. 68. “The Mahometans have 1000 monks in a monastery; the like saith Acost of Americans,” Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, part 3, section 4, p. 359.

85. Hulme, Colonial Encounters, pp. 35, 97.

86. Ibid., p. 108.

87. See the numerous references to “wild Arab” in Cawley, The Voyagers and Elizabethan Drama, pp. 178–181.

88. Waterhouse, A Declaration, p. 13. See the study of the interpreters in J. Frederick Fausz, “Middlemen in Peace and War: Virginia’s Earliest Indian Interpreters, 1608–1632,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 95 (1987): 41–64.

89. Wood, New Englands Prospect, p. 111. See Greenblatt, “Learning to Curse: Aspects of Linguistic Colonialism in the Sixteenth Century,” in Learning to Curse, pp. 16–39.

90. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 1:353.

91. See the definitive work on the subject in Toomer, Eastern Wisedome and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England.

92. Thurloe, A Collection of the State Papers, Birch, ed., 1:745.

93. Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, Routledge, ed., 5:235.

94. C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 1655–1656, 30:311, “Relation of England by Giovanni Sagredo.”

95. Gainsford, The Glory of England, pp. 191–92, and all of the seventh chapter.

96. Lord Carew, Letters from George Lord Carew to Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615–1617, p. 83. See also p. 78. In 1653, Sir Thomas Bendish reported that in Aleppo “about two yeares since, our consul was dragged about the streets, our merchants houses broke open.” Thurloe, A Collection of the State Papers, Birch, ed., 2:138–39. Britons could be humiliated, robbed, and disgraced and little could be done about it. In 1655, William Clarke, secretary to the Council of the Army, reported that the Grand Signior was “causing the throats of the English Ambassadour and all the English merchants to be cut, and their estates to be confiscated, amounting to 18 millions of crownes” in revenge for the attack of the British fleet on Tunis. The Clarke Papers. Selections from the Papers of William Clarke, Firth, ed., 3:45. For every British action Britons knew they had to reckon with a Muslim retaliation. Although no violence is reported to have been committed on the ambassador, a year later, in September 1656, it was reported to Secretary Thurloe, the intelligence gatherer of the Cromwellian administration, that the “Turke” had “cutt of the heads of two Venetian embassadors at Constantinople,” and just over a week later, “seized all the French, Flemish ships in his dominions.’” Thurloe, A Collection of the State Papers, Birch, ed., 5:403, 438.

97. Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World, chapter 2.

98. As I shall show in a paper under preparation, one of many reasons for the Civil War in England was the anger and dissatisfaction felt by thousands of men, women, and children at the continued captivity of their kin in North Africa, and at the king’s inability or unwillingness to redeem them.

99. Anonymous, New Englands First Fruits, p. 2.

100. Kingsbury, Records, 1:220. “Charter of Harvard College, May 31, 1650,” in American Colonial Documents to 1776, Merrill Jensen, ed., p. 558.

101. Breitwieser, American Puritanism and the Defense of Mourning, p. 94.

102. Alfred A. Cave, The Pequot War, p. 17.

103. Quoted in Henderson and McManus, Half Humankind, p. 269. The Indian and the Irish were often superimposed on each other. See James Muldoon, “The Indian as Irishman,” Essex Institute Historical Collections, 3 (1975): 267–289; Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization from Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 30 (1973): 575–598. It is interesting that the Muslims also reminded the English of the Irish. See Gainsford, The Glory of England, p. 23; Adam Elliott, A Modest Vindication of Titus Oates the Salamanca-Doctor: the Moors who came out to see the captives “wellcomed us with horrid barbarous Shouts somewhat like the Irish hubbub,” p. 6.

4. SODOMY AND CONQUEST

1. Trexler, Sex and Conquest, p. 60.

2. Islamic Homosexualities, Murray and Roscoe, eds., p. 24. For the “berdache” in America, see Charles Callendar and Lee M. Kochems, “The North America Berdache,” Current Anthropology, 24 (1983): 443–470.

