NOTES

See www.thebloodlibeltrail.org for additional images, interactive maps, and a full bibliography.

Introduction

1. Simon Rocker, “Facebook Refuses to Act over ‘Blood Libel,’ ” Jewish Chronicle, February 20, 2014, https://www.thejc.com/news/uk-news/facebook-refuses-to-act-over-blood-libel-1.52591.
2. “May 2015—British Movement News & Views,” http://bmsunwheel.blogspot.com/2015/05/may-2015-british-movement-news-views.html. I thank Nicholas Paul for bringing this to my attention.
3. Gavin I. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), ch. 10, especially 237–238. See also David Carpenter, “Crucifixion and Conversion: King Henry III and the Jews in 1255,” in Laws, Lawyers, and Texts, ed. Susanne Jenks, Jonathan Rose, and Christopher Whittick (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 129–148. For the text of the Anglo-Norman ballad, see Roger Darhood, “The Anglo-Norman ‘Hugo de Lincolnia’: A Critical Edition and Translation from the Unique Text in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale De France Ms Fr. 902,” Chaucer Review 49, no. 1 (2014).
4. “Christians and Jews: Towards Better Understanding,” Wiener Library Bulletin 13, nos. 3–4 (1959): 60.
5. In 2009, a new plaque was placed near the shrine, commemorating the eighteen Jews who died as a result of this accusation.
6. Nicholas Sagovsky, “What Makes a Saint? A Lincoln Case Study in the Communion of the Local and the Universal Church,” International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 17, no. 30 (2017): 173–183. On the attraction of such sites, see Magda Teter, “Blood Libel, a Lie, and Its Legacies,” in Whose Middle Ages?: Teachable Moments for an Ill-Used Past, ed. Andrew Albin, Mary Carpenter Erler, Thomas O’Donnell, Nicholas Paul and Nina Rowe (New York: Fordham University Press, 2019), 44–57.
7. “Chi Siamo: Il Comitato san Simonino,” https://sansimoninotrento.wordpress.com/chi-siamo/.
8. Talia Lavin, “The San Diego Shooter’s Manifesto Is a Modern Form of an Old Lie about Jews,” Washington Post, April 29, 2019.
9. La difesa della razza, March 5, 1942.
10. Walter Quattrociocchi, Antonio Scala, and Cass R. Sunstein, “Echo Chambers on Facebook (June 13, 2016),” https://ssrn.com/abstract=2795110; Christine Emba, “Confirmed: Echo Chambers Exist on Social Media. So What Do We Do about Them?” Washington Post, July 14, 2016. Quote from Quattrociocchi et al., “Echo Chambers,” 1–2.
11. Although some scholars conflate the two types of accusations, the distinction between “ritual cannibalism” and “ritual crucifixion” was made by Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism.
12. On the decline in western Europe, see R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988). On Poland, see Hanna Węgrzynek, “Czarna Legenda” Żydów: Procesy o Rzekome Mordy Rytualne w Dawnej Polsce (Warsaw: Bellona, 1995); Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o Mordy Rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII Wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995); Daniel Tollet, Accuser pour convertir: du bon usage de l’accusation de crime rituel dans la Pologne catholique à l’époque moderne (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2000); Meir Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials in Lublin, 1636,” in Social and Cultural Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland, ed. Adam Teller, Magda Teter, and Antony Polonsky (Oxford: Littman, 2010). Jolanta Żyndul, Kłamstwo Krwi: legenda mordu rytualnego na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX wieku (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Cyklady, 2011).
13. Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), 191–192, no. 182. The English translation is available in Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century: A Study of Their Relations during the Years 1198–1254 (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1933), 262–263, no. 113.
14. R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 3.
15. Martyrologium romanvm ad nouam kalendarij rationem, & Ecclesiasticae historiae veritatem reftitutum Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. iussu editum (Rome: ex typographia Dominici Basae, 1583), 66–67, Nono Kal. April. Luna.
16. See Chapter 1 and John M. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early Dissemination of the Myth,” Speculum 72, no. 3 (1997): 698–740; Thomas of Monmouth and Miri Rubin, The Life and Passion of William of Norwich, trans. Miri Rubin (London: Penguin Books, 2014).
17. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism; Carpenter, “Crucifixion and Conversion”; Darhood, “The Anglo-Norman ‘Hugo De Lincolnia.’ ”
18. Benedicti XIV Papae Bullarium vol. III.2: 215–225. On Beatus Andreas, see Nicola Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale nel settecento: il carteggio tra Girolamo Tartarotti e Benedetto Bonelli, 1740–1748 (Milan: UNICOPLI, 2012); Nicola Cusumano, “I papi e le accuse di omicidio rituale: Benedetto XIV e la bolla ‘Beatus Andreas,’ ” Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica 1 (2002): 7–35. On the cult of Andreas of Rinn, see Bernhard Fresacher, Anderl von Rinn: Ritualmordkult und Neuorientierung in Judenstein 1945–1995 (Innsbruck: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1998); Georg R. Schroubek, “The Question of Historicity of Andrew of Rinn,” in Ritual Murder: Legend in European History (Cracow: Association for Cultural Initiatives, 2003), 159–180. On Benedict XIV as the Enlightenment pope, see Rebecca Marie Messbarger, Christopher M. S. Johns, and Philip Gavitt, eds., Benedict XIV and the Enlightenment: Art, Science, and Spirituality (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016); Gabriella Berti Logan, “Women and the Practice and Teaching of Medicine in Bologna in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 77, no. 3 (2003): 506–535; and the almost adulatory work by Renée Haynes, Philosopher King: The Humanist Pope Benedict XIV (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970).
19. It was published in a German translation in 1888 by A. Berliner as Gutachen Ganganelli’s—Clemens XIV—Angelengenheit der Blutbeschuldigung der Juden (Berlin: Ph. Deutch, 1888); then in the original by Loeb, “Un memoire de Laurent Ganganelli sur la calomnie du meurtre ritual,” Revue des études juives (1889), 179–211; and then with additional materials, by Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900).
20. Alessandro Maria Gottardi, “Notificazione circa il culto al piccolo Simone da Trento,” Rivista diocesana tridentina XCI, October (1965): 595–596. I am grateful to Marco Iacovella of the Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa for helping me obtain a copy of this text.
21. “Can. 1284. Locorum Ordinarii reliquiam, quam certo non esse authenticam norint, a fidelium cultu prudenter amoveant,” in Pope Pius X, Codex Iuris Canonici, vol. IX, part II, Acta Apostolicae Sedis Commentarium Officiale (Rome: Typis Polyglotis Vaticanis, 1917), 249.
22. Vatican II, “Declaration on the Relation of the Church to Non-Christian Religions Nostra Aetate.”
23. Magda Teter, “Painting Inspires Dialogue between Jews and Catholics in Poland,” The Forward, March 7, 2014, and “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux De Mémoire,” in Ritual Murder in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Beyond: New Histories of an Old Accusation, ed. Eugene M. Avrutin, Jonathan Dekel-Chen, and Robert Weinberg (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017), 253–277.

1. From Medieval Tales to the Challenge in Trent

1. Hartmann Schedel and Stephan Füssel, Chronicle of the World: The Complete and Annotated Nuremberg Chronicle of 1493 (Köln: Taschen, 2001), 7; Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1493). The German version is known as Weltchronik.
2. Schedel and Füssel, Chronicle of the World, 9.
3. Schedel and Füssel, Chronicle of the World, 9, 15, 21–24.
4. Aside from the representations of biblical figures, the very first examples of visual representations of Jews in print seem to be illustrated pamphlets telling the story of Simon of Trent in 1475. On some of the earliest visual representations of Jews in printed books, see also, David S. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image in Late Medieval Europe (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2010).
5. Schedel, Liber chronicarum, CXLIX verso, CCI verso, CCXX verso, CCXXX verso, CCLIIII verso, CCLVIII verso.
6. Some obscure early modern printed chronicles included a story from 1053 Prague.
7. See, for example, Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Alleged Ritual Murder of Simon of Trent (1475) and Its Literary Repercussions,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 59 (1993); Stephen D. Bowd and J. Donald Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips”: Humanists, Jews, and the Tale of Simon of Trent (Tempe, AZ: Brepols, 2012); Laura Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino nell’arte Trentina dal XV al XVIII secolo,” in Il Principe Vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486), ed. Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992); Anna Esposito, “Il culto del ‘beato’ Simonino e la sua prima diffusione in Italia,” in Il Principe Vescovo; Nicola Cusumano, “L’accusa di omicidio rituale: undici lettere di Girolamo Tartarotti a Benedetto Bonelli (1740–46),” Dimensioni e Problemi della Ricerca Storica, 2 (2002): 153–194; Gianni Gentilini, Pasqua 1475: Antigiudaismo e lotta alle eresie: il caso di Simonino (Milano: Medusa, 2007); Valentina Perini, Il Simonino: Geografia di un culto (Trento: Società di studi trentini di scienze storiche, 2012); Laura Dal Prà, “Ancora su Hinderbach e la sua creazione iconografica, con la scoperta del ciclo Simoniniano di S. Maria della Misericordia di Trento,” in Perini, Il Simonino; Diego Quaglioni, “Uno stereotipo antigiudaico per immagini,” in Perini, Il Simonino; R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Gianni Gentilini, Pasqua 1475: antigiudaismo e lotta alle eresie: il caso di Simonino (Milano: Medusa, 2007); Joseph Jacobs, “St. William of Norwich,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, no. 4 (1897): 748–755; John M. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early Dissemination of the Myth,” Speculum 72, no. 3 (1997): 698–740; Gillian Bennett, “Towards a Revaluation of the Legend of ‘Saint’ William of Norwich and Its Place in the Blood Libel Legend,” Folklore, no. 2 (2005): 119; Gillian Bennett, “William of Norwich and the Expulsion of the Jews,” Folklore, no. 3 (2005): 311–314; Denise L. Despres, “Adolescence and Sanctity: The Life and Passion of Saint William of Norwich,” Journal of Religion 90, no. 1 (2010): 33–62; Miri Rubin, “Making a Martyr: William of Norwich and the Jews,” History Today 60, no. 6 (2010): 48–54; Heather Blurton, “The Language of the Liturgy in the Life and Miracles of William of Norwich,” Speculum 90, no. 4 (2015): 1053–1075; Uri Z. Shachar, “Inspecting the Pious Body: Christological Morphology and the Ritual-Crucifixion Allegation,” Journal of Medieval History 41, no. 1 (2015): 21–40; Thomas of Monmouth and Miri Rubin, The Life and Passion of William of Norwich, trans. Miri Rubin (London: Penguin Books, 2014).
