Bullying is widely recognised as being a problem, not only for those individuals involved, but also for the organisation within
which it occurs and the wider community. Few people can be unaware of bullying, either having been involved in it (as a perpetrator
or target), having witnessed it occurring or seen it reported within the local or national media. Although bullying has long
been recognised as an issue that warrants concern and action, empirical research on the topic only really began in the late
1970s. Since this time, there have been many books and journal articles published on this important topic. Work on dealing
with and preventing bullying has come from many different quarters, from governments creating laws for dealing with and punishing
bullying, and drawing up legal guidelines for institutions to follow with the aim of preventing bullying, to practitioners
developing models of intervention and prevention work with those suffering or at risk of being involved in bullying.
We currently have an established body of research focusing on the nature and extent of bullying, as well as highlighting some
of the risk factors for involvement in bullying (both individual and situational) across a number of different contexts. Much
of this research could be criticised as being somewhat atheoretical and descriptive. However, the authors within this volume
have drawn on theory in an attempt to develop models to further our understanding of the phenomenon. The merits of this approach
are that not only does it assist in our conceptualisation of these behaviours, but it also enables us to develop more focussed
and perhaps more appropriate and effective intervention and prevention programmes.
We suggest that ‘bullying’ does not only occur within peer-relationships in schools, but can also occur within many different
social contexts and in a variety of relationships. This book brings together, for the first time, leading international researchers
to address the concept
of bullying during childhood, adolescence and adulthood. We examine bullying in preschools (Monks,
Chapter 2), schools (Smith,
Chapter 3), residential care (Barter,
Chapter 4), families (Naylor, Petch and Azam Ali,
Chapter 5), dating relationships (Ortega and Sánchez,
Chapter 6), prisons (Ireland,
Chapter 7), the workplace (Coyne,
Chapter 8), among older people (Walsh, D’Aoust and Beamer,
Chapter 9) and in cyberspace (Rivers, Chesney and Coyne,
Chapter 10).
The rationale for this book is that, although most published work on bullying has focused on what occurs between children
in schools, there is now a growing body of research which has highlighted the fact that behaviours which could be described
as bullying occur in a number of other settings and relationships (e.g. Monks
et al.,
2009). However, little research has focused on similarities and differences between the different contexts, and researchers have
tended to operate within their own domain. This book begins to draw this, often disparate, research together and consider
how the commonalities and differences may help advance the general research area of bullying. Second, there is currently a
move towards applying theoretical frameworks to bullying, although this is still in its infancy and has, in the main, focused
on school bullying. This book attempts to add to the debate by considering theoretical approaches which may make useful contributions
to our understanding of bullying in all contexts. We try to draw together this research and theory from the different chapters
in
Chapter 11 (Coyne and Monks).
Research into bullying has its origins in work with peer-to-peer bullying among schoolchildren. Research in this field began
in Scandinavian countries and the original term used in the literature to describe this behaviour was ‘mobbing’ (Olweus,
1993). This term originally came from ethology and was used to describe a group of birds attacking an individual bird. It was
adopted to describe aggression among schoolchildren, as early research focused on groups of children attacking individuals.
However, later, Olweus acknowledged that one-on-one bullying was actually more common than the group versus the individual,
and the English term ‘bullying’ became more prevalent in English-language publications.
Work on school bullying has defined bullying as ‘a systematic abuse of power’ (Smith and Sharp,
1994, p. 2). Farrington (
1993) notes that bullying can be physical or psychological and that it is an act which is intended to hurt or harm another person.
The defining features of bullying which distinguish it from general aggression are that it is
repeated and that there is an imbalance of power, with the victim in the weaker or more vulnerable position. This definition
is generally agreed upon by researchers into school bullying, but there are some who argue that behaviour does not necessarily
have to be repeated to be bullying, as a one-off incident may be so upsetting and damaging to the target that they then live
in fear of it being repeated (e.g. Besag,
1989). When young people, teachers and parents are asked their views, they do not always share this definition of bullying held
by researchers. Monks and Smith (
2006) found that young children tend to have an over-inclusive definition of bullying compared with adolescents and adults. They
were more likely than older participants to conflate aggression and bullying, focusing less on the need for repetition or
an imbalance of power (see Smith,
Chapter 3).