3. Historia, in New Iberian World, Parry and Keith, eds., 1:13.

4. Ibid.

5. Todorov, The Conquest of America, p. 177. Las Casas denied the sodomy accusation in History of the Indies, Andrée Collard, ed. and trans., xiv and 48.

6. Canup, Out of the Wilderness, chapter 2, “The Disafforestation of the Mind.” See also R. F. Oaks, “Things Fearful to Name: Sodomy and Buggery in Seventeenth-Century New England,” in Journal of Social History 12 (1978–1979): 268–281.

7. Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, Morison, ed., pp. 404–413.

8. Quoted in Segal and Stineback, eds., Puritans, Indians, and Manifest Destiny, p. 90.

9. Ibid., p. 154.

10. Quoted in Bruce R. Smith, Homosexual Desire in Shakespeare’s England, p. 45.

11. Winthrop Papers, 2:91, quoted in Segal and Stineback, eds., Puritans, Indians, and Manifest Destiny, p. 50.

12. See Nowell, Abraham in Arms, pp. 1–9.

13. The History and Description of Africa, Pory, trans. 2: 2, 294.

14. Jordan, White over Black, p. 40.

15. Tokson, The Popular Image of the Black Man, p. 17.

16. Davis, Trve Relation of the Trauailes and most miserable Captiuitie, B2v.

17. There is still no comprehensive study of homosexuality in Islamic history. See the brief discussion with useful notes in Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, pp. 194–98; Bullough, Sexual Variance in Society and History, pp. 229 ff.; Homoeroticism in Classical Arabic Literature, Wright and Rowson, eds. These sources, however, rely on literary texts only and not on historical or sociological surveys. Islamic Homosexualities, Murray and Roscoe, eds., conflates literary models from medieval Islam with twentieth-century practices.

18. Burg, Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition, p. xvi; Craigie, ed., The Basilicon Doron of King James VI, 1:65.

19. See the detailed study of the literary “myths” in Smith, Homosexual Desire.

20. Bray, Homosexuality in Renaissance England; Hill, “Male Homosexuality in 17thCentury England,” in The Collected Essays of Christopher Hill, 3:226–235; Bullough, “The Sin Against Nature and Homosexuality,” in Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church, Bullough and Brundage, eds., pp. 55–72; Burg, Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition.

21. For an interesting case study of a seventeenth-century trial see Caroline Binham, “Seventeenth-Century Attitudes toward Deviant Sex,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1 (1971): 447–468.

22. Nicolay, The Nauigations, peregrinations and voyages, T. Washington, trans., p. 8r.

23. Hanmer, The Baptizing of a Turke, 4v.

24. Lithgow, The Rare Adventures, Phelps, ed., p. 99.

25. Knolles, General Historie of the Turkes, 2nd ed.(1610), p. 962.

26. “Relations of the Christianitie of Africa” in Purchas His Pilgrimes, 9:282. See also Cameron McFarlane, The Sodomite in Fiction and Satire, 1660–1750, pp. 38–40.

27. Hanmer, The Baptizing of a Turke, 4v.

28. Grimeston, The History of the Serrail, pp. 163–64.

29. Calvert, The blessed Jew of Morocco, p. 219.

30. Purchas Pilgrimage, (1613 edition), p. 246.

31. Al-Wufrani, Nuzhat al-Hadi, pp. 77, 179; Ahmad bin Qasim, Nasir al-Deen, pp. 50–52. See appendix C for a translation.

32. Quoted in Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, p.150.

33. The Case of many Hundreds of Poor English Captives, in Algier, p. 1.; Fox, To The Great Turk and the King at Argiers, p. 4. See my article “Some Notes on George Fox and Islam,” The Journal of the Friends’ Historical Society, 55 (1989): 271–276.