8. Most recently on Richard of Pontoise and King Philip Augustus of France, see Kenneth R. Stow, Jewish Dogs: An Image and Its Interpreters: Continuity in the Catholic-Jewish Encounter (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), ch. 3; E. M. Rose, The Murder of William of Norwich: The Origins of the Blood Libel in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).
9. On Werner of Oberwesel, see later notes and Henri de Grèzes, Saint Vernier (Verny, Werner, Garnier), martyr, patron des vignerons en Auvergne, en Bourgogne et en Franche-Comtè, sa vie, son martyre et son culte (Clermont-Ferrand: L. Brustel, 1889); André Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire: Saint Werner ou Vernier (+1287), enfant martyr et patron des vignerons,” Comptes renus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 126, no. 1 (1982): 65–79.
10. Gavin I. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 209–236. Rubin, “Making a Martyr”; Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, “Introduction.” Most recently, see, with caution, Rose, Murder of William of Norwich.
11. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder”; Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion.
12. The most detailed analysis to date of the history of Thomas Monmouth’s Life and Passion of William of Norwich is McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder,” quote on 704.
13. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder.” Langmuir uses that phrase in the index; in the text it appears in various combinations: “crucifixion accusation,” “crucifixion libel,” and others. See also Robert C. Stacey, “From Ritual Crucifixion to Host Desecration: Jews and the Body of Christ,” Jewish History 12, no. 1 (1998). Shachar, “Inspecting the Pious Body.”
14. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 26.
15. Jeffrey J. Cohen, “The Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich,” Speculum 79, no. 1 (2004): 26–65.
16. See also Sara Lipton, Dark Mirror: The Medieval Origins of Anti-Jewish Iconography (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014), for a discussion of the development of anti-Jewish iconography in this context.
17. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, for example, 31.
18. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 10. On Marian devotion in England, see Kati Ihnat, Mother of Mercy, Bane of the Jews: Devotion to the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Norman England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016).
19. On rose as a symbol of Mary, see for example, Rachel Fulton, “The Virgin in the Garden, or Why Flowers Make Better Prayers,” Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality, no. 1 (2004); Adrienne Nock Ambrose, “The Virgin of the Rosary and Florid Sculpture in Late Medieval Germany,” ARTS 11, no. 1 (1999); Anne Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose: The Making of the Rosary in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 89. On the blood of Christ represented as roses, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood: Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 3.
20. Ambrose, “Virgin of the Rosary,” 12.
21. Fulton, “Virgin in the Garden,” 9.
22. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 44–45.
23. Victoria Larson, “A Rose Blooms in the Winter: The Tradition of the Hortus Conclusus and Its Significance as a Devotional Emblem,” Dialog: A Journal of Theology 52, no. 4 (2013): 303–312.
24. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 13–17.
25. The vision is found in Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 49–51.
26. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 19, 25, 26. On similar torture and suffering during the civil war, see Rose, Murder of William of Norwich, 18.
27. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 18.
28. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 24, 25, 28.
29. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 221.
30. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 13; Rose, Murder of William of Norwich, ch. 1.
31. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 43–44.
32. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 56–57.
33. Paul A. Hayward, “The Idea of Innocent Martyrdom in Late Tenth and Eleventh Century English Hagiology,” Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 81–92. On child saints more broadly, see William F. MacLehose, “A Tender Age”: Cultural Anxieties over the Child in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, E-Gutenberg (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). MacLehose focuses on England and incorrectly states that Simon of Trent was canonized (ch. 3). On child victims of violent murder as martyrs, see also, with caution, Patricia Healy Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic: Child Saints and Their Cults in Medieval Europe (New York: Peter Lang, 2008), ch. 5.
34. Hayward, “Idea of Innocent Martyrdom,” 83.
35. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 57.
36. Despres, “Adolescence and Sanctity,” 47–48.
37. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 57–58, 63. Also see Despres, “Adolescence and Sanctity,” 52–56.
38. Matthew 2:16–18.
39. On the Holy Innocents evoked to support the argument for child saints said to have been killed by Jews, see Chapter 3 and, for Benedict XIV, see Chapter 8. On the cult of the Holy Innocents, see Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic, ch. 2. Jews developed a counternarrative with their own “holy innocents”: the infants of the Hebrews killed to heal the Pharaoh’s leprosy; Ephraim Shoham-Steiner, “Pharaoh’s Bloodbath: Medieval Jewish Thoughts about Leprosy, Disease, and Blood Therapy,” in Jewish Blood: Reality and Metaphor in History, Religion and Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Hart (London: Routledge, 2009), 99–115. David Malkiel, “Infanticide in Passover Iconography,” Journal of Warburg and Courtland Institutes 56 (1993).
40. Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic, 34.
41. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 58.
42. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 234–235.
43. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder”; Monmouth and Rubin, The Life and Passion, lii–lxiii.
44. Blurton, “Language of the Liturgy,” 1053. Anthony Paul Bale, The Jew in the Medieval Book: English Antisemitisms, 1350–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
45. Blurton, “Language of the Liturgy,” 1054.
46. Blurton, “Language of the Liturgy,” 1064–1066, 1068–1069, 1075.
47. Blurton, “Language of the Liturgy,” 1071. Theresa Tinkle, “Exegesis Reconsidered: The Fleury “Slaughter of Innocents” and the Myth of Ritual Murder,” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 102, no. 2 (2003): 212–213.
48. See also Ihnat, Mother of Mercy.
49. Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic, 114.
50. For an overview of the development of procedures, see Robert J. Sarno, “Canonization of Saints (History and Procedure),” in New Catholic Encyclopedia: Supplement (2010); E. W. Kemp, “Pope Alexander III and the Canonization of Saints: The Alexander Prize Essay,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1945); Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); Richard Gribble, “Saints in the Christian Tradition: Unraveling the Canonization Process,” Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 6, no. 1 (2011); André Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). For the period following Pope Alexander III’s bull of 1180, see Ronald C. Finucane, Contested Canonizations: The Last Medieval Saints, 1482–1523 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), ch. 1. See also Lipton, Dark Mirror, 65–66.
51. Vauchez, Sainthood, 27.
52. Kemp, “Pope Alexander III and the Canonization of Saints,” 13.
53. Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina 84, col. 212 (in a database).
54. Kemp, “Pope Alexander III and the Canonization of Saints,” 13–14.
55. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 31.
56. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 34–35.
57. Sarno, “Canonization of Saints,” 194–195.
58. Monmouth and Rubin, Life and Passion, 41.
59. Jean Bolland et al., Acta Sanctorum Martii (Antverpiae: apud Iacobum Meursium, 1668), vol. 3: 588–591, esp., introduction on 588.
60. John of Tynemouth and John Capgrave, Explicit (Noua Lege[n]da Anglie) (London: Wynkyn de Worde, 1516), CCCIX verso–CCX verso. For a detailed discussion of the dissemination of Thomas’s work, see McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder,” 710, which discusses the John of Tynemouth version. The Bollandists acknowledged that the 1516 edition was their source in the discussion of Hugh of Lincoln under July 6.
61. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, ch. 10, esp. 237–238. See also David Carpenter, “Crucifixion and Conversion: King Henry III and the Jews in 1255,” in Laws, Lawyers, and Texts, ed. Susanne Jenks, Jonathan Rose, and Christopher Whittick (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 129–148. For the text of the Anglo-Norman ballad, see Roger Darhood, “The Anglo-Norman “Hugo De Lincolnia”: A Critical Edition and Translation from the Unique Text in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale De France Ms Fr. 902,” Chaucer Review 49, no. 1 (2014).
62. Tynemouth and Capgrave, Explicit (Noua Lege[n]da Anglie).
63. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 240–241. See also a table listing the accusations in Joe Hillaby, “The Ritual-Child-Murder Accusation: Its Dissemination and Harold of Gloucester,” Jewish Historical Studies 34 (1994): 86.
64. On Robert of Bury, see Bale, Jew in the Medieval Book, ch. 4.
65. Hillaby, “The Ritual-Child-Murder Accusation,” 74. For a chronological listing, see, for example, Bale, Jew in the Medieval Book, 16.
66. On Hugh of Lincoln, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, ch. 10.
67. Anthony Bale stresses the role of Benedictine networks in the dissemination and support for the cults, Bale, Jew in the Medieval Book, 16–17.
68. Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic, 176, n. 113.
69. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder,” 724.
70. Susan L. Einbinder, Beautiful Death: Jewish Poetry and Martyrdom in Medieval France (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002); on Blois, see ch. 2.
71. For a discussion of both, see Stow, Jewish Dogs, chs. 3 and 4. For a discussion of the Hebrew sources, see Einbinder, Beautiful Death, ch. 2. Robert Chazan, “The Blois Incident of 1171: A Study in Jewish Intercommunal Organization,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 36 (1968).
72. Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti, in Œuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, Historiens de Philippe-Auguste: Chroniques de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. Henri F. Delaborde (Paris: Librairie Renouard,1882), 15. For the Bollandist version, see Bolland et al., Acta Sanctorum Martii, vol. III, 592. On this, see Kenneth R. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 84. I thank Sara Lipton for pointing out the differences between the Bollandist version and that edited by Delaborde. For an extensive study of Jews under the Capetians, see William Chester Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989).
73. Stow, Jewish Dogs.
74. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 76.
75. Bolland et al., Acta Sanctorum Martii, III: 591–594, March 25.
76. A succinct summary of the case can be found in Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christian-Jewish Relations, 1000–1300: Jews in the Service of Medieval Christendom, ed. Julia Smith (Harlow, UK: Pearson, 2011), 182–184.
77. The sources are published in Adolf Neubauer and Moritz Stern, Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgungen Während der Kreuzzüge (Berlin: Simion, 1892), 31–35, 66–69. An English translation of some of the sources is in Susan L. Einbinder, “The Jewish Martyrs of Blois, 1171,” in Medieval Hagiography: An Anthology, ed. Thomas Head (New York: Routledge, 2001), 537–560. Robert Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages (New York: Behrman House, 1980), 114–117, 301–304; Stow, Jewish Dogs, appendix II.
78. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 47. See the “Orleans Letter” in Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte. The English translation is in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew, 301–304.
79. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 48.
80. Robert seems to have conflated a number of cases with the one in Blois; Robert de Torigni, The Chronicles of Robert de Monte (London: Llanerch Publishers, 1856), 114–115.
81. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 18, 45–46, 57, 59–61.
82. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 68.
83. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 61–62.
84. Einbinder, “Jewish Martyrs of Blois, 1171,” 548.
85. On Jewish literary responses, see Chapter 5. See also the “Orleans Letter” for the tropes of sacrifice and atonement; Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte.
86. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 31–34. Cf., English translation in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew, 301–304.
87. Israel Yuval, “God Will See the Blood: Sin, Punishment, and Atonement in Jewish-Christian Discourse,” in Jewish Blood: Reality and Metaphor in History, Religion and Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Hart (London: Routledge, 2009), 98.
88. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 35. English translation in Stow, Jewish Dogs, 202.
89. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 32. English translation in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew, 302.
90. On the history of the ordeal see Robert Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). On the problems with ordeal by cold water, see 74.
91. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 33. In the account by Ephraim of Bonn, the Christian servant of the lord is subjected to this ordeal; Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 67.
92. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 102–103.
93. Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water, 53–54.
94. BT Sanhedrin 56a: “Our rabbis taught: The Noaḥides were commanded regarding seven commandments: (1) Justice, (2) Blasphemy, (3) Idol Worship, (4) Sexual Immorality (5) Murder, (6) Robbery (7) Eating the limb of a living animal.” BT Sanhedrin 56b expanded on this teaching, arguing that just as Israelites were commanded to establish courts of justice in all towns, so too were the Noaḥides [benei Noaḥ] required to do so.
95. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 67.
96. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 48.
97. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 34–35. NB: the phrase basurah tovah is often used as a name for Gospels. Kenneth Stow discussed these letters in detail in Stow, Jewish Dogs, chap. 4.
98. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 34–35. An English version is in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages, 115–116. The Hebrew word is kadesh; Chazan uses the word “beatified” in his translation, but there was no beatification at that time. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 201–202.
99. Chazan, “The Blois Incident of 1171.” Kenneth Stow challenges the assumption that these letters followed the Blois affair, arguing for a later dating, Stow, Jewish Dogs, ch. 4.
100. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 110. Historically, medieval French monarchs could not boast of guaranteeing safety to Jews: they were responsible for repeated expulsions; efforts to curtail Jewish economic activity; and the confiscation, censorship, and burning of Hebrew books are what mark French monarchs’ official pronouncements concerning Jews, at least since 1182.
101. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, VII; for the narratives, see 31–35.
102. Neubauer and Stern, Hebräische Berichte, 58–75; for the Blois narrative, see 66–69.
103. According to Thomas of Monmouth, the royal sheriff of Norwich seems to have done the same in 1144, but beyond Thomas’s narrative there is no reliable evidence of the responses of Christian authorities to the libels before Fulda and Valréas.
104. “Privilegium et sententia in favorem iudaeorum,” in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ed. Ludwig Weiland, Jakob Schwalm, and Margarete Kuhn (Hannover: Hahn, 1896), 2: 274–276, no. 204. “Annales Merbacenses,” in Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH) 17: 178; “Annales Erphordienses,” MGH 16:31. Matthias Eifler, “Annales Erphordenses Fratrum Praedicatorum,” in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, ed. Graeme Dunphy. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2213-2139_emc_EMCSIM_00129. Gavin Langmuir discusses the two stories in his Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, ch. 11: “Ritual Cannibalism.”
105. “Privilegium et sententia in favorem iudaeorum,” MGH 2: 274–276.
106. “Annales Erphordienses,” MGH 16:31.
107. “Annales Erphordienses,” MGH 16:31.
108. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 271–276.
109. “Annales Merbacenses,” MGH 17: 178. A different version of this chronicle, with verbatim wording but also some gaps, was first published in the section, “Fragmentum Historicum Auctoris Incerti” of vol. 2 of Christian Wurtisen, Germaniae historicorum illustrium, quorum pleriq[ue] ab Henrico IIII Imperatore vsque ad annum Christi, M. CCCC, ex ijs quidem septem nunquam antea editi, gentis eius res gestas memoriae consecrarunt (Frankfurt a.M: Apud haeredes Andreae Wecheli, 1585). The section on Fulda is on p. 51, lines 14–24 of vol. 2.
110. “Annales Merbacenses,” MGH 17: 178.
111. Or, perhaps, he referred only to the first phase of its inquiry.
112. “Privilegium et sententia in favorem iudaeorum,” MGH 2: 274–276.
113. “Privilegium et sententia in favorem iudaeorum,” MGH 2: 274–276.
114. See also Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: History (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1991), 49–50.
115. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404, 192: no. 183; 194: no. 185; Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century: A Study of Their Relations during the Years 1198–1254 (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1933), 268–271, 274–275, nos. 116 and 118. Grayzel and Simonsohn have two different dates for the Sicut Iudaeis. Grayzel dates it to July, but Simonsohn to June. Others give additional dates. see Grayzel, The Church and the Jews, 274, n. 1.
116. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 274–275, no. 118.
117. For a summary of what is known about Valréas and primary sources associated with it, see Auguste Molinier, Enquête sur un meurtre imputé aux Juifs de Valréas (Paris: H. Champion, 1883).
118. Molinier, Enquête, 13.
119. Molinier, Enquête, 8–9. The names mentioned were common among Provençal and Catalonian Jews.
120. Molinier, Enquête, 9.
121. Molinier, Enquête, 9–10.
122. Molinier, Enquête, 10.
123. Molinier, Enquête, 10–11.
124. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 262–267: nos. 113–114.
125. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 262–263, no. 113.
126. Simonsohn, Apostolic See and the Jews, 190–191, no. 181. English, Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 264–265, no. 114.
127. May 9, 1244, to the King of France; Simonsohn, Apostolic See and the Jews, 250–251, no. 104.
128. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 264–265, no. 114.
129. Simonsohn, Apostolic See and the Jews, 192: no. 183; 194: no. 185.
130. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 274–275, no. 118.
131. Simonsohn, Apostolic See and the Jews, 194, no. 185. Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 268–269, no. 115.
132. Num. 9: 6–13; some Israelites were concerned about not being able to celebrate Passover because of uncleanliness resulting from touching the dead, but God allows them to celebrate it. Kohanim, of the priestly line, are forbidden to touch dead bodies altogether, except for the closest relations, Lev. 21:1–4. For a discussion of rabbinic laws on the subject, see Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, “Hilkhot tumat met,” in vol. 10 “Sefer tahara.”
133. Simonsohn, Apostolic See and the Jews, 197, no. 188.
134. Molinier, Enquête, 9–11.
135. Molinier, Enquête, 9.
136. Molinier, Enquête, 10 and 11.
137. For primary sources on the Talmud trial, see Robert Chazan, Jean Hoff, and John Friedman, The Trial of the Talmud: Paris, 1240 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2012).
138. Exodus 29, Leviticus 4 and 16. See more in Michael Swartz, “The Topography of Blood in Mishnah Yoma,” in Jewish Blood: Reality and Metaphor in History, Religion and Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Hart (London: Routledge, 2009), 70–82.
139. Mishnah Yoma 4:3, see Swartz, “The Topography of Blood.”
140. Mishnah Yoma 4:3 and 5:5 quoted in Swartz, “The Topography of Blood,” 76.
141. Shoham-Steiner, “Pharaoh’s Bloodbath.” David Biale discusses the medieval period more broadly, beyond the specific context predating 1247. David Biale, Blood and Belief: The Circulation of a Symbol between Jews and Christians (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), chap. 3.
142. Shoham-Steiner, “Pharaoh’s Bloodbath,” 108–109.
143. Shoham-Steiner, “Pharaoh’s Bloodbath”; Malkiel, “Infanticide in Passover Iconography.”
144. Bynum, Wonderful Blood.
145. “Annales Merbacenses,” MGH 17: 178.
146. In Valréas, there is evidence of attempts to make a shrine, but these attempts do not seem to have been successful, Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 262–265: nos. 113–114.
147. The best and most concise discussion of the cult is Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire.” Kenneth Stow has recently discussed Werner in another context, Stow, Jewish Dogs, 60–64. There is also the apologetic and quite dated work by Henri de Grèzes, but it does contain some primary sources, Grèzes, Saint Vernier. See also Gerd Mentgen, “Die Ritualmordaffäre um den “Guten Werner” von Oberwesel und ihre Folgen,” Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte 21 (1995): 159–198.
148. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 66, n. 3.
149. Chronicon Colmariense, 1288 “De compositione Judaeorum,” MGH 17: 255. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 66–67. The chronicle was first published in 1585 in vol. 2 of Wurtisen, Germaniae Historicorum Illustrium; the specific passage is in 2:50.
150. Chronicon Colmariense, 1288 “De compositione Judaeorum,” MGH 17: 255.
151. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 66–67.
152. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 67–70. For the examples of claims about bribes, see also “Annales Colmarienses Maiores, Anno 1287 / 1288,” MGH 17:215, and “Chronicon Colmariensis,” MGH 17:255.
153. The request is now in BAV, Pal.lat 858. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 70–71. The mention of Werner in the indulgences granted to the chapel of S. Cunibert were later interpreted as a sanction for his veneration; see, for example, Grèzes, Saint Vernier.
154. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire.” Grèzes’s apologetic work about the cult of “S. Vernier” devoted much attention to its controversial nature; Grèzes, Saint Vernier. For the text of the 1422 bull by Pope Martin V prohibiting blood libels, see Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900), 25–29.
155. Grèzes, Saint Vernier, ch. XVIII; Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 75; Godefroid Henschen and Daniel Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis collecta, digesta, illustrata tomus II. quo medii XI dies continentur (Antwerp: apud Michaelem Cnobarum, 1675), 734–735.
156. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 77. For an example of a modern rediscovery of the cult’s history and a new anti-Jewish framing influenced by modern antisemitism and the rise of new accusations against Jews in the late nineteenth century, see Grèzes, Saint Vernier.
157. Bynum, Wonderful Blood, 12.
158. On the dispersion of the relics, see Henschen and Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis, Tomus II, 735–740, and on Belgium and Italy specifically, see 739–740.
159. Jacques de Voragine, Hystorie plurimorum sanctorum noviter e laboriose ex diversis libris in unum collecte (Lavanii: Johannis de Westfalia, 1485), 54v–55v.
160. Laurentius Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis.… complectens sanctos mensium martii et aprilis (Coloniae Agrippinae: Calenius & Quentel, 1578), 775–776. Werner’s story was added in 1581 to an appendix to the earlier edition, which did not include the story in its volume for March–April published in 1571; Laurentius Surius, Tomus VII de probatis sanctorum historiis: in quem ordine mensium obseruato relatae sunt cum omnes illae historiae, quae ad secundam sex tomorum editionem accesserunt (Coloniae Agrippinae: apud Geruinum Calenium et haeredes Quentelios, 1581), 319–320.
161. Henschen and Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis, Tomus II, 697.
162. Henschen and Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis, Tomus II, e.g., 714, and 718.
163. Henschen and Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis, Tomus II, 697–740.
164. Grèzes, Saint Vernier, 98; the text of the office is on 151–157; Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 77.
165. Grèzes, Saint Vernier, XLVIII. On Benedict XIV and his view of beatification and canonization of purported child martyrs, see Chapter 8.
166. Stow, Jewish Dogs, 60–64.
167. Vauchez, “Antisémitisme et canonisation populaire,” 78.
168. Daniela Rando, Dai margini la memoria: Johannes Hinderbach (1418–1486) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003), 473.

