CHAPTER NINE
CRAFT ACTIVITY AND ADMINISTRATIVE DEVICES AT TEOTIHUACAN, CENTRAL MEXICO
Linda R. Manzanilla
Introduction1
The subject of this book involves the evolutionary implications of production, storage, and the administrative devices designed to keep track of raw materials, products, and people. One of the main questions is if storage is a phenomenon involving different scales and modes depending on the type of strategy practiced by leaders of a society: exclusionary or corporate (sensu Blanton et al. 1996; Rothman, Chapter 1, this volume). I explore the case of an exceptional corporate-oriented society where central authorities probably did not control people and institutions through the central storage of staples. Residents conducted such staple storage in households and neighborhoods, nobles or intermediate elites controlling the latter. Control by central authorities and local nobles was vested in the storage, movement, and distribution of sumptuary goods and products and by the recruitment and use of a multiethnic labor force, mostly for craft production (Manzanilla 2015, 2012b).
Teotihuacan, a vast urban development in Central Mexico during the first six centuries AD, poses an intellectual challenge in this respect, as a result of its multiethnic character, its corporate structure, and the lack of written sources that could shed light on its organization.
I have been interested in two issues concerning this city: the first is the problem of centralized storage (the detection of archaeological data supporting this phenomenon); the second is the recognition of the administrative devices used to control the commodities stored, the raw materials and goods moved, and the labor employed. As for the first, I have proposed a methodological framework to assess storage (Manzanilla 1987, 1988, 2012a), in which the main issues are the type of good stored, the storage facilities, the social context surrounding storage, how the goods flowed, and the frequency of the storage use.
The first issue is to assess the type of products stored: foodstuffs and medicinal plants for household consumption, future agricultural cycles, exchange, institutions like the palace (tribute), the army, and the temple; as well as raw materials and finished objects for household use, exchange, the palace, and the temple.
Foodstuffs and medicinal plants for household consumption may be either solids, such as cereals, leguminous plants, cheno-ams, oily seeds, breads, and so on, or liquids, such as water and other beverages (pulque) stored in pithoi and amphorae, as well as in cuexcomates and trojes (outdoor granaries), storehouses, and tronco-conical pits (Manzanilla 2012a).
Storage for future agricultural cycles involved the seeds needed for such tasks, and had to be kept in outdoor storage facilities such as cuexcomates (wattle-and-daub globular-shaped facilities) and trojes (outdoor wooden constructions), as well as sacks in indoor spaces.
Storerooms in marketplaces required a wide variety of resources and finished objects, as well as those given as tribute to the palace or delivered to the temple as offerings.
In empires such as that of the Inka, there were specialized storage facilities for the army, called tambos, usually placed along the roads, to house potatoes and maize (Covey, Quave, and Covey, Chapter 7, this volume).
The second issue would be how things are stored. This issue involves the type of facility used for storerooms incorporated into buildings, as seen in tripartite Uruk temples and Mesopotamian palaces (Rothman and Fiandra, Chapter 2, this volume), or in the Xochicalco acropolis (Garza-Tarazona et al., Chapter 10, this volume); trojes or square-shaped wooden facilities, as are depicted in sixteenth-century historical sources on Central Mexico (see Rojas, Chapter 13, this volume); cuexcomates or wattle-and-daub vessel-shaped facilities, seen in Epiclassic-period Cacaxtla, Tlaxcala, and still prevalent in modern villages of Central Mexico; and tronco-conical pits, typical of Formative Oaxaca and the Basin of Mexico; amphorae and pithoi.
The third issue is the scale of the storage phenomenon. It may be related to individuals or households (associated to houses and apartment compounds) in sectors and intermediate units, such as neighborhood centers; of an institutional character in temples, palaces, or fortresses; or of a communal character placed in the center of settlements, as seen in Umm Dabaghiyah and Hassuna villages in sixth-millennium-BC Mesopotamia (see Rothman and Fiandra, Chapter 2, this volume).
The fourth issue would involve frequency of storage use and their ability to face contingencies and catastrophes or for banquets and feasting.