34. Quoted in Carroll, “Quaker Slaves in Algiers, 1679–1688,” in The Journal of the Friends’ Historical Society, 54 (1982), p. 308.

35. Berckman, Victims of Piracy, pp. 51–52; Burg, Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition, chapters 2 and 3 especially.

36. Rowse, Homosexuals in History, chapter 4.

37. Trexler, Sex and Conquest, p. 91.

38. Grimeston, The History of the Serrail, p. 62.

39. Purchas His Pilgrimes, 9:281. In 1614, during a debate in the House of Commons, it was noted that because certain English merchants were poor and traded in unprotected ships, their goods were seized by the “Algerines” and “their Children buggered and made slaves.” Commons Debate, Notestein et al., eds., 7:637.

40. Rycaut, The Present State, p. 33.

41. St. Serfe, Tarugo’s Wiles: or the Coffee-House (1668), Park, ed., p. 233.

42. Grimeston, The History of the Serrail, p. 163.

43. Rycaut, The Present State, p. 33.

44. Sanderson, A Discourse of the most notable things of the famous Citie Constantinople, in Purchas His Pilgrimes, 9:483.

45. For a discussion of the satirical attitude to sodomy in the Shakespearean period, see chapters 3 and 4 in Smith, Homosexual Desire.

46. Lithgow, The Rare Adventures, Phelps, ed., pp. 209–210.

47. Baker, Piracy and Diplomacy in Seventeenth-Century North Africa, Pennell, ed., p. 161.

48. Elliott, A Modest Vindication of Titus Oates, p. 13.

49. Hammond, “Titus Oates and ‘Sodomy, ’” in Culture and Society in Britain 1660–1800, Black, ed., p. 98.

50. Bray, Homosexuality, p. 28.

51. Boswell, Christianity, p. 279, n. 32.

52. Osborne, Politicall Reflections upon the Government of the Turks, p. 81.

53. T. S., The Adventures of (Mr. T. S.), p. 28.

54. Gainsford, The Glory of England, 25r.

55. Bray, Homosexuality, p. 62.

56. Boswell, Christianity, p. 159.

57. Rowse, Homosexuals in History, p. 17.

58. Rycaut, The Present State, p. 31.

59. For Bruce R. Smith, however, there was a sexual element behind the literary use of Neoplatonic concepts and models: Homosexual Desire, chapter 2.

60. Rycaut, The Present State, p. 31.

61. Bray, Homosexuality, p. 17.

62. Rycaut, The Present State, p. 34.

63. Grimeston, The History of the Serrail, p. 166.

64. Rycaut, The History of the Turkish Empire, p. 69.

65. Purchas, Pilgrimage (1613 ed.), p. 246.

66. Quoted in Patricia Parker, “Fantasies of ‘Race’ and ‘Gender’: Africa, Othello and bringing to light,” in Women,” Race,” and Writing in the Early Modern Period, Hendricks and Parker, eds., p. 84

67. Sandys, A Relation of a Journey begun An. Dom. 1610, p. 69.

68. Nicolay, The Nauigations, peregrinations and voyages, T. Washington, trans., p. 60r.

69. Shirley, Discours of the Turkes, p. 2.

70. Goodich, The Unmentionable Vice, p. 20.

71. Jonathan Goldberg, “Colin to Hobbinol: Spenser’s Familiar Letters,” South Atlantic Quarterly, 88 (1989), p. 115.

72. Jordan, White over Black, p. 25. Why such prurience should be a mark of the “civilized” is unclear.

73. Sir Anthony Sherley and His Persian Adventure, Ross, ed., p. 187.

74. Ibid., p. 107.

75. Ibid., p. 217.

76. See for instance Grimeston’s translation of an account of the Persians by Pierre d’Avity: “although they marrie many wiues, yet they loue boies, and pursue them as eagerly or rather more than women: wherein they imitate the Turkes and moreouer they haue detestable places appointed for those pleasures, whereas they keepe young boies to that end.” Edward Grimeston, The Estates, Empires, & Principallities, p. 793. See also The Second Volume of the Post-boy, p. 81.