Research examining this phenomenon in different countries has had to take into account the different terms used in different
languages and different cultures. There are even differences between countries with a shared language. For example, in English-speaking
countries, the term ‘bullying’ is more commonly used in the United Kingdom than in the United States, where ‘victimisation’
is more frequently used. Smith
et al. (
2002) examined the terms used to describe behaviours similar to bullying in 13 different languages. They found that some languages
did not possess a word with an identical meaning to ‘bullying’; for example, the closest word in Italian is ‘prepotenza’,
which also covers behaviours such as fighting (where there is not necessarily an imbalance of power or repetition). Smith
et al. noted that this disparity in terminology, which may also be used in questionnaires to ask about the prevalence of these
behaviours, may affect cross-national comparisons of reported levels of ‘bullying’. This may reflect differences in behaviours,
but may also simply reflect linguistic differences in some cases (Smith and Monks,
2008). For example, in Italy, behaviours which meet the definition of ‘bullying’ are observable, although there was no single
term to describe bullying in Italian. In the case of Italy, the term ‘il bulismo’ has now been adopted to describe bullying
behaviours. In terms of the impact this has on research, researchers tend to either provide a definition of the phenomenon
for participants to refer to, or they ask about experiences by providing examples of specific behaviours, rather than using
a term such as ‘bullying’.
Types of bullying
Historically, when looking at school bullying, research initially focused on physical attacks and tended to view bullying
as a behaviour which
occurred between boys. However, this has expanded to include verbal bullying (including threats, name-calling and taunting)
and damage to property. More recent research in the 1990s highlighted the related concepts of social, relational and indirect
bullying. Social and relational bullying refers to behaviours which are aimed specifically at attacking or causing damage
to the target’s relationships with their peers. Indirect bullying is used to describe bullying which occurs behind the recipient’s
back (and includes behaviours such as rumour-spreading). The overlap can be seen here, with rumour-spreading being indirect,
but also social and relational in nature. Social/relational bullying can also be direct in nature, referring to direct social
exclusion where an individual is told face-to-face that they cannot join in.
This illustrates that the term ‘bullying’ encompasses a wide variety of negative and potentially harmful behaviours in the
context of young people’s relationships with peers. However, we argue in this book that ‘bullying’ can be used to describe
behaviours which are exhibited in a wide variety of relationships and social contexts. This ‘systematic abuse of power’ described
by Smith and Sharp (
1994, p. 2) can be seen throughout the lifespan from preschool to older age, and across different relationships – peers, family,
partners, colleagues, employers/employees – and in a variety of contexts – preschools, schools, families, residential care,
dating relationships, prisons and the workplace. Some of the behaviours exhibited are similar to those reported among schoolchildren.
However, others are more sinister, such as sexual abuse/harassment.
‘Bullying’ is not a term that is widely used in all of these contexts to describe these behaviours; in some, the term ‘abuse’
or ‘harassment’ is more commonly used. However, it is argued in this book that, although historically work in these areas
has come from different research traditions and backgrounds and has used different terminologies, essentially we are talking
about behaviours which involve similar features, antecedents and outcomes. We do not argue that a traditional school-based
definition of the term ‘bullying’ should necessarily be used to label all of these behaviours in these different contexts,
but we do argue that by considering them as having commonalities we can then draw together findings from often very separate
research traditions, looking at theory and practice which may better inform our understanding of these behaviours. Our final
chapter poses the question of whether current definitions of bullying restrict our ability to look at these other areas in
order to consider common features and discusses whether we need to reconsider our conceptualisation of bullying.
From an early focus on peer-to-peer bullying in schools, research has broadened its approach to explore other examples of
bullying behaviour. Research has also begun to examine bullying-type behaviours across a broader age range. Much of the school
bullying literature has focused on children aged eight years and over. However, more recently, researchers have started to
look at younger age groups, including preschoolers, in an attempt to identify the origins of these types of behaviour. Peer-directed
aggression does occur among these very young peer-groups, but it does not meet the definition of bullying used in the school
bullying literature and outlined above. The research reviewed by Monks in
Chapter 2 indicates that this aggression does not appear to be repeated over time, with one-off incidents fairly common, and little
research has focused on a power differential between victim and aggressor. As a result, the term ‘bullying’ does not tend
to be used to describe these behaviours, but rather terms such as ‘peer-victimisation’ or ‘unjustified aggression’ are employed
instead to mark the difference in definition. However, as Monks argues, these behaviours may in some cases mark the early
beginnings of bullying as it is known in school.