The fifth issue is related to the economic sphere, such as the political economy, the elite economy, the domestic economy: direct consumption on the household level, consumption in reproduction (for domestic animals), for redistribution, for tribute, for barter, or for market exchange.
With respect to the second problem stated above—the administrative devices to control stored commodities, goods that move, and labor involved in craft production and other activities—in the absence of written documents, such as sixteenth-century codices (e.g., the Matrícula de Tributos), I try to describe a possible token system involved in the control of labor in neighborhood centers, and the rationing system for the workers for Classic Teotihuacan in Central Mexico (Manzanilla 2011b, 2012c).
Teotihuacan
The huge multiethnic metropolis of Teotihuacan in Classic period Central Mexico is one of the largest preindustrial urban developments of ancient times. A twenty-square-kilometer orthogonal city (Millon 1973) that housed around 125,000 people of different origins (Figure 9.1) (Manzanilla 2015), with practically no written texts to shed light on its organization and functioning, and with a corporate and multiethnic character, this city presents an intellectual challenge for archaeologists, because it is an exception more than a rule in Classic Mesoamerica (Manzanilla 1997, 2007, 2011a).
I propose that this impressive urban center had rings of craft production sectors (Figure 9.2): an outer one with foreign neighborhoods (the Oaxaca Barrio, the Merchants‘ Barrio, the Michoacán compound, and so on), and an inner one with multiethnic neighborhoods that might have been headed by intermediate elites (see Elson and Covey 2006)—there were nobles heading the neighborhoods as opposed to the central, ruling elite—that harnessed foreign labor for highly specialized crafts and that may have competed for the provisioning of sumptuary goods (Manzanilla 2006, 2009a, 2012d, 2015).
In this complex scenario I see two types of organizations: a corporate strategy (Blanton et al. 1996) in the domestic domain of Teotihuacan, where corporate groups lived in multifamily apartment compounds (Manzanilla 1993, 1996) and possibly sesrved as corulers of the city (Manzanilla 2008, 2011a, 2009a, 2002), and an exclusionary strategy dominating the neighborhood centers (Manzanilla 2015).
I discuss the problems I see in detecting centralized storage in this metropolis. To recognize storage facilities in the archaeological record of Teotihuacan, my collaborators and I have used chemical analyses of stucco floors, archaeobotanical studies (particularly botanical macrofossils and pollen analysis) to assess what is stored, and the formal analysis of storage vessels (Manzanilla 2012a).
Figure 9.3 San Martín Orange amphora found in a storeroom at Oztoyahualco 15B (Manzanilla 1993).
Frangipane and Manzanilla‘s excavations at Late and Terminal Formative sites (ca. 400–80 BC), such as Cuanalan (Manzanilla 1985) in the Valley of Teotihuacan, uncovered a village of five-by-five-meter huts set around open courtyards. These early households had external domestic tronco-conical pits where maize cobs were kept for household consumption.
When the classic orthogonal metropolis came into being circa AD 200, there is evidence of domestic and neighborhood-scale storage, but there are still no data with respect to centralized institutional storage to date. No clear storehouses have been found in the structures bordering the Street of the Dead, the main north-south axis of the city, where administrative, ritual, and palatial structures related to the ruling elite are concentrated.
In Xolalpan times (ca. AD 350–550 ), San Martín Orange Ware amphorae (Figure 9.3) have been found at the household level in domestic storerooms attached to kitchens in multifamily apartment compounds, such as Oztoyahualco 15B:N6W3, where these amphorae stand together with flowers from medicinal plants, such as Casimiroa edulis (see Manzanilla 1993, 1996; Manzanilla and Barba 1990). Large, globular, polished dark brown vessels have been found in alignments of kitchens-storerooms bordering neighborhood centers, such as Teopancazco (Manzanilla 2012c), but this is storage at a modest scale. These facilities may have fed the workers of the neighborhood centers.