2. The Death of Little Simon and the Trial of Jews in Trent

1. Archivio di Stato di Trento, Archivio Principesco Vescovile, Sezione latina 69, document 17. Henceforth, AST, APV, s.l. 69.
2. See for example, Gemma Volli, I “processi tridentini” e il culto del Beato Simone da Trento (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1963), 64; Lamberto Donati, L’ inizio della stampa a Trento ed il Beato Simone (Trento: Centro culturale “Fratelli Bronzetti” e Centro di studi turistici della città di Trento, 1968); Anna Esposito and Diego Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento (1475–1478), vol. 1 (Padova: CEDAM, 1990) and Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento: I processi alle donne (1475–1476), vol. 2 (Padova: CEDAM, 2008); R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba, Il Principe Vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486) (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992); Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Alleged Ritual Murder of Simon of Trent (1475) and Its Literary Repercussions,” PAAJR 59 (1993); Wolfgang Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess: Voraussetzungen, Abläufe, Auswirkungen (1475–1588) (Hannover: Hahn, 1996); Gianni Gentilini, Pasqua 1475: Antigiudaismo e lotta alle eresie: Il caso di Simonino (Milano: Medusa, 2007); Valentina Perini, Il Simonino: geografia di un culto (Trento: Società di studi trentini di scienze storiche, 2012).
3. Jennifer Bishop, “The Clerk’s Tale: Civic Writing in Sixteenth-Century London,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016): 112.
4. Diego Quaglioni has written extensively on the legal context and questions of evidence in the Trent trial; see for example, Diego Quaglioni, “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica: i giuristi Trentini e i processi contro gli ebrei,” in Il Principe Vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486), ed. Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992).
5. On Hinderbach, his life, educational and political background, and interests, see Rogger and Bellabarba, Il Principe Vescovo; Daniela Rando, Dai margini la memoria: Johannes Hinderbach (1418–1486) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003).
6. On the political context of Trent, see Josef Riedman, “Rapporti del principato vescovile di Trento con il conte del Tirolo: le cosiddette Compattate del 1468,” in Il Principe Vescovo.
7. On Hinderbach’s election as bishop, see Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 219–228.
8. The reconstruction of the first days is based on trial records in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I.
9. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I:111.
10. On the German ethnic presence in Trent, see Serena Luzzi, Stranieri in citta: presenza tedesca e societa urbana a Trento (Secoli XV–XVIII) (Bologna: Il mulino, 2003).
11. AST, APV, s.l. 69, document 5A, fol. 9.
12. Johannes Matthias Tiberinus, Passio Beati Simonis Pueri Tridentini a p[er]fidis Judeis nup[er] occisi (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, 1475). There is a disagreement among scholars whether Brixen means Brixen, a town midway between Trent and Innsbruck, or Brescia, Tiberino’s hometown, see Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 287. Tiberinus’s text of April 4, a version addressed to Rafaele Zovenzoni, was published in the English translation by Stephen D. Bowd and J. Donald Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips”: Humanists, Jews, and the Tale of Simon of Trent (Tempe, AZ: Brepols, 2012). Zovenzoni and Simonine poetry are discussed further in Chapter 3. On Tiberino, and his work, see Gaia Bolpagni, “Giovanni Mattia Tiberino e la Passio Beati Simonis Pueri Tridentini: Edizione e Commento” (PhD. diss., Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011).
13. The Latin text with the English translation is in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 40–57. Though I have consulted all the other editions, I will use this easily available version.
14. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 40–57, quote from 40–41.
15. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 42–43.
16. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 42–45.
17. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 44–45.
18. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 46–47.
19. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 50–53. Cf. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 52–53. Hsia seems to have been using another version, an earlier draft of the April 17 text, dated April 15: “That is, just as Jesus God of the Christians, who is nothing, we butcher this one, and thus confound our enemies in eternity.” For a discussion about Ashkenazi curses, see Hsia, Trent 1475, 55.
20. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 54–57. On Jewish views of Jesus, see Israel Jacob Yuval, Shene goyim be-vitnekh: yehudim ve-notsrim dimuyim hadadiyim (Tel-Aviv: `Alma `Am `oved, 2000), ch. 3, and in English, Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), ch. 3. On Jesus in the Talmud, see Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
21. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 56–57.
22. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 42–43.
23. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 25.
24. For example, AST, APV, s.l. 69, document 10, from April 30, 1475, in which Hinderbach praises Tiberino and sends a copy of his letter to another poet.
25. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 109–110.
26. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 119.
27. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 113.
28. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 114.
29. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 124–125.
30. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 125.
31. Diego Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio contro gli ebrei di Trento,” in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 35–36. Also, Diego Quaglioni, “La parola ‘data’ e la parola ‘presa’: le donne nel processo,” in Processi, II: 15–16.
32. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 134, 135.
33. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 134–137.
34. This is in the testimonies of Samuel’s son Israel; Vital, Samuel’s servant; and Samuel himself, all on March 29: Engel (or Angelo) on March 30, Tobias on April 3; and the old Moses on April 4.
35. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi I, 153–155.
36. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 205–206.
37. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 207.
38. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 127–129.
39. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 394–401.
40. Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV), Archivi Arcis Arm. I–XVIII No. 6495, 113r–116r. Henceforth ASV, A.A.
41. ASV, A.A. Arm. I–XVIII No. 6495, 6v–7r, 7v–8v, 9v–17r, respectively.
42. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 233–235.
43. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 236.
44. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 238.
45. The records in Latin have “Deus adiutor et veritas adiuvet me!” in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 238. In the German translation, the text says, “Gott der helffer und die warhait helffer mir!” in YUM 1988.001 “Trial of the Jews of Trent, 1478,” 29.
46. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 351.
47. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 212. YUM 1988, 135: “Was sol ich sagen.”
48. For Latin, see Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (ÖNB), Vienna, Cod. 5360, 317v: “Dicatis mihi quid vultis quod dicam et ego dicam.” The date in the Vienna MS is Saturday, April 15, 1475. In the German MS the date is Saturday, April 13, clearly a mistake. YUM 1988, 319, quote on 320: “Sagt mir was sol ich sagen, sol wil ich es sagen”; also see Hsia, Trent 1475, 49, 152, n. 55.
49. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 154.
50. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 211.
51. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 52. Compare to Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 286.
52. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 308.
53. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 313–314.
54. Testimony given on April 8 is in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 314–319.
55. “Tobias dixit quod pauperum erat et quod habebat pueros ad pascendum” in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 315. Compare to Tiberino’s recounting of Tobias’s words: “Patres, libenter provinciam hanc, verum ut nostis pauper ego sum, et ad commode vivendum ars mea non sufficit. Sunt et plures mihi filioli.…” in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 46.
56. Tiberino: “ ‘An isto Pareseceve et carnes et pisces abunde nobis sunt. Unum tantum nobis deest.’ Respondit Samuel: Et quid te deficit? Tunc, coniectis oculis adinvicem, taciti omnes intellexerunt quod de immolando Christiano infant loqueretur …,” Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 44. Tobias’s testimony on April 9, according to the official records: “Samuel dixit quod ipsi Iudei habebant multas carnes et pisces paratos pro festis futuris; et tunc Angelus dixit quod verum erat, sed quod unum solum deficiebat … intelligendo de sanguine pueri Christiani, prout ipse Tobias credit. Et Samuel respondit: ‘Quid est illud quod deficit nobis? Et Angelus, se circumsipitiendo respondit: ‘Non est tempus dicendi.’ ” Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 319.
57. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 48. Compare to Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 320.
58. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 50–53.
59. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 157. On Tiberino, see Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 50. YUM 1988, 99, offers the slightly disordered Hebrew text:

תולה ישע מנה אלה בסוסים ואלה בגמלים ברכב

The Latin protocols in the Austrian National Library in Vienna, Cod. 5360, also include testimonies of other figures, including Wolfgang, formerly Israel. In his testimony on November 18, 1475, he also mentioned this verse in a mangled way; Vienna Cod. 5360, 234v.
60. Psalm 20: 7–8: “Now I know that the LORD will give victory to His anointed, will answer him from His heavenly sanctuary with the mighty victories of His right arm. They [call] on chariots, they [call] on horses, but we call on the name of the LORD our God.” Rashi understood it to mean that salvation comes through trust in God and that “some of the nations trust in their iron chariot and some trust their horses,” but for Jews “salvation” will based on prayer.
61. See, for example, a Haggadah that was contemporary to Trent: David Stern, Christoph Markschies, and Sarit Shalev-Eyni, The Monk’s Haggadah: A Fifteenth-Century Illuminated Codex from the Monastery of Tegernsee, with a Prologue by the Friar Erhard Von Pappenheim (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015), fol. 17r.
62. YUM 1988, 99.
63. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 366–374.
64. See, for instance, the summary of Seligman’s description of the killing on June 11 and Israel’s on June 21 (Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 159, 201) and compare to Tiberino’s description, especially the wording about circumcision. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 48–50.
65. AST APV s.l. 69, docs., 20, 25, 29. Also, on Battista de’ Giudici, see Diego Quaglioni, Apologia judaeorum invectiva contra Platinam: propaganda antiebraica e polemiche di curia durante il pontificato di Sisto IV (1471–1484) (Rome, 1987).
66. R. Po-chia Hsia has summarized them all in English, and Diego Quaglioni and Anna Esposito have outlined methodological problems related to the surviving documents. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 97–103; Hsia, Trent 1475, 137–140.
67. AST APV s.l. 69 docs. 94, 158.
68. ASV, A.A. Arm I–XVIII 6495: “Processus et sententia contra quosdam Hebraeos qui in Civitate Tridentina immanter occiderunt puerum duorum annorum Christianum nomine Simonem, die veneris sancti die 24 Martii 1475.” In Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I.
69. AST APV s.l. 69, 1b. The annotations are discussed in “Note al testo” in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 439, 441, 444.
70. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 97. On copies that may have been in the hands of Jews, see AST APV s.l. 69, docs. 94 and 116.
71. Hsia, Trent 1475, xxii–xxiv.
72. Hsia, Trent 1475, “Introduction.” And in more detail, see Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 59–60.
73. YUM 1988.001 “Trial of the Jews of Trent, 1478,” 38, 46, 99, 154, 183, 207, 361, 363, 415, 416, 422. In the women’s records, the Hebrew words are rendered in red ink in transliteration.
74. David Stern, “The Hebraist Background to Erhard’s Prologue,” in Stern et al., The Monk’s Haggadah, 85.
75. YUM 1988, 1–3. On the bull see the later discussion.
76. YUM 1988, 1, transcribed in Hsia, Trent 1475, 142, n. 5, and translated on xix. For evidence that Erhard von Pappenheim was the translator of the records, see Stern et al., The Monk’s Haggadah.