When examining bullying among children, but within a context away from school, the residential home, Barter (
Chapter 4) notes that research does not tend to use the term ‘bullying’ to describe aggressive and violent behaviours. Instead, the
term most commonly used is ‘peer violence’, which is broader than bullying and describes the four main types of violence identified
within this context. These are: direct physical violence (which includes hitting, slapping, etc.), physical non-contact (invasion
of privacy, dirty looks, etc.), verbal abuse (name-calling) and unwanted sexual behaviours (such as inappropriate touching
and rape). Although there has long been concern regarding children’s experiences within care, this is only a relatively recently
studied area.
Other research examined within this book has come from well-established and distinct research traditions. In particular, this
is the case when looking at investigations focused on aggression and violence within family contexts and within the context
of couples. Aggression and violent behaviour within these contexts has long been the focus of concern and research. This research
has often been carried out completely separately from and in parallel with research on bullying and has rarely used the term
‘bullying’ to describe aggressive/violent behaviours within these relationships or contexts. Most commonly, the terms ‘abuse’
or ‘domestic violence’ have been used. However, although Naylor and colleagues (
Chapter 5) and Ortega and Sánchez (
Chapter 6) note
that the behaviours exhibited in these contexts are somewhat broader than the traditional definition of bullying, they argue
that many have strong similarities to ‘bullying’. The key similarities are in the imbalance of power which exists between
the aggressor and target, with the recipient of the aggression often being in a more vulnerable position and less able to
extricate themselves from the situation for a variety of reasons. Furthermore these behaviours are rarely one-offs and are
often repeated. Naylor and colleagues examine abuse within various relationships in the family context: intimate partner violence,
child exposure to domestic violence, abuse of children by adults and sibling abuse. These forms of abuse and violence can
take a variety of different forms, depending on the type of domestic violence. Naylor and colleagues note that child abuse
by an adult can be conceptualised as neglect, emotional abuse, physical, mixed and sexual. Sibling abuse can take emotional,
physical or sexual forms. Ortega and Sánchez (
Chapter 6) note that dating violence shows some similarities to domestic violence (and much of the literature in this area is influenced
by the literature on domestic violence), including behaviours such as verbal aggression, psychological aggression, physical
and sexual violence. Ortega and Sánchez go further and draw direct links between involvement in bullying of peers and bullying
of girlfriends/boyfriends.
Fairly recently, researchers have begun to examine bullying among adults (in the workplace and in prisons). It was only in
the 1990s that organisational and forensic psychologists started to survey participants about their experiences of behaviours
which could be considered to be bullying. The research coming from the workplace tradition tends to use the terminology ‘bullying’,
‘harassment’, ‘victimisation’ or ‘mobbing’ interchangeably, with each describing behaviour which fits the definition of a
‘systematic abuse of power’. Behaviours described by researchers within the work environment include personal attack (physical,
but more commonly verbal or psychological), work-related (providing impossible deadlines) or social exclusion (isolation).
Within a prison setting, the term ‘bullying’ is commonly used to describe behaviours between inmates and between staff and
inmates, and includes behaviours such as physical, verbal and indirect attacks. However, in
Chapter 7 in this volume, Ireland
argues that the definition of ‘bullying’ as occurring within prison is somewhat broader than the concept used in schools and
can include thoughtless behaviours which may not be intended to be bullying by the perpetrator, but may be perceived as such
by the recipient. She argues that the imbalance of power may not be necessary and that some individuals may voluntarily enter
into relationships where this imbalance of power exists (e.g. with loan sharks).
Additionally, perhaps given the enclosed nature of the environment, the
fear of repeated attack may be sufficient for behaviour to be considered as bullying, without actual repetition of the behaviour
being necessary.
Research at the other end of the age range has looked at elder abuse (see Walsh and colleagues,
Chapter 9). Despite the relatively established tradition of research over the past 30 years examining elder abuse, there has been very
little looking at bullying within this age group. Again, the term ‘bullying’ is not often used when examining behaviours among
this group, with the preferred term being ‘elder abuse’. This term again reflects the somewhat broader types of behaviours
described, although most of these behaviours may display the characteristics of bullying – repetition and the vulnerability
of the recipient. Walsh refers to five main types of elder abuse. Physical abuse can take the form of hitting, force-feeding
or the use of physical restraints. Sexual abuse includes any sexual contact without the full knowledge or consent of the older
person. Emotional or psychological abuse includes behaviours such as harassment, threats and insults, as well as behaviours
such as ignoring and isolation. Financial or material abuse refers to the improper or illegal use of the older person’s resources
and includes theft and the forging of financial or legal documents. Neglect describes behaviours such as failure to provide
adequate care for the older person, such as food and drink, clothing, hygiene, etc. She also notes that there are some types
of abuse which are now becoming more recognised, such as medical abuse (the overmedication of older adults) and systemic institutional
abuse (the provision of inadequate care by governments, such as pensions).