Armillas cites rooms with several large vessels aligned along walls in Zacuala, which may suggest the existence of storerooms (Rojas 1991: 211), and he also referred to later post-Teotihuacan Mazapa storage in underground spaces in Las Palmas, where large vessels were kept (Rojas 1991: 202). Thus the question is whether the Teotihuacanos used the quarry tunnels under the city (originally excavated to procure volcanic scoria and tuff to build the settlement [Manzanilla 2009b; Manzanilla, López, and Freter 1996]) to store foodstuffs (Manzanilla 2012a).
Foreign amphorae, such as those made of Granular Ware from Morelos-Guerrero, may have included resins, wax, and honey brought to Teotihuacan, as recorded in later sixteenth-century tributary documents.
The nonexistence of large-scale storage facilities at Teotihuacan, particularly related to palatial structures, such as Xalla (Manzanilla 2008), the Quetzalpapálotl Palace (Acosta 1964), the 1D Compound in the Ciudadela (Jarquín-Pacheco and Martínez-Vargas 1982), and the Western Plaza in the Street of the Dead Complex (Morelos G. 1993) might imply the following scenarios:
• Centralized storage if present in the Classic Period may have been installed inside the underground spaces, such as the quarry tunnels under the city (Manzanilla 2009b; Manzanilla, López, and Freter 1996), for example, La Gruta Restaurant, outside which Armillas reported seeing a large quantity of broken amphorae, disturbed by post-Teotihuacan occupations.
• Alternatively, there might not have been a central institution that concentrated staples and stored it on a large scale, but storage may be found on a modest level in neighborhood centers and residential compounds. This may have been a characteristic of corporate societies, where power and control were shared by different social groups, and particularly in the Teotihuacan case, neighborhood centers and their intermediate elites seem to be the most dynamic (Manzanilla 2015).
During the Epiclassic and Early Postclassic (Figure 9.4), I have found storage facilities (bin bottoms) inside the quarry tunnels extensively excavated to the east of the Sun Pyramid (Manzanilla 2009b) that may have housed cheno-ams for future agricultural cycles and ritual use (Manzanilla, López, and Freter 1996; Manzanilla and McClung 1997), based on comparative data from sixteenth-century ethnohistorical documents. Even though we do not have large-scale storage at Teotihuacan, we have to explore another issue where administration is essential: the control of multiethnic labor in craft production sectors (Manzanilla 2011b).
The Teopancazco Neighborhood Center in the Southeastern Periphery
The Teopancazco compound was first excavated at the end of the nineteenth century, when Leopoldo Batres was summoned when important mural paintings were found in a potter‘s house-lot. In this site to the south of the Ciudadela, I developed an interdisciplinary project of extensive excavations from 1997 to 2005 (Manzanilla 2012c, 2015) to unveil a greater than 2,650-square-meter neighborhood center that showed considerable differences with respect to multifamily apartment compounds. During the 1980s I extensively excavated an apartment compound at Oztoyahualco 15B:N6W3 (Manzanilla 1993, 1996), which revealed the apartments of three families, each with a kitchen, a storeroom, dormitories, porticoes, ritual courtyards, and service patios. Neighborhood centers have a different disposition of functional sectors, as we will see further on, and few persons dwell in them.
In La Ventilla Barrio in southwestern Teotihuacan, different functional sectors are located in separate compounds: a ritual sector (a three-temple plaza), an administrative one (the Glyphs Patio), and a craft production sector for lapidary craftsmen (Gómez-Chávez 2000). The functional sectors at the Teopancazco neighborhood center in southeastern Teotihuacan (Manzanilla 2006, 2009a, 2012c) (Figure 9.5) are integrated into a single compound and involve a ritual area with a huge plaza, altar, and temples; an alignment of kitchens and storerooms in the northern periphery to feed the workers of the neighborhood center; military quarters in the southwestern area; a possible administrative sector in the south; a residential sector for the elite house that heads the neighborhood to the north; medical facilities that house a series of babies who died in childbirth to the northeast; and a garment-making sector where foreign craftsmen, identified on the basis of strontium and stable isotope analysis, were making the intermediate elite‘s attire and headdresses (Manzanilla 2006, 2009a, 2012c, 2015; Manzanilla et al. 2011).