77. Coryat, Master Coryats Constantinopolitan Observations abridged in Purchas His Pilgrimes, 10:425.

78. Kadir, Columbus and the Ends of the Earth, p. 70

5. HOLY LAND, HOLY WAR

1. See Kadir, Columbus and the Ends of the Earth, pp. 30–31 esp.; Eden, The Decades (1555), pp. aiiiir–v. See also the survey by Roger B. Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and the New, vol. 3: chapter 25; Charles Verlinden, Yvonne Freccero, trans., The Beginnings of Modern Colonization, chapter 1; and “The Muslim Frontier,” in New Iberian World, Parry and Keith, eds., 1:189–234.

2. In his American Holocaust, David Stannard showed how Spaniards applied their anti-Muslim holy war ideology on the American Indians—with devastating results. (Unit III).

3. Segal and Stineback, eds., Puritans, Indians, and Manifest Destiny, p. 49, quoting Cotton Mather. See also Gary B. Nash, “The Image of the Indian in the Southern Colonial Mind,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 29 (1972): 197–230; Canup, Out of the Wilderness, p. 142; Roy Harvey Pearce, “The ‘Ruines of Mankind”: The Indian and the Puritan Mind,” J. H. I., 13 (1952): 200–217.

4. Mead’s views were not confined to England but extended to New England too: see William Hubbard, A General History of New England, p. 26.

5. The Jamestown Voyages, Barbour, ed., 1:114.

6. The State Papers of John Thurloe, Birch, ed., 5:82–83.

7. Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, part 1, p. 239.

8. Samuel Lee, Israel Redux (1677), chapter 13; Ross, A view of all Religions, p. 37.

9. See the map by the first Turkish printer, Ibraheem Mutteferrika, “Iqleem Misr,” (undated but engraved and printed in 1729), which refers to “ard Filisteen.” I am grateful to Professor E. Birnbaum for permission to reproduce the map.

10. The Jamestown Voyages, Barbour, ed., 1:234.

11. Ibid., 1:79.

12. Purchas his Pilgrimes, 19:219.

13. Ibid., p. 243.

14. Cave, “Richard Hakluyt’s Savages: The Influence of 16th Century Travel Narratives on English Indian Policy in North America,” International Social Science Review, 60 (1985), p. 9. See the earlier discussion of this theme in Wright, Religion and Empire, chapter 4, and Miller, Errand Into the Wilderness, chapter 4. By 1637 the theme was so common that Thomas Morton wrote a treatise on New English Canaan or New Canaan in which he described America (sometimes tongue-in-cheek) as the Promised Land to which the Christian colonists from England had divine right.

15. Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, B3v; Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, D2r; Cushman, “Reasons and Considerations touching the lawfulness of removing out of England,” in Young, ed., Chronicles, pp. 243–244.

16. Segal and Stineback, eds., Puritans, p. 91.

17. Ibid., p. 31. See Vaughan, New England Frontier, Puritans and Indians 1620–1675, who believes that this argument was used by far fewer of the Puritans than other English settlers, p. lxiii. See also Chester E. Eisinger, “The Puritans’ Justification for Taking the Land,” Essex Institute Historical Collections, 84 (1948): 131–143.

18. Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War, reprinted in History of the Pequot War, Orr, ed., p. 44.

19. The Worlde, or An historicall description of the most famous kingdomes and commonweales therein . . . Translated into English, and inlarged (1601), pp. 54–55; Gainsford, The Glory of England, p. 37v.

20. T. S., The Adventures of (Mr. T. S.), p. 114.

21. Gainsford, The Glory of England, p. 30v.

22. Purchas his Pilgrimage (1617), p. 361.

23. George Sandys, A Relation, “To the Prince.” See also the comment by Haynes about Sandys’ map with which the text opens: Sandys “nowhere recognizes Turkish or Arab jurisdiction . . One might conclude (with justice) that the Muslim presence was thought of as a shadow over the land rather than as an historical actuality to be assimilated.” The Humanist as Traveller, p. 16.