77. YUM 1988, 4. The quote comes from Hsia, Trent 1475, xxi, and is transcribed on 142, n. 7.
78. The quote comes from Hsia, Trent 1475, xxi.
79. Johannes Franciscus de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia contra Judaeos Tridentinos (Rome: apud Sanctum Marcum, 1478), 5v (unnumbered).
80. Hinderbach himself mentioned different quires of the originals. See de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 144–146.
81. Testimony of Lazarus: Vienna Cod. 5360, 316–345v; YUM 1988, 317–349.
82. See discussion below and de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum.
83. Historians give two dates for the suspension of the trial: April 21, and 29. Menestrina and Eckert give April 29; R. Po-Chia Hsia and Wolfgang Treue, April 21. The difference may stem from dating of a document and its arrival in Trent. W. P. Eckert, “Il Beato Simonino negli atti del processo di Trento contro gli ebrei,” Studi trentini di scienze storiche XLIV (1965): 208; Hsia, Trent 1475, 50; Giuseppe Menestrina, “Gli ebrei a Trento,” Tridentum (1903): 348; Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 83. On Sigismund’s 1450 privilege, see Menestrina, “Gli ebrei a Trento,” Tridentum, VI–VII: 306–307, n. 303, has the text of the document.
84. ASV APV s.l. 69, doc. 10, 1r–v.
85. ASV APV s.l. 69, doc. 14.
86. ASV APV s.l. 69, doc. 10, 3r–v (May 21, 1475).
87. P. Ghinzoni, “Simone di Trento: nuovi documenti,” Archivio Veneto 19, no. 37 (1889): 136–138.
88. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 240.
89. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 5A, and also doc. 73
90. ASP APV s.l. 69, docs 94, and 123.
91. Ghinzoni, “San Simone di Trento,” 137.
92. AST APV s.l. 69, 25 and 29, and printed in Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 1464–1521 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), no. 982.
93. Johannes Mathias Tiberinus, De infantulo in ciuitate Tridentina p[er] Iudeos rapto atq[ue] i[n] vilipendium [Christianae] religionis post multas maximasq[ue] trucibationes [isic] … crudelissme necato ac deinde in flume[n] cadauer edimerso hystoria feliciter incipit (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, June 19, 1475); Johannes Mathias Tiberinus, De infantulo in ciuitate Tridentina p[er] Iudeos rapto atq[ue] i[n] vilipendium [christianae] religionis post multas maximasq[ue] trucibationes [isic] anno iubileo die parasceue crudelissme necato ac deinde in flume[n] cadauer edimerso hystoria feliciter incipit (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, July 24, 1475).
94. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews, 1464–1521, no. 985.
95. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 20, published in Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, doc. 984.
96. Ghinzoni, “San Simone di Trento,” 141.
97. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 191, 3r, published in de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum.
98. Ghinzoni, “San Simone di Trento,” 141.
99. Hystorie von Simon zu Trient (Trent: Albert Kunne, 1475).
100. For de’ Giudici’s reaction to seeing the corpse, which he described in his September 6, 1475, letter to Cardinal Nardello, see Ghinzoni, “San Simone di Trento,” 141. Translation of the passage from the September 6 letter is in Hsia, Trent 1475, 72. On the relationship between printed editions of Simon’s story and the legal proceedings, see Quaglioni, “Il Procedimento Inquisitorio,” 13–14.
101. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 56.
102. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 146.
103. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 62, 64.
104. Letter of de’ Giudici to Hinderbach from September 24, 1475, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 20, 2r, published in de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 130–134.
105. See also Hsia, Trent 1475, 75.
106. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 134.
107. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 58.
108. ASV, A. A. Arm. I–XVIII No. 6495, 120r; Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 414–415.
109. It was, for example, addressed in Benedetto Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica: sul martirio del Beato Simone da Trento nell’anno MCCCCLXXV da gli ebrei ucciso (Trent: Per Gianbattista Parone Stampator Vescovile, 1747), 130–132.
110. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 56.
111. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 60.
112. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 62. See also, Quaglioni, “Il Procedimento Inquisitorio,” 28.
113. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 76.
114. Laurie Nussdorfer, Brokers of Public Trust: Notaries in Early Modern Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009) and “Roman Notarial Records between Market and State,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016): 71.
115. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 76. A formal complaint against Raphael was filed by Antonius de Facinis before Battista dei Giudici, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 167.
116. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 76.
117. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 168.
118. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 11r. On his personal copy Bishop Hinderbach drew a manicule (shape of a pointed hand) to draw attention to this point, AT APV s.l. 69, doc. 188.
119. See, for example, de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 11r.
120. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 68.
121. On Paolo de Novara, see Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, I: 98–100. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi II: 21, n. 42. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 114–115. Vienna Cod. 5360. On the copy given to de’ Giudici, see his trial AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 68, and Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 130–131.
122. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 68, e.g. 11r–12r, 23r–24v, 27v–31v, 39r, 41v.
123. AST APV s.lat. 69, doc. 106, a letter from Rottaler and Approvino to Hinderbach requesting copies of the protocols of trials against Jews and against Paolo de Novara, December 13, 1477.
124. AST APV s.lat. 69, doc. 74, 3v, 4v, 7r. Michele de Carcano was also known for promoting the monti di pietà and preaching against usury and also against Muslims. He was so famous that he was mentioned in Jacobus Philippus Bergomensis, Supplementvm supplementi de la chroniche (Venice: Impresso per Ioanne Francischo & Ioanne Antonio fratelli di Rusconi, 1524), 329r. On Carcano, see Roberto Rusconi, “Carcano, Michele,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1976), vol. 19, 742–744; and Evelyn S. Welch, Art and Authority in Renaissance Milan (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 136–137.
125. AST APV s. s.l. 69, doc. 74, 10v–11r, in letter from October 31, 1476.
126. AST APV lat 69, docs. 79 and 81, request and receipt of trial records in January 1477. Again in December 1477, Rottaler and Approvino request that original records be sent to Rome (AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 106), which they report receiving on March 24, 1478 (AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 119).
127. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 111.
128. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 88, letter from Wilhemus Rottaler to Hinderbach mentioning that while the emperor received a copy of the trial records from Hinderbach, Jews sent another.
129. AST APV s.l. 69, docs. 94, 158. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 4.
130. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 20, 2r–v.
131. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 136. This should not have surprised Duke Sigismund, because on September 20, he had sent a letter directly to Hinderbach, dispatching his officers to Trent, and echoing what the pope had written in the mandate for de’ Giudici that “innocents should not be taken for the guilty [semper sumus inclinati adhori que innocent per nocentibus non habeantur],” AST APV, s.l. 69, doc. 19.
132. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, no. 986.
133. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, nos. 987 and 988.
134. On the threat of excommunication to Jacobo de Sporo, see AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 39; on the excommunication of de Salis in 1475, see AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 50; on the lifting of the excommunication in July 1479, see Ludwig Schmugge, Michael Marsch, and Alessandra Mosciatti, eds., Repertorium Poenitentiariae Germanicum: Sixtus IV (1471–1484), vol. 6.1 (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005), no. 2953. “Johannes de Salis de Brixia legum doct. [exponit], quod dudum cum esset pretor Trident. et pro homicidio in personam Simonis, qui ut nonnullorum testimoniis et pluribus coniecturis asserebatur, a Judeis interfectus fuerat, tam de mandato dom. ep. Tritent. quam ex eius offficio realiter et personaliter contra Hebreos inqureret in fidei nostre augmentum, et illorum peniciem, ep. Ventimilien. commisarius et nuntius ap. in eo loco constitutes, prefato Johanni sub penis et censuris inhibuit ac mandavit non ulterius contra ipsos Judeos procedure aut in ea causa se ingerere; et quia frequens rumor erat et vox publ., quod dictus puer ab ipsis Hebreis trucidatus fuerat, quadam modo eorum aliqui comprobatur, non in contemptum sed. ap. sed ut veritatas patefieret similiter quod Hebreorum insidie contra christianos elucescerent, incoatum opus et iudicium media iustitia prosequi non destitit, quinimmo contra illos continue processit et nonnullos secundum eorum gravissimum scelus mulctavit et morte afferit; cum autem predictus Johannes propter eius inobedientiam excom. sent. Dubitet incurrisse, licet ea fidei zelo catholice perpetrasset: supplicat humiliter sanctitati vestre, ut postquam processus per eum facti et sent. contra Hebreos late a commissariis in R. cur. super hoc deputatis comprobati fuerint, ex quo ipsum rite et sancte constat egisse, quatenus ipsum a sent. huiusmodi excom. et censuris, si quibus forte innodatus extitit, absolve misericorditer mandare dignemini. Rome apud s. Petrum, 26. Iul. 79.” For the protocols of the interrogation of women, see Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II.
135. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 235–237.
136. On October 12, 1475, Popes Sixtus IV ordered the release of the women; on April 3, 1476, the suspension of any action against them; Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, nos. 987, 989.
137. On Hinderbach’s conciliarist sympathies, see Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 45–96.
138. AST APV s.l. 69, docs. 80 and 82. The two documents were published in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 237–249. See also, Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 126–127.
139. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 239.
140. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 246–247.
141. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 248.
142. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 84.
143. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 85.
144. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 87. On that legal point, see de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 9v.
145. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 242. There was also a legal question whether the minors were legally baptized, but Hinderbach’s allies used the conversions to attack the bishop of Ventimiglia, arguing that had the women and children been released they would not have been baptized and their souls would have perished; de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 10r.
146. Moses A. Shulvass, “Maqor ‘ivri ḥadash le-toledot ‘alilat ha-dam be-Trento,” in Minḥah li-yehudah: mugash le-harav Yehudah Leib Zlotnik, ed. Simha Assaf, Yehudah Even-Shemuel, and Yehuda Leib Avida (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kuk, 1949–1950), 193. Italian translation of the letter is in Emanuela Trevisan Semi, “Gli ḥaruge Trient (gli assassiati di Trento) e lo ḥerem di Trento nella tradizione ebraica,” in Il Principe Vescovo, 411.
147. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 484. Anna Esposito, “Vite delle donne: le ebree nel giudizio inquisitorio,” in Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 44–45.
148. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 413 n. 499. Esposito, “Vite di donne,” 45.
149. Esposito, “Vite di donne,” 45–46.
150. Esposito, “Vite di donne,” 33.
151. Esposito, “Vite di donne,” 33–34, n. 16.
152. Ubertinus Pusculus, Vbertini Pusculi Brixien[sis] duo libri Symonidos: de iudeorum perfidia quo modo Ihesum [Christu]m crucifixerunt diuos Ricardu[m] Parisiensem Symone Tridentinu[m] afflixere martyrio supliciaq[ue] dedere (Auguburg p[er] Johannem Otmar, 1511). The poem with an English translation was published in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” dating 31, Pusculo’s verse epic, 116–213; on Brunetta, 207–211.
153. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 86; his bona fide, 110. On his qualifications, and the pope’s confidence in Battista de’ Giudici, see AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 29.
154. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 88.
155. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 90.
156. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 82.
157. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 25. On Hinderbach’s service to the emperor, see Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 127–205. On his role as an imperial ambassador in Rome, see 156–165. On the makeup of the commission and Hinderbach’s connections in Rome, see de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 22, 35.
158. A letter from Hinderbach to an official in Innsbruck from fall 1475. Frumenzio Ghetta, “Fra Bernardino Tomitano da Feltre e gli Ebrei di Trento nel 1475,” in Contibuiti alla storia della regione Trentino-Alto Adige, Civis (Trent: 1986).
159. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 44; Quaglioni, “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica,” 402.
160. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 112.
161. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 88.
162. See, for example, the lengthy discussion of jurisdiction in de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia.
163. For example, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 21; also in de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 134–137.
164. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 88.
165. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 144.
166. On this, see de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia.
167. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 152. Also see Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 29; and de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 7r ff.
168. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 140–141, also 142. Quaglioni, “Il Procedimento inquisitorio,” 27.
169. Much of what follows is based on the excellent studies by Diego Quaglioni: “Il procedimento inquisitorio”; “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica”; and La giustizia nel medioevo e nella prima età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2008).
170. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio”; and “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica.” See also, Edward Peters, Torture, expanded ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 50.
171. Peters, Torture, 56.
172. Quaglioni, “La parola ‘data’ e la parola ‘presa,’ ” 11–13.
173. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia.
174. See for example, Hinderbach’s justification from February 1476, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 66. See also, Peters, Torture, ch. 2.
175. On the efforts of Hinderbach’s agent, the Dominican Heinrich of Schlettstett, see AST APV s.l. 69, docs, 44, 45, 46, 48. On the use of Vincent de Beauvais’s Speculum Historiale, see AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 11; and de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 12r. On Heinrich of Schlettstett, see also, Hsia, Trent 1475, 76–77.
176. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 32; and “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica,” 398.
177. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 35–36.
178. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, II: 15.
179. Peters, Torture, 47.
180. “Mediocribus tormentis torti et minoribus quam Christianit eciam pro minori delicto torqueri consueverant”; de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 140.
181. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia.
182. Pusculus, Symonidos. The poem with an English translation was published in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 207–211.
183. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 48–49.
184. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 50, n. 125.
185. “Et hec que predicantur de Symone sunt ficta et mendaciis plena ac fabulosa et composita ad tantum scelus obtegendum sicut alia factum est in partibus Alemanie,” AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 188, 4r; also discussed and extensively quoted in Quaglioni, “Il Procedimento inquisitorio,” 50.
186. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 188, 4v; for the quote in Jerome, J. P. Migne, ed. Sanct Eusebii Hieronymi Stridonensis Presbyteri Opera Omnia, vol. 7 (1845), 609–610.
187. He wrote “anti” before “Christi” in the traditional phrase at the beginning of letters, turning “In Christi nomine” into “In anti-Christi nomine.” AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 188 1r; see also Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 50.
188. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 42.
189. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 12v ff.
190. Diego Quaglioni, “I giuristi medievali e gli ebrei: due “consultationes di G. F. Pavini (1478),” in Ebrei e cristiani nell’Italia medievale e moderna: conversioni, scambi, contrasti, ed. Michele Luzzati (Roma: Carucci, 1986), 66.
191. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 45–46; and “Giustizia Criminale e Cultura Giuridica,” 402–403. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 52.
192. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 46–47.
193. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 46, n. 116.
194. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 1v: Septimo propter statutum loci imponens. There is a copy in Bayerische Staadtsbibliothek, 2 Inc. s.a. 961 m, and at AST APV s.l. 69, 188 (with Hinderbach’s notes).
195. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, especially, 68–74, 88–90.
196. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 7r ff.
197. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 9v.
198. AST APV s.l. 69, docs. 120, 123. On Regensburg, see Chapter 3 and R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), ch. 3. On Passau, see Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 129–131, 174–175.
199. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 17.
200. de Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia, 6v.
201. Diego Quaglioni, “Propaganda antiebraica e polemiche di Curia,” in Un Pontificato ed Una Città: Sisto IV (1471–1484), ed. Massimo Miglio et al. (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo and Scuola di Paleografia, Diplomatica, e Archivistica, 1986), 264–265.
202. Quaglioni, “Il procedimento inquisitorio,” 40.
203. Latin text available in Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, no. 999, 1246–1247. Also both the Latin and the English translation by Kenneth Stow are presented in “Trent 1475: Responses of a Pope and a Jewish Chronicler” at the Early Modern Workshop in 2004, http://www.earlymodern.org.
204. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, no. 999.
205. The relevant section of Canon 62 of the IV Lateran Council reads as follows: “And let no one presume to venerate publicly new [relics] unless they have been approved by the Roman pontiff. In the future prelates shall not permit those who come to their churches causa venerationis to be deceived by worthless fabrications or false documents as has been done in many places for the sake of gain.”
206. The sentence—“quod nullus Christianus, premissorum vel alia occasione absque iudicio terrene potestatis, Iudeorum aliquem occidere, mutilare, aut vulenarare, sive ab eis pecunias indebite extoquere, sive eos quominus ritus suos a iure permissos continuare valeant, impedire presumant”—contains nearly verbatim language from Sicut Iudaeis (the version by Pope Innocent III differs, but in Gregory IX’s Decretales the language reverted to the version attributed to Clemens III), which has “Nullus etiam Christianus eorum quemlibet sine judicio potestatis terrenae vulnerare vel occidere vel suas eis pecunias auferre presumant,” Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), no. 49. Solomon Grayzel, “The Papal Bull Sicut Judaeis,” in Studies and Essays in Honor of Abraham A. Neuman, ed. Meir Ben-Horin, Bernard D. Weinryb, and Solomon Zeitlin (Leiden: Brill, 1962), 244. The phrase “occidere, mutilare, aut vulnerare” differs from what is in the original Sicut Iudaeis, but it was used by Pope Paul II in his 1466 bull Viros sanguineos.
207. For example, AST APV s.l. 69, docs 10, 11, 15, 34.
208. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 14.
209. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 113.
210. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 20, 26, 27, 32. Doc. 20 was published in de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 130–134.
211. For example, a letter from October 4, 1476, AST APV s.l. 69, 74, 13r.
212. For example, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 56, 71, 104.
213. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 140.
214. For example, AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 37, 51, 56.
215. de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum, 110.
216. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 52 (on alms), docs. 100, 118, 122, 130 (on expenses).
217. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 68.
218. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, especially, 471 ff.
219. E.g. AST APV s.l. 69, docs. 109, 110, 117.
220. E.g. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 85.
221. Shulvass, “Maqor ‘ivri”; Trevisan Semi, “Gli ḥaruge Trient,” 411. On Jewish literary responses to blood libels, see Chapter 5.
222. AST APV s.l. 69, doc. 68, 25r–26v.
223. Shulvass, “Maqor ‘ivri.”
224. The lamentation (qinah) was first published in 1912 in David Frankel, “Qinah le-ḥarugei Trient,” Ha-ẓofeh le-ḥokhmat Yisrael 2 (1912). An Italian translation was published by Trevisan Semi, “Gli ḥaruge Trient,” and the English translation by Sylvia A. Herskowitz, Medieval Justice: The Trial of the Jews of Trent (New York: Yeshiva University Museum, 1989).
225. Shlomo Halevi, “Kinah: Lament for the Victims of Trent,” in Herskowitz, Medieval Justice. Frankel, “Qinah le-ḥarugei Trient.”
226. Shulvass expressed this surprise; Shulvass, “Maqor ‘ivri.”
227. See Stern et al., The Monk’s Haggadah and Chapter 3.
228. It was in a German quarter, led by a German bishop, supported by evidence from German territories. Paolo de Novara said that “all in the castle were Germans,” AST APV s.l. 69, doc 68, 45r.
229. Alexandra Walsham, “The Social History of the Archive: Record-Keeping in Early Modern Europe,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016): 47.
230. Walsham, “The Social History of the Archive,” 32, 46.

3. Echoes of Simon of Trent in European Culture

1. Stephen D. Bowd and J. Donald Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips”: Humanists, Jews, and the Tale of Simon of Trent (Tempe, AZ: Brepols, 2012), 122–123. I use this Latin-English edition to quote the text in English, unless otherwise noted.
2. R. Po-chia Hsia, “Atti del processo contro gli ebrei conservati alla Yeshiva University, New York,” in Il Principe Vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486), ed. Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992), 427.
3. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 6–15.
4. The Latin text with the English translation is in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 40–57.
5. On the trial, see Chapter 2 and Rogger and Bellabarba, Il Principe Vescovo, 100–107; Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips.” The text is described by R. Po-Chia Hsia in his Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 53–56.
6. Hystorie von Simon zu Trient (Trent: Albert Kunne, 1475); Johannes Mathias Tiberinus, Relatio de Simone puero Tridentino (Venice: Gabriele di Pietro, 1475); Johannes Matthias Tiberinus, Passio Beati Simonis pueri Tridentini a p[er]fidis Judeis nup[er] occisi (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, 1475); Johannes Mathias Tiberinus, De infantulo in ciuitate Tridentina p[er] Iudeos rapto atq[ue] i[n] vilipendium [christianae] religionis post multas maximasq[ue] trucibationes [isic] … crudelissme necato ac deinde in flume[n] cadauer edimerso hystoria feliciter incipit (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, June 19, 1475). Johannes Mathias Tiberinus, De infantulo in ciuitate Tridentina p[er] iudeos rapto atq[ue] i[n] vilipendium [christianae] religionis post multas maximasq[ue] trucibationes [isic] anno iubileo die parasceue crudelissme necato ac deinde in flume[n] cadauer edimerso hystoria feliciter incipit (Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, July 24, 1475). Jean Bolland et al., Acta Sanctorum Martii (Antwerp: apud Iacobum Meursium, 1668), 494–502. On the scope of the literary impact of the trial, see the bibliography in Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Alleged Ritual Murder of Simon of Trent (1475) and Its Literary Repercussions,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 59 (1993).
7. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 44–47.
8. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 44–45.
9. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,”46–47. This description is consistent with the idea of a ḥerem, a rabbinic ban, prohibiting social interaction with the person affected.
10. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 44–45.
11. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 42–43.