Different types of seals found in my excavations at Teopancazco raise the possibility that they may have served as administrative devices (stamp seals) (see Manzanilla 2011b), as well as pintaderas or large rectangular seals for printing designs on cloth, and other curved seals perhaps for body paint. In ancient Mesopotamia, evidence of administration has been detected in the form of clay sealings from large vessels, seals, sealed envelopes (bullae), tablets, and so on (Rothman and Fiandra, Chapter 2, this volume), which were common when the first urban developments controlled the different items stored in state institutions. Denise Schmandt-Besserat (1992) has called our attention to Mesopotamian tokens, whose shapes are reproduced as signs on the earliest clay tablets. These small roundels, cones, and other forms have been found since the beginnings of sedentary life in Mesopotamia and are related to the redistribution and exchange of different types of goods.
In my excavations at Teopancazco (Figure 9.6), I have found similar objects that have been mistakenly identified as ‘game pieces’ Nevertheless, the large number of them, particularly pottery roundels (more than 550 pieces), may have been related more to labor and food rations than to goods or games.
With the three-dimensional situation of these objects of different forms, sizes, and raw materials, as well as their fractions (particularly whole circles, halves, quarters, thirds), I would venture to suggest that these roundels are depicting tortilla rations, that is, round maize flatbread (and perhaps other food), for different categories of people working in the neighborhood center. The equivalence between the roundels and tortilla representations is evident in the theater-type censer I found at Oztoyahualco 15B:N6W3 (Figure 9.7) (Manzanilla 1993; Manzanilla and Carreón 1991), where maize cobs, Cucurbita fruits and flowers, cotton, tamales, and tortillas are represented as falling from the hands of an individual wearing attributes of the butterfly god.
Different raw materials and standardized sizes were used to make the roundels at Teopancazco: pottery (approximately 550 pieces), mica, slate, pigments, and some examples of shell circles (see Figure 9.6).
The distribution of clay roundels in Teopancazco (Figure 9.8) suggests clustering in both temple sectors and ritual courtyards, as well as in the garment makers‘ shop, where different categories of workers may have been concentrated. Large roundels coexist with a greater number of medium-size and small ones, suggesting hierarchies, teams or cuadrilla-like organizations (for cuadrillas in the sixteenth century, see Rojas-Rabiela 2011) for craft production, ritual involvement, and other tasks. Most of the roundels are grouped in the middle-size range.
The different sizes of pottery roundels (see Figure 9.8) are matched by mica roundels, a softer mineral brought from Oaxaca in southern Mexico and controlled by the Teotihuacan state when the mineral arrived to the city. The mica roundels have only been found in the main burials at the site (Rosales and Manzanilla 2011) and may have been attached to the attire of these individuals. These mica roundels may signal elite individuals in the neighborhood centers.
Some researchers have suggested other uses for roundels: polishers or patolli game pieces, and those with notches, as net sinkers (which have also been found at Teopancazco and are clearly different). Nevertheless, the high numbers of clay roundels at Teopancazco (more than five hundred pieces) may suggest a series of related functions: the material reference to individuals who worked at the neighborhood center who may have used their roundels to receive tortilla rations in exchange for their work. These craftsmen may have also used the roundels as models to cut mica discs and/or as polishers when needed, but their main use was in exchange for tortillas in the alignment of kitchens-storerooms in the northern periphery of the neighborhood center. Most of the worker population buried at Teopancazco may have eaten mainly tortillas and maize-fed animals, as seen in the stable isotope study published by Morales-Puente et al. (2012). Other token forms are found in profusion at Teopancazco: bicones, cones, phalanges, spheres, and so on. Clay spheres have often been interpreted as projectiles for blow-tubes. We have found 251 small clay spheres at Teopancazco, and the profusion of bird remains may account for their high number.