A very new and growing area of research is focusing on bullying behaviours carried out via new technologies – cyberbullying
(see Rivers
et al.,
Chapter 10). Studies of cyberbullying have focused on the use of technology as a medium to bully, predominately via mobile phones and
the internet. Via mobile phone, this behaviour includes intimidating or silent calls, as well as harassment via SMS or MMS.
Additionally, via the internet bullying behaviours have been described including the creation of slam-books (nasty websites
about someone), posting unpleasant pictures/videos of individuals online, harassment via social networking sites, email or
instant messenger, and griefing (cyberbullying) in online virtual environments (ibid.). Although this type of bullying is
often less physical than those experienced in the other contexts described, it can also contain a physical element, such as
‘happy-slapping’. Studies of cyberbullying have included participants ranging in age from primary school pupils to adults,
although most research has focused on
secondary school students’ experiences. Currently, there appear to be a number of slightly different conceptualisations of
cyberbullying in the literature. However, most of these focus on there being some intent to harm, with some definitions being
adapted almost directly from definitions of traditional bullying (with the sole addition that the behaviour is conducted via
electronic media) and including repetition and the power imbalance identified as key features of bullying.
The developmental process of research into bullying
Early research in each of the contexts initially focused on providing a description of the phenomenon: the types of behaviour
reported, the prevalence and incidence rates. This is important in order to obtain information about what is happening (if
anything) within particular social contexts and relationships and to provide an insight into the types of behaviour individuals
may be exhibiting and experiencing. Once the ‘problem’ has been highlighted, research then tends to move on to examining the
risk factors for involvement in these types of behaviour in an attempt to understand why some people may be at heightened
risk for involvement in these relationships and which types of context may promote the occurrence of these behaviours or support
their continuation. The next step is to examine, preferably longitudinally, the precursors and outcomes of these behaviours,
in order to better understand the nature of the phenomenon. This then leads on to the development of theories. The development
of models and theories regarding bullying is important, not only in furthering our understanding of the phenomenon, but also
in informing the design of prevention and intervention programmes. The final phase of research culminates with controlled
evaluations of these prevention and intervention programmes. The literature reviewed by the authors within this volume indicates
that research is clearly at different stages of development within each of the contexts and relationships addressed, with
the most obviously developed research body in the context of school bullying.
What is also important, and highlighted in this book, is the use of a multidisciplinary approach to examining bullying in
these different contexts. Research reviewed by the authors in this volume comes from a wide variety of research traditions
and backgrounds. These include psychology, education, sociology, feminism and social work. In general, researchers within
these areas have been working independently of each other, with little communication across the different fields of research.
As a consequence, one of the main aims of this book is to draw together what is known about bullying in these disparate contexts
and from these different research cultures to enrich our understanding of this issue. The hope is that, by furthering our
understanding of bullying and by drawing out any commonalities (and differences) found in this behaviour, as well as potential
risk factors for these problems, we may be better placed to develop overarching theories related to this issue. The clear
aim of all research in this area is to move towards the development of appropriate intervention and prevention programmes,
and the more information available about the problem itself, how it manifests and what may trigger it, the more it will be
possible to be able to do so.
Within this book, the authors review literature on behaviours which are either termed bullying or meet the definition of being
a ‘systematic abuse of power’ within a variety of social contexts and relationships. These are organised somewhat chronologically,
beginning with
Chapter 2 on preschoolers,
Chapter 3 on school bullying,
Chapter 4 on bullying in children’s residential homes,
Chapter 5 within families,
Chapter 6 within dating relationships,
Chapter 7 in prisons,
Chapter 8 in the workplace.
Chapter 9 focuses on elder abuse.