24. Purchas his Pilgrimes, 19:235.

25. William S. Simmons, “Cultural Bias in New England Puritans’ Perception of the Indians,” William and Mary Quarterly, 38 (1981): p. 71.

26. Suriano, Treatise on the Holy Land, p. 29.

27. Thomas Brightman too emphasized this theme. See in particular, A Revelation of the Reuelation that is the Revelation of St. John, p. 292.

28. Ashton, A shorte treatise upon the Turkes Chronicles, the introductory poem; John Ross, Tangers Rescue; or a Relation of the late Memorable Passages at Tanger “A Poem,” (1680), p. 35; Defoe, see conclusion below; and Foss, A Journal of the Captivity and Sufferings of John Foss, pp. 47, 69.

29. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2: 578.

30. See Mather, Decennium, in Narratives of the Indian Wars, Lincoln, ed.: “we Translated the Bible into Indian. That they might gather from hence, that the French [Catholics] had put Poison into the Good Drink,” p. 257. See also Mather, The Life of the Renowned John Eliot, p. 124.

31. See Kellaway, The New England Company 1649–1776, chapters 2 and 5.

32. Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade; John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson, Just War and Jihad; Stannard, American Holocaust; Bainton, Christian Attitudes toward War and Peace; Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints. See also J. H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance, p. 390.

33. Turner, Ideology, Reason and the Limitation of War, chapter 2.

34. Bainton, Christian Attitudes, pp. 44–45.

35. Erdmann, The Origin, pp. 41–56.

36. David Little, “‘Holy War’ Appeals and Western Christianity: A Reconsideration of Bainton’s Approach,” in Just War, Kelsay and Johnson, eds., p. 127.

37. Ibid., p. 129.

38. Craigie, The Problem of War in the Old Testament, pp. 49–50. Such a view was advanced in 1629 by the rector Richard Bernard, for whom holy war was exclusively the war of Yahweh. In his The Bible-Battells or The Sacred Art Military (1629), he presented “an History of Holy Warres”—the wars in the Old Testament between the Israelites and God’s enemies.

39. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, 1580–1615, chapters 2 and 4.

40. Tyerman, England and the Crusades 1095–1588, pp. 369–370. For a brief discussion of “holy war” in medieval England see Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent, pp. 135 ff.

41. Johnson, Ideology, p. 82. Braudel stated that after 1600 the idea of an anti-Muslim crusade gained ground, but went into decline as soon as the Thirty Years War started, The Mediterranean, 2:844.

42. A Trve Declaration, Force, ed. 3:7. See Alfred A. Cave, “Canaanites in a Promised Land: the American Indian and the Providential Theory of Empire,” American Indian Quarterly, 12 (1988): 277–297.

43. Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony in Virginia (1622), pp. 17, 23. See also A Relation or Iournall of the beginning and proceedings of the English Plantation setled at Plimoth in NEW ENGLAND (1622), pp. 65–72.

44. Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War, in Orr, ed., History of the Pequot War, pp. 19, 23, 30.

45. Cited in Segal and Stineback, eds., Puritans, p. 111.

46. Underhill, in Orr, ed., History of the Pequot War, pp. 80–81.

47. Wigglesworth, The Poems of Michael Wigglesworth, Bosco, ed., p. 91. See also Canup, Out of the Wilderness, p. 80, for the Indian-Amalekite comparison.

48. Increase Mather, A Brief History of the Warr with the Indians in Newe-England, Slotkin and Folson, eds., p. 86. See the discussion of King Philip’s War as a “just” and “holy” war in Jill Lepore, The Name of War, pp.107–113.