Sites in the Teotihuacan Corridor: Xalasco in Tlaxcala
To better understand the possible function of these types of tokens it is worth turning to ally sites in the Teotihuacan corridor to the Gulf Coast, a corridor used by the Teopancazco caravans. Xalasco is one of these sites located near Huamantla in Tlaxcala (Manzanilla and Bautista 2009; Manzanilla, Aguayo, and Hernández 2011; García-Cook 1981). Stone slab structures and feline stone decoration called our attention to the site as a possible way station for Teotihuacan caravans from Teopancazco (Teotihuacan) to Veracruz.
Our recent small-scale excavations at Xalasco have revealed roundels in many more parts than the Teopancazco group: we have eighths, sixths, fifths, quarters, thirds, halves and complete roundels, but quarters are the dominant parts; of the 203 roundels found, only 11.33 percent are complete, 16.25 percent are halves, and most, that is, 47.29 percent, are quarters. In contrast, at Teopancazco, a neighborhood center of Teotihuacan with strong ties to the Gulf Coast, of the 530 roundels, 81.88 percent are complete, and only 12.21 percent are halves.
Three alternative interpretations of the existence of roundel fractions are as follows:
1. Tortilla rations for men, women, and children, represented by complete, halves, and quarters
2. Tortilla rations for Teotihuacanos, Tlaxcaltecans, and Veracruzanos
3. Tortilla rations for full-time, part-time, and occasional craftsmen
My guess is that the second may be the most likely, owing to the predominance of their quarters in Xalasco, Tlaxcala, and complete roundels in Teopancazco, Teotihuacan; this implies that the local people in each of these centers are represented by the most abundant fraction. In the analysis of the roundels found in the garment-making sector at the Teopancazco neighborhood center, where foreign garment craftsmen were manufacturing elite attire, perhaps aided by people from the corridor, we also see some half roundels.
Much remains to be assessed with regard to these different objects. One thing that is emerging from this study is the fact that administrative devices in Mesopotamia involve the control of foodstuffs, raw materials, and goods, both the receipt and distribution from central institutions to bureaucrats, armies, dependent farmers, craftspeople, and others attached to the royal household. Those in Mesoamerica may have been related more to account for the provisioning of persons, especially craftspeople by neighborhood nobles.
In sum, we have roundels in pottery, slate, mica, and shell, and the medium-size diameter is also found in pigment tablets. Different sizes are represented: the small, medium-size, and large ones. There are also complete and fractions (particularly halves and quarters). My interpretation is that they are tokens to be exchanged for tortilla rations for different categories of individuals working in the neighborhood center, and I also suggest that the raw material from which they are made implies the status of the person and perhaps the function. The size may be related to the labor organization inside the team or cuadrilla for each task, with supervisors or overseers. The fractions may be related to gender, to ethnic background, or to their complete versus partial involvement with the tasks: garment making, basket making, rope and net manufacture, hide working, and so on.
The multiethnic population of Teopancazco consisted of three groups: local people, persons coming from the corridor en route to Veracruz, and migrants from afar (Manzanilla 2012b, 2015), taking into consideration trace elements, stable isotopes, and strontium isotopes. Strontium isotope ratios are related to the geology of a region, and thus, to the soil, the plants that grow there, and the animals that eat plants and other animals; all incorporate this particular ratio of strontium isotopes in their bones and teeth. The teeth seal this ratio in their structure at an early age, and a comparison of a tooth with a long bone (that reveals the ratio at the time of death) can reveal migratory status. Oxygen isotopes may also be used to assess migratory status, because they are related to the water consumed at an early age and the time of death, because the specific ratios of oxygen isotopes are related to altitude.
Exchange of Foreign Raw Materials and Products along the Corridor
The movement of people along the corridor on the route to Veracruz was part of a larger economic exchange network that fed into the Teotihuacan economy. During thirteen field seasons of extensive excavations at Teopancazco, Teotihuacan, we found different raw materials and products from other regions of Mesoamerica, particularly the Gulf Coast of Mexico and the corridor linking the two regions. Fourteen varieties of fish that perhaps arrived smoked and/or salted to Teopancazco from the coastal lagoons of Veracruz (Rodríguez-Galicia 2010), along with crabs, crocodile, a heron from the Gulf Coast, cotton cloth, marine mollusks, and labor (specialized craftsmen), as well as other products (pottery, travertine, Thin Orange Ware, pigments, and so on), were brought by the caravans (Manzanilla 2011b, 2015).