12. Tiberino’s discussion of Jewish messianic calculations was not entirely inaccurate. As Israel Yuval has noted, “Producing calculations of the End is an ancient Jewish pastime,” though admittedly one frequently condemned by rabbis. In Christian Europe, Jewish eschatological calculations were sometimes included in works of anti-Christian polemics. It would not have been unusual if Trent Jews shared the belief in an imminent messianic era. There is evidence that in the fifteenth century, some Ashkenazic Jews continued to expect the imminent arrival of the messianic era and were forced to revise their calculations when the expected date passed, Israel Jacob Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), ch. 6.
13. Epistola Raphaeli Zovenzonio, in Tiberinus, Relatio de Simone puero Tridentino. Reprinted with the English translation in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 36–41.
14. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 38–39.
15. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 40–41.
16. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 59–63.
17. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 58–59. The discussion of the form and meter of the poem is on 59, n. 2.
18. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 60–61.
19. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 62–63. See Matthew 11:5 and Luke 7:22.
20. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 62–63.
21. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 62–63.
22. See, for a most explicit example, Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 74–75, 80–81, 106–107.
23. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 74–75. Incidentally, perhaps, the notion that Jews conducted a “war” against Christian is also found in the popular work of Alfonso de Espina, Fortalitium fidei, Book III.
24. Quote from Pusculo in Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 204–205. On this, see also Anna Esposito, “Il culto del ‘beato’ Simonino e la sua prima diffusione in Italia,” in Il Principe Vescovo, 436–437; and Silvester de Balneoregio, Conclusiones cum earum declaracionibus edite … super canonisatione Simonis Tridentini quem impia gens hebrea incontemptum fidei cristiane crudeliter enecauit ad Reuerendissimum Episcopum et Tridentine civitatis principem dominum Johannem Hynderbach (Trent: Albrecht Kunne, December 6, 1475).
25. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 64–69. Tiberinus Johannes Matthias, Hystoria Completa (Tridenti: Hermanno Schindeleyp auctore, 1476).
26. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 64–69.
27. Also see Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 72–73. For a full treatment of the Jews as dogs in Christian imagination, see Kenneth R. Stow, Jewish Dogs: An Image and Its Interpreters (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006).
28. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips”, 68–73.
29. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 68–69.
30. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 70–71.
31. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 76–77.
32. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 74–75.
33. Pusculo’s poem was written in 1482 but published in 1511. It is now available in Part III of Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips.” Quote on 205.
34. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 72–73.
35. Battista de’ Giudici and Diego Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum invectiva contra Platinam: Propaganda antiebraica e polemiche di curia durante il pontificato di Sisto IV (1471–1484), (Rome, 1987), 112.
36. R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 42.
37. See Chapter 2. Latin text available in Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 1464–1521, no. 999, p. 1246–1247. Both Latin and the English translation are in Kenneth Stow, “Trent 1475: Responses of a Pope and a Jewish Chronicler” at the Early Modern Workshop in 2004, http://www.earlymodern.org.
38. Fabiano Veraja, La beatificazione: storia problemi prospettive (Rome: S. Congregazione per le Cause dei Santi, 1983), 18–19, 26–28, 31.
39. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews, 1464–1521, no. 999, pp. 1246– 1247.
40. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 73–74.
41. In one of his later letters, Giusto Approvino notified Bishop Hinderbach in 1478 of the printing cost of 300 copies of his consultatio, which amounted to 30 ducats; Diego Quaglioni, “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica: i giuristi trentini e i processi contro gli ebrei,” in Il Principe Vescovo, 399; Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 436.
42. AST, APV, s.l. 69, n. 1, fasc. 1, 1r, record for April 23, 1475. Frumenzio Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore: i registri delle offerte della Chiesa di S. Pietro a Trento,” in Il Principe Vescovo, 207.
43. AST, ASV, s.l. 69, n. 1, fasc. 1, 3r. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 209.
44. AST, ASV, s.l. 69, n. 1, fasc. 1, 5v: “Item Stampher pro salario suo habuit libras 14, pro capsa plumbea facta. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 210.
45. See, for example, Tommaso Caliò, La leggenda dell’ebreo assassino: percorsi di un racconto antiebraico dal medioevo ad oggi (Rome: Viella, 2007), ch. 1; Dana E. Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), ch. 5; Esposito, “Il Principe Vescovo.”
46. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘beato’ Simonino,” 440. Already in 1475, churches and clergy were asking for relics; see a letter from Gabriel Bertuci to Bishop Hinderbach from October 9, 1475, AST, ASV, s.l. 69, no. 31. See also letters regarding donations of relics in 1476, AST, ASV, s.l. 69, nos. 74, 77.
47. Salomone G. Radzik, Portobuffolè (Florence: Casa Editrice Giuntina, 1984), 20, n.13.
48. Letter from Battista di Campofrenoso, AST, ASV, s.l. 69, no. 139. On Simon’s toe, see Michelangelo Mariani, Il glorioso infante S. Simone: historia panegirica (Trent: Zanetti Stampator Episcopale, 1668), 132; on the queen’s visit to Trent, 194.
49. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, ch. 2.
50. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, 469–471. Wolfgang Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess: Voraussetzungen, Abläufe, Auswirkungen (1475–1588) (Hannover: Hahn, 1996), 308–318.
51. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 308–312. Werner Rolevinck, Fasciculus temporum (Venice: cura impensisq[ue] Erhardi Ratdolt de Augusta, 1480 [November 24]), 65. Werner Rolevinck, Fasciculus temporum (Basel: Bernhardus Richel, 1482 [February 20]), 90r. For a more detailed discussion of the chronicles, see Chapter 4.
52. On the story of Simon in Schedel’s chronicle, see Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 48. For the images of Simon’s martyrdom in the Augsburg editions, Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum cum figuris et imaginis ab initio mundi usque nunc temporis (Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, 1497), 285v–286r; and Das Buch der Croniken vnnd Geschichten mit Figuren vnd Pildnussen von Anbeginn der Welt bis auff dise vnsere Zeijt (Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, 1500), 286v–287r.
53. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 171. Also, Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 442.
54. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘beato’ Simonino,” 443. Laura Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino nell’arte Trentina dal XV al XVIII secolo,” in Il Principe Vescovo, 449.
55. Mariani, Il Glorioso Infante, 171–173. See also Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 486–487.
56. Mariani, Il Glorioso Infante, 173.
57. Mariani, Il Glorioso Infante, 173–174.
58. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 449, n. 13.
59. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 481.
60. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 482.
61. Laurentius Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis: partim ex tomis Aloysii Lipomani partim etiam ex egregiis manuscriptis codicibus, quarum permultae antehàc numquàm in lucem prodiere, optima fide collectis (Cologne: apud Geruinum Calenium et haeredes Quentelios, 1571), 387–390.
62. Vol. 8: Luigi Lippomano, Octauus tomus vitarum sanctorum priscorum patrum (Rome: apud Antonium Bladum impressorem cam., 1560).
63. See especially vol. 7, which contains saints for March and April: Luigi Lippomano, Septimus tomus vitarum sanctorum priscorum patrum (Romae: Apud Antonium Bladum impressorem cam., 1558). On Lippomano and his role in the host desecration trial, see Magda Teter, Sinners on Trial: Jews and Sacrilege after the Reformation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), ch. 5.
64. Fidel Gonzalez Fernandez, “Prefazione,” in Le cause di canonizzazione nel primo periodo della Congregazione dei Riti (1588–1634), ed. Giovanni Papa (Roma: Urbaniana University Press, 2001), 1.
65. Fernandez, “Le cause di canonizzazione,” 1.
66. Veraja, La beatificazione, 9.
67. Fernandez, “Le cause di canonizzazione,” 4–5. For a detailed study of the reform of the canonization process, see Giovanni Papa, Le cause di canonizzazione nel primo periodo della Congregazione dei Riti (1588–1634) (Rome: Urbaniana University Press, 2001).
68. Papa, Le cause di canonizzazione, 15–26.
69. Veraja, La beatificazione, 5.
70. Veraja, La beatificazione, 12–13.
71. An example of such threats can be found regarding the cult of Charles of Blois, condemned by Pope Urban V in 1368; Veraja, La beatificazione, 14–15.
72. Ludovico Carbone, Summæ summarum casuum conscientiæ siue totius theologiæ practicæ in tribus tomi [sic] distributa (Venice: apud Robertum Meiettum, 1606), vol. 3, book 1, ch. 17, 41–44.
73. “[A]lii qui privatis in locis et a privatis personis in sanctorum certum esse creduntur, quos beatos vocantur,” Carbone, Summæ summarum casuum, vol. 3, book 1, ch. 17, 41.
74. Fernandez, “Le cause di canonizzazione,” 1. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews, 1464–1521, no. 1041, p. 1277.
75. For the text of the letter, see Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews,1464–1521, no. 986, p. 1231.
76. Veraja, La beatificazione, 26–27.
77. The text of the breve from August 1482 is in Veraja, La beatificazione, 27.
78. Veraja, La beatificazione, 19, 27–28.
79. Veraja, La beatificazione, 19, 33–34.
80. Veraja, La beatificazione, 5.
81. AST APV s. l. 69, docs. 183,190.
82. On the reform of the procedures and the creation of the Congregation of Rites, see Papa, Le cause di canonizzazione.
83. Papa, Le cause di canonizzazione, 16–19. Session Twenty-Five, December 3–4, 1563.
84. Robert Bireley, “Early-Modern Catholicism as a Response to the Changing World of the Long Sixteenth Century,” Catholic Historical Review 95, no. 2 (2009): 238; Natalia Nowakowska, “From Strassburg to Trent: Bishops, Printing and Liturgical Reform in the Fifteenth Century,” Past & Present 213, no. 1 (2011): 7. For a musicological study of the liturgical reforms following the Council of Trent, see Theodore Karp, An Introduction to the Post-Tridentine Mass Proper (Middleton, WI: American Institute of Musicology, 2007).
85. Pio Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana del Martirologio romano,” La Scuola Cattolica 51 (1923): 201–203.
86. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 198.
87. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 198–199.
88. Cesare Baronio, Martyrologivm romanvm, ad novam kalendarii rationem, et ecclesiasticæ historiæ veritatem restitutum Gregorii XIII. Pont. Max. ivssv editvm. accesservnt notationes, atque tractatio de martyrologio romano. avctore Cæsare Baronio Sorano Congreg. Oratoij Presbyt (Romæ: Ex Typographia Dominici Basae, 1586). On the stipend, see Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 200.
89. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 207.
90. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 209.
91. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 274.
92. Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 274–275.
93. Baronio recounted his difficult job of making the call whether to retain or expunge someone in the Martyrologium; Paschini, “La riforma gregoriana,” 276.
94. Prospero (Benedict XIV) Lambertini, De servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione (Bologna: Formis Longhi excusoris archiepiscopalis, 1734–1738), Lib IV, pars II, cap. XVII, no. 15.