49. Cotton Mather, Decennium Luctuosum (1699), in Narratives of the Indian Wars, 1675–1699, Lincoln, ed., pp. 201, 203, 208, 210, 227, 230, 231.

50. The Works of the Right Reverend Joseph Hall, D. D., 7:349–354.

51. Newton, A Notable History of the Saracens, B4r–C1v. The author was Cornelius Augustinus Curio.

52. What may have motivated Heywood to write his play was the success, temporary as it was, of the Croatians in defending themselves against the Ottoman advance in Central Europe. In 1593, A true discourse wherein is set down the Wonderfull mercy of God shewed towardes the Christians, on the two and twenty of Iune, 1592 against the Turke, before Sysck in Croatia had appeared in London; in 1595, The Warres betweene the Christians and the Turke and The Estate of Christians, liuing vnder the subiection of the Turke also appeared.

53. The Foure Prentises of London. With the Conquest of Ierusalem in The Dramatic Works of Thomas Heywood, 2:221.

54. Ibid., p. 243.

55. Carew, Godfrey of Bvlloigne or The Recouerie of Hierusalem An Heroicall Poeme written in Italian by Seig. Torquato Tasso, and translated into English by R. C. Esquire (1594).

56. Lee, “Tasso and Shakespeare’s England,” 169–184 in Elizabethans and Other Essays. Boas, ed.

57. James I, The Poems of James VI of Scotland, Craigie, ed., 1:197–257.

58. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 2:223.

59. Ibid., pp. 225, 227.

60. Cited in Watson and Thomson, History of Philip III, 2: appendix.

61. The Fugger News-Letters, Second Series, Klarwill, ed., p. 346.

62. In 1596 a biography of Scanderberg was translated from French into English (with a prefatory poem by Edmund Spenser) in which the heroic achievements of this “scourge of the Turks” were presented. Iaqves de Lavardin, The Historie of George Castriot.

63. “London’s Love to the Royall Prince Henrie, meeting him on the River of Thames (at his returne from Richmonde) with a worthie Fleete of her Citizens, on Thursday the last of May 1610,” in The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities, of King James the First, Nichols, ed., 2:315 ff.

64. Nichols, ed., Progresses …James the First, p. 323.

65. Nichols, ibid, p. 528.

66. Ibid., p. 529.

67. Ibid.

68. Ibid., p. 528.

69. Ibid.

70. The Letters of John Chamberlain, McClure, ed., 1:416.

71. Ibid., p. 418. He repeated the same words to Sir Dudley Carleton, p. 421.

72. Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry 1558–1642, p. 96.

73. Nichols, ed., Progresses … of King James, 2:541.

74. Akrigg, Jacobean Pageant, The Court of King James I, p. 146.

75. Nichols, eds., Progresses . . . of King James, 2:659–660.

76. Ibid., p. 662.

77. Ibid., p. 664.

78. Cited in Nichols, Progresses . . . of King James, 2:647. See also Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry, pp. 98–99.

79. The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, Spedding et al. eds., 13:175–181.

80. The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 4.

81. Fisher, Barbary Legend, p. 186.

82. Anderson, An Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce, 2:291.

83. Algiers Voyage in a Iournall or Briefe Reportary of all occurents hapning, A3v.

84. See chapters 5 and 6 in Hebb, Piracy and the English Government for a detailed analysis of this expedition.

85. Bacon, Letters and the Life, Spedding et al., eds., 7:17–36. The text, however, only appeared in print in 1629.

86. J. Max Patrick, “Hawk versus Dove: Francis Bacon’s Advocacy of a Holy War by James I against the Turks,” Studies in the Literary Imagination, 4 (1971), p. 161.