At Teopancazco, Velázquez-Castro, Zúñiga-Arellano, and Valentín-Maldonado (2010) identified the greatest diversity of marine shells yet found in Teotihuacan: thirty-two families of gastropods and thirteen bivalves, twenty-eight of which come from the Pacific, thirty from the Gulf Coast, and four from the Caribbean.
On the route or corridor of Teotihuacan sites (Calpulalpan, Xalasco, and so on) that passes through Tlaxcala and heads to the Gulf Coast (García-Cook 1981), another route joined it from the south from the region of Ixcaquixtla (in Puebla) to Xalasco (in Tlaxcala) (Manzanilla 2011b) (Figure 9.9). This route provided the Teotihuacan caravans with travertine, Thin Orange Ware, perhaps marble and lime, and may have had an extension to Morelos-Guerrero.
The multiethnic site of Xalasco, Tlaxcala, near Huamantla, was located directly north of Ixcaquixtla, Puebla, in a straight line, and may have functioned as a port of trade for the caravans coming from Teotihuacan and heading to Veracruz, as well as for those coming from Puebla. The region of Ocotelulco in Tlaxcala supplied negative decorated vessels to Teopancazco.
Granular Ware, some of the slate and greenstone, as well as Pacific shells, came from Guerrero, and it is interesting the some of that pigments and cosmetics detected in the pottery miniatures from Teopancazco, such as jarosite, galena, and cinnabar (Doménech-Carbó et al. 2012; Vázquez de Ágredos-Pascual, Manzanilla-Naim, and Vidal-Lorenzo 2012), are found in the Taxco region of Guerrero (Salas 1980), together with specular hematite, which was also used profusely at Teotihuacan. At Teopancazco, cinnabar is not only employed as an orange pigment in polychrome wares (Martínez-García et al. 2012), but was also found as a corporal paint in miniatures and also as part of the funerary treatment of the decapitated males deposited in a termination ritual around AD 350 (Manzanilla 2009a, 2012c).
Final Remarks
Teotihuacan is a fascinating laboratory to understand multiethnic interaction, an exceptional case owing to its corporate organization, and one of the most outstanding examples of urbanism where office, status, and ethnicity are intertwined in a complex civilization that lasted five centuries.
The presence of counters may be related to the multiethnic environment in which craft production and the movement of sumptuary goods took place, as a material means of organizing labor in teams, giving each worker tortilla rations, and highlighting those individuals that had leading roles in the neighborhood with mica, slate, and shell insignia. Perhaps in complex multiethnic and corporate societies such as Teotihuacan the centralized storage of staples did not exist, and instead may have been supplanted by smaller intermediate social units, each with the autonomy to organize their economy, their caravans to regions for sumptuary good provisioning, and their ‘house’ societies.
Thus, the Teotihuacan state seems to have formed a pact between elite groups and ethnic organizations. The ruling council that may have governed this city (Manzanilla 2008) may have responded to this situation: the need to build consensus decisions in a scenario where contending interests could otherwise have torn apart this inherently divided organization.
Notes
1. Interdisciplinary projects such as the ‘Ancient City of Teotihuacan. First Phases of Urban Development’ (1985–88) and ‘Teotihuacan: Elite and Rulership’ (1997–2005), projects I headed, involve the participation of many experts and students. I thank all of them for their support and feedback. I also thank Alejandro Bautista with whom I excavated Xalasco in Tlaxcala, a multiethnic site where caravans from Teotihuacan stopped. My special thanks to Mitchell Rothman for his useful comments. These projects were funded by the Institute for Anthropological Research of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, DGAPA-UNAM, and the National Council of Science and Technology of Mexico. The federal permit for the archaeological excavations was granted by the National Institute of Anthropology and History of Mexico.
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