Chapter 10 looks at an emerging and relatively new phenomenon related to bullying – ‘cyberbullying’. The research covered in this volume
covers the lifespan, from preschool to older age, across a variety of social relationships: with peers (during childhood,
adolescence and adulthood), family members, boyfriends/girlfriends, co-workers and employers/employees.
There are some areas of research into bullying-type behaviours which have not been addressed in this book, but may also shed
light on our understanding of bullying across a variety of contexts. Research exists which has looked at bullying within organisations
such as the National Health Service (NHS) in the UK (e.g. Quine,
2001,
2003; Steadman
et al.,
2009) and the Church (Lee,
2007), examining the experiences of nursing staff, junior doctors, hospital dentists and the clergy. Research has also examined
the nature and extent of bullying within other organisations such as the army (Ostvik and Rudmin,
2001). Other work has examined harassment and abuse experienced by individuals within contexts such as sport. Although the term
‘bullying’ again seems to be reserved for those experiences of children (see Bullying UK), there is a body of research on
harassment, abuse and maltreatment experienced by individuals involved in sporting activities: coaches, athletes, officials
and parents (e.g. Stirling,
2009). The inclusion of these (and other) developing areas of research was not possible within the current volume,
although it is likely that they could contribute to the shared knowledge of bullying and its prevention.
Bullying is a term that describes behaviours which can vary quite markedly in type (from physical to verbal or psychological),
but what they have in common is that they are aggressive behaviours which are intended to cause harm or distress to the recipient.
They are also characterised to some extent by an imbalance of power between aggressor and recipient, which means that it is
difficult for the victim to defend themselves or escape further victimisation. Within this book we propose that bullying is
not simply a behaviour which can be seen within our schools. We suggest that unpleasant and aggressive behaviours can be reported
across the lifespan, from preschool to older age, and that they can take place within a variety of social contexts and relationships.
These behaviours may be conceptualised as bullying and abuse, but current rigid school-based definitions of bullying do not
allow us to capture fully behaviour in these other settings. In
Chapter 11 we discuss three possible ways forward, ranging from a stance promoting disparity across contexts, through one arguing for
commonalities, to one suggesting unification. Although research has come a long way, as we see in the chapters there is more
to do. This book provides an account of the state of play for bullying and abuse and, although the coverage of this book is
not exhaustive (as noted above), it does address the most developed fields of research on this topic.
Besag, V.E. (1989). Bullies and Victims in Schools. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Farrington, D.P. (1993). ‘Understanding and preventing bullying’. In M. Tonry and N. Morris (eds.), Crime and Justice: An Annual Review of Research. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Monks, C.P. and Smith, P.K. (2006). ‘Definitions of “bullying”: age differences in understanding of the term, and the role of experience’. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 24: 801–21.
Monks, C.P., Smith, P.K., Coyne, I., Barter, C., Ireland, J. and Naylor, P. (2009). ‘Bullying in different contexts: commonalities and differences’. Aggression and Violent Behavior: A Review Journal, 14: 146–56.
Olweus, D. (1993). Bullying at School: What We Know and What We Can Do. Oxford: Blackwell.
Ostvik, K. and Rudmin, F. (2001). ‘Bullying and hazing among Norwegian army soldiers: two studies of prevalence, context, and cognition’. Military Psychology, 13: 17–39.
Quine, L. (2001). ‘Workplace bullying in nurses’. Journal of Health Psychology, 6: 73–84.
Quine, L. (2003). ‘Workplace bullying, psychological distress, and job satisfaction in junior doctors’. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics, 12: 91–101.
Smith, P.K. and Monks, C.P. (2008). ‘Concepts of bullying: developmental and cultural aspects’. International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health, 20: 101–12.
Smith, P.K. and Sharp, S. (eds.) (1994). School Bullying: Insights and Perspectives. London: Routledge.
Smith, P.K., Cowie, H., Olafsson, R., Liefooghe, A.P.D. et al. (2002). ‘Definitions of bullying: a comparison of terms used, and age and sex differences, in a 14-country international comparison’. Child Development, 73: 1119–33.
Steadman, L., Quine, L., Jack, K., Felix, D.H. and Waumsley, J. (2009). ‘Experience of workplace bullying behaviours in postgraduate hospital dentists: questionnaire survey’. British Dental Journal, 207: 379–80.
Stirling, A.E. (2009). ‘Definition and constituents of maltreatment in sport: establishing a conceptual framework for research practitioners’. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 43: 1091–99.