87. Bacon, Letters and the Life, Spedding et al., eds., 7:28.

88. Ibid., p. 32.

89. Ibid.

90. Ibid., p. 19.

91. It is interesting that when William Monson looked back at this unsuccessful expedition during the reign of King Charles I, he too viewed it as having been motivated by James’s religious zeal. Although Monson did not use the phrase “holy war,” he emphasized at the outset of his treatise how the king had been concerned for his subjects and “all other Christian people in Europe” who were being captured by the Turks: “The ill-managed Enterprise upon Algiers,” in Sir William Monson’s Naval Tracts, 3:94.

92. Commons Debate 1621, Notestein et al., eds., 4:14.

93. Godfrey of Bulloigne: A critical edition of Edward Farifax’s translation of Tasso’s Gerusalemme Liberata, together with Farifax’s Original Poems, Lea and Gang, eds., pp. 590–91.

94. Ibid., pp. 88–93.

95. C. S. P. and Manuscripts . . . Venice, 1621–1623, 27:483–484. A decade earlier the crusade was aimed against France. See George Marcelliue, The French Herald Summoning all True Christian Princes to a generall Croisade, for a holy warr against the great Enemy of Christendome, and all his slaves. Upon the Occasion of the most execrable murther of Henry the great (1611).

96. De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:49.

97. Ibid., pp. 125–127.

98. Kellet, A Retvrne from Argier, p. 66.

99. Marsh, A New Survey of the Turkish Empire, pp. 59 ff.

100. Ibid., pp. 64–65.

101. Ibid., pp. 65–66.

102. Ibid., p. 75.

103. Ibid., p. 76.

104. Ibid., p. 85.

105. Ibid., p. 84.

106. S. P. 16/279 fols. 61r–v.

107. A Letter from the King of Morocco, To his Majesty the King of England Charles I (London, 1680, and republished in 1682). I am using the latter version.

108. Ibid. See another version of this letter in De Castries, Les Sources . . . d’Angleterre, 3:357.

109. Ibid., 3:431. My translation.

110. Waller, Poems (1645), “Of Salley.”

111. See Hebb, Piracy and the English Government, chapter 11.

112. Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, 1573–1645, p. 369.

113. Walzer, The Revolution, p. 290. Walzer erroneously stated that Mead was the influential eschatologist, but the Fast Sermons reveal the preeminence of Brightman’s influence.

114. Zinck, “Of Arms and the Heroic Reader: The Concept of Psychomachy in Spenser, Milton and Bunyan,” pp. 59–60.

115. Fuller, The Historie of the Holy Warre, p. 283.

116. Ibid., p. 15.

117. Ibid., p. 278.

118. Ibid., p. 16.

119. So it is not accurate to state, as Johnson has, that English seventeenth-century writers did not reject “holy war per se”(Ideology, p. 97 n).

120. Poems of Edmund Waller, Thorn Drury, ed., pp. 35 and 156.

121. Newes from the Great Turke, title page.

122. Ross, The Alcoran of Mahomet, Ff r-v.

123. Camoes, The Lusiads, or Portugals Historicall Poem, VII, 5.

124. Rome for the Great TURKE, Or Else, The Great Turke for little Rome . . . With an humble perswasion to all Christian Princes to joyne couragiously [against] Rabshakeh (1664), frontispiece.

125. See my discussion of “Christendom” in “The Individual and the Unity of Man in the Writings of Thomas Traherne,” pp. 240–249.

126. The Letters of Robert Blake, Powell, ed., and The Journals of Sir Thomas Allin, Anderson, ed.

127. I am grateful to Professor Robert G. Collmer for discussing Bunyan’s work with me and for sending me a copy of the first Arabic translation of The Pilgrim’s Progress.

128. C. S. P. Domestic, Charles I, 1636–37, 10:87.

129. John Josselyn, Colonial Traveler, Lindholdt, ed., p. 190.

130. Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence, 1628–1651, Jameson, ed., pp. 272–273.

131. The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674–1729, 1:165.

132. Diary of Cotton Mather, 1:242–243.

CONCLUSION

1. Joseph Pitts, A True and Faithful Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mohammetans, p. 3. About a century later the American novelist Royall Tyler also mentioned that the “Arabs” ate their prisoners. The Algerine Captive, p. 201.

2. Phelps, A True Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps, pp. 8–9.

3. A Plan of the English Commerce Being a Compleat Prospect of the Trade of this Nation, as well the Home Trade as the Foreign, pp. xiii–xiv.

4. Ibid., pp. 234 and 238.

5. Ibid., p. 239.

6. Ibid., p. 241.

7. Ibid., p. 243–45. For the imperialism of Defoe see J. A. Downie, “Defoe, Imperialism, and the Travel Books Reconsidered,” in Critical Essays on Daniel Defoe, Roger D. Lund, ed, pp. 78–96.

8. A Plan of the English Commerce, p. 243.

9. Ronald Takaki, “The Tempest in the Wilderness: The Racialization of Savagery,” The Journal of American History, 79 (1992), p. 912.

10. The Turkish Refugee: Being a Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, Deliverances, and Conversion, of Ishmael Bashaw, a Mahometan Merchant, from Constantinople, who was taken Prisoner by the Spaniards, and Made a Wonderful Escape to England. Where, having become a Convert to the Christian Faith, He was Publicly Baptized, with the Approbation of the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Lincoln (1797).

11. Ibid., p. 16.

12. Ibid., p. 17.

13. Ibid., p. 20.

14. Ibid., p. 21.

15. Ibid., p. 27.

16. Ibid., p. 28.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid., p. 29.

19. Ibid., p. 30.

20. It is important to distinguish between Bashaw’s account, which seems quite realistic, and the Muslim “pose” that was adopted by a writer calling himself “Gaifer.” In The Conversion of a Mahometan to the Christian Religion Described in a Letter from Gaifer, in England, to Aly-Ben-Hayton, His Friend in Turkey, the author sought to show the superiority of nonconformist Christianity to the Anglican Church.

21. See Sha’ban, Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought: chapter 3, although the discussion chiefly covers the nineteenth century and later.

22. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, McIlwaine, ed., p. 476; quoted by Alden T. Vaughan, “From White Man to Redskin: Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian,” The American Historical Review, 87 (1982), p. 935.

23. See chapter 5 in Allison, The Crescent Obscured.

24. For references to earlier short texts see Sha’ban, Islam and Arabs, p. 76.

25. In Tyler’s novel, The Algerine Captive, a similar superimposition was made. p. 36 n.

26. Roy Harvey Pearce, “The Significances of the Captivity Narrative,” American Literature, 19 (1947): 1–20. For other studies on the captivity narratives among the Indians, see Marius Barbeau, “Indian Captivities,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 94 (1950): 522–548; Richard VanDerBeets, “‘A Thirst for Empire”: The Indian Captivity Narrative as Propaganda,” Research Studies, 40 (1972): 207–215; Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence, chapter 5;Vaughan and Clark, Puritans among the Indians, introduction.

27. Foss, A Journal, p. 74.

28. See Maria Martin’s account and Thomas Nicholson’s An Affecting Narrative of the Captivity & Sufferings of Thomas Nicholson, [A Native of New. Jersey.].

29. Nathaniel Knowles, “The Torture of Captives by the Indians of Eastern North America,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 82 (1940): 151–225.

30. Foss, A Journal, pp. 32–33.

31. Ibid., pp. 52–53. Foss missed the irony: a black slave would not have been better treated in “Christian” America. In 1800, James Wilson Stephens denounced slavery in Algeria in the same breath as he denounced it in America. An Historical and Geographical Account of Algiers, p. 243.

32. Foss, A Journal, p. 47.

33. Ibid., p. 69.

APPENDIX B

1. Al-Fishtali, Manahil as-safa, p. 196.

2. Turkish cartography, however, shows Islamic familiarity with America. See Kemal Ozdemir, Ottoman Nautical Charts and the Atlas of Ali Macar Reis. (Marmara Bank Publication, 1992).