95. Martyrologium Romanvm Ad Nouam Kalendarij Rationem, & Ecclesiasticae Historiae Veritatem Reftitutum Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. Iussu Editum (Rome: ex typographia Dominici Basae, 1583).
96. Baronio, Martyrologivm romanvm (1586).
97. Baronio, Martyrologivm romanvm (1586).
98. Papa, Le cause di canonizzazione, 21.
99. Martyrologium romanum (1583), 66–67. Treue located the insertion in 1584, likely after the Bollandists; Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 488.
100. Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis, 387–390; Ioannes Molandus, Usuardi martyrologium quo romana ecclesia ac permultae aliae utuntur (Lovanii: apud Hieronymum Wellaum, 1573), 55v (misnumbered 53v). Earlier editions of Usuard’s Martyrologium do not mention Simon either: Usuard, Martyrologium (Florence: Francesco Bonaccorsi, 1486) and Martyrologium (Venice: Jmpressum arte et impẽsis Luceantonij de giunta, 1517).
101. Quaglioni, “Giustizia criminale e cultura giuridica,” 405. See also, Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 462. See Chapter 2.
102. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, ch. 2.
103. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 36–41.
104. Hystorie von Simon zu Trient; Johannes M. Tiberinus, Die Geschicht und Legend von dem seligen Kind und Marterer gennant Symon von den Juden zu Trent gemartet und gemortet, trans. Ginther Zainer (Augsburg: Ginther Zainer, 1475).
105. Rochus von Liliencron, Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen, 5 vols. (Leipzig: Vogel, 1866–1869), vol. 2, 13–21, no. 128. See for example Kunig’s description of Simon’s torture and death, in Liliencron, 15, lines 103–125, 153–154, and compare with Tiberino; Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 50–53. Lines 153–154 are taken nearly verbatim from Tiberino, who himself was evoking John 19:30: “He tilted his head to his right, and gave up his noble spirit” (Kunig) vs. “Bending his head he gave up his holy spirit to the Lord.”
106. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, ch. 3.
107. On Israel / Wolfgang, see Hsia, Trent 1475, ch. 9.
108. See also, AST, ASV, s.l. 69, nos. 76, 161.
109. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 74. The document with questions dated April 8, 1476, is published in Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg 1453–1738 (Munich: C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1960), 72–73, no. 230.
110. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, ch. 5.
111. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 92.
112. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 87.
113. On Sappenfeld, see Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 125–131; on Worms, see ch. 8.
114. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, ch. 7, esp. 148ff.
115. Piotr Skarga, Żywoty Świętych Starego i Nowego Zakonu z Pisma Świętego i poważnych pisarzów i doktorow kościelnych wybranych (Drukarnia Oświeconego Pana Mikołaja Christofa Radziwiłła, 1579), “Przedmowa do czytelnika.” On the influence of Skarga’s work in Poland, see Hanna Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów: procesy o rzekome mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce (Warsaw: Bellona: Wydawnictwo Fundacji Historia pro Futuro, 1995), 98.
116. Skarga, Żywoty Świętych, 279–281. Cf. Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis, 356–359.
117. The Bollandists noted that a missal published in Venice in 1487 placed Simon’s story on March 30. Later Wagenseil noted that as well, no doubt following the Bollandists, Johann Christoph Wagenseil, D. Joh. Christoph. Wagenseils Benachrichtigungen wegen einiger die Judenschafft (Leipzig: Heinichen, 1705), 195.
118. Skarga, Żywoty Świętych, 281. See also Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 104.
119. Skarga, Żywoty Świętych, 281.
120. Skarga, Żywoty Świętych, 281.
121. For a list of publications with dates, see Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 306–308.
122. Li Horribili Tormenti del Beato Simone di Trento (Treviso: Gerardus Lisa [Gerardo da Fiandra], 1475). There is no date in the paratext of this work, but the text itself refers to “this holy easter [questa sancta pasca].”
123. Thomas Pratus, De immanitate judaeorum in Simonem infantum (Treviso: Gerardus de Lisa de Flandria, 1475); Johannes Matthias Tiberinus, De obitu Beati Simonis Tridentini: ad rectores et cives brixianos (Tavri: GF, 1475); and Passio Beati Simonis pueri tridentini (Treviso: Gerardus de Lisa de Flandria, 1475).
124. Li horribili tormenti (1475), 1r–v. The allusion to Mary is likely not accidental, because ritual murder and blood accusations against Jews were often linked to Marian devotion. March 25 is a feast of the Annunciation. Because March 25, 1475, was Good Friday, the feast would have been moved to after Easter. On the Marian connection, see also Chapter 1.
125. Li horribili tormenti (1475). Kenneth Stow examined the metaphor of “Jewish dogs” in his Jewish Dogs.
126. Li horribili tormenti (1475), 6r.
127. Li horribili tormenti (1475), 7v.
128. Li horribili tormenti (1475), 8r.
129. Documents related to the incident in Pavia, along with the final decree by the Sforzas, are found in Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 280–294.
130. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 280–281. Donato’s name is mentioned in the letter sent from Milan to Pavia on April 28, 1479, in Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 285.
131. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, no. 2, 281.
132. Letter from Giovanni Calzavacca to the Sforzas in Milan, April 22, 1479, in Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 282.
133. Letter from dated April 22, 1479, from “Deputati officio provisionis comunis civitatis vestrae Pavie” to the Dukes of Milan, in Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 282.
134. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 284.
135. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 285–287.
136. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 289–294.
137. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 290.
138. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 290.
139. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 291.
140. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 291.
141. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 291–292.
142. The dukes were mistaken in dating Jewish settlement in Rome to the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. There is evidence of a Jewish presence in Rome as early as the second century B.C.E.
143. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 293–294.
144. Giorgio Sommariva, Martyrium Sebastiani Novelli trucidati a judaeis (Tarvisii [Treviso]: Diligentia Bernardini Celerii de Luere, 1480). The copy of Sommariva’s booklet at Biblioteca Angelica in Rome has a note: “B. Simon Trid. et alÿ a Iudaeis trucidati.” No body was ever found though three Jews were executed in Venice. On this case, see also Radzik, Portobuffolè; Caliò, La leggenda dell’ebreo assassino, 33–35; and in passim, Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino.”
145. Italo Cammarata and Ugo Rozzo, Il Beato Giovannino patrono di Volpedo: Un fanciullo “martire” della fine del secolo XV (Volpedo: Associazione “Pelizza da Volpedo,” 1997).
146. Caliò, La leggenda dell’ebreo assassino, chap. 1.
147. Ambrogio Franco, Martirio del Beato Simone trentino (Trent: per li fratelli Gelmini da Sabbio, 1586). It was republished under a different title in 1608; see the later discussion.
148. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone. On Gesti’s description of the procession, see the later discussion in this chapter.
149. Ristretto della vita e martirio di S. Simone fanciullo della Città di Trento (Rome: Filippo Neri alle Muratte, 1594?). The date of the publication is questionable. On the one hand, the approbation says reimprimatur, or re-approbation, thereby implying an earlier edition. On the other, information within the book suggests that it was in fact published much later. The preface to Ristretto makes reference to Philippe de Berlaymont’s Paradisus puerorum, first published in 1618 in Cologne and republished a year later. Berlaymont’s book was certainly written earlier, because the approbations go back to 1616, but some examples in this book are from the seventeenth century. It is difficult to imagine how the author of Ristretto would have had access to Berlaymont’s book before 1616 (in manuscript) or 1618 (in print). The named printer raises another question. This press did not produce anything but Ristretto and then another work in 1794. Filippo Neri was, of course, the founder of the Congregation of the Oratory and a close friend of Cesare Baronio and other prominent figures; he died in 1595, was beatified in 1615, and canonized in 1622. Neri and his disciples displaced a small group of nuns for following the rule of St. Claire, when Neri’s congregation grew in size. The nuns were forced to move to a different monastery in the Muratte. Given the internal evidence within Ristretto, the date must be a typographical error, or, considering other issues, an attempt at willful deception. On the move of the nuns to the Muratte, see Alfonso Capecelatro, La vita di S. Filippo Neri (Naples: R. Stab. Tipografico del Comm. g. de Angelis e Figlio, 1879), vol. 2, 41.
150. Ristretto, 4.
151. On the term “ghetto,” see Kenneth R. Stow, “The Consciousness of Closure: Roman Jewry and Its Ghet,” in Essential Papers on Jewish Culture in Renaissance and Baroque Italy, ed. David Ruderman (New York: New York University Press, 1992), 386–400; Benjamin Ravid, “From Geographical Realia to Historiographical Symbol: The Odyssey of the Word Ghetto,” in Essential Papers on Jewish Culture in Renaissance and Baroque Italy, 373–385.
152. Ristretto, 6–8.
153. I left the spelling of the Hebrew words to retain the flavor of the original text. Beresci here likely refers to the Book of Genesis, known in Hebrew as Be-reshit, and “scirascirim of Solomon” is the Song of Songs; Ristretto, 7.
154. Ristretto, 7–8.
155. Ristretto, 7–8.
156. Ristretto, 10. Cf. Ambrogio Franco, Martirio di S. Simone di Trento nel quale si tratta de la gran crudeltà che vsarono gli empi ebrei in martirizarlo. et come è stato posto nel cattalogo de’ santi, & la solenne processione fatta nella sua prima festa, con molti miracoli fatti da esso santo (Trent: Battista Gelmini, 1608 [1586]), 4.
157. Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), 198, no. 188.
158. Ristretto, 26.
159. Ristretto, 26.
160. Ristretto, 27–31.
161. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 1.
162. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 18.
163. Cf. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 5. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 64.
164. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 10.
165. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 13.
166. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 30.
167. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 21.
168. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 39.
169. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 57. Cf. Luke 2:41–52.
170. If Mariani read this part of Simon’s story in parallel with the episode in the Gospels, some preachers in Poland would do the opposite; they would read this part of the Gospels for its allusions to the cruelty of Jews and ritual murder accusations. In a sermon collection from 1758 of a Franciscan friar in Cracow, the preacher claimed that after Jesus was lost, Mary thought he was caught and killed by Jews. MS. 279 “O. Bernard, Reformata, Kazania misjonarskie, 1758,” Archiwum OO. Franciszkanów-Reformatów w Krakowie, folio 17: “Pro Dominica infra Octavam Epiphaniae.”
171. “Involuto nella porpora del proprio sangue,” Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 65.
172. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 191–192.
173. See David Biale, Blood and Belief: The Circulation of a Symbol between Jews and Christians (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), chap. 2, esp. 78; Yuval, Two Nations. Joshua Schwartz, “Treading the Grapes of Wrath: The Wine Press in Ancient Jewish and Christian Tradition,” Theologische Zeitschrift 49 (1993): 218–219, 318–322.
174. NRSV, Matthew 27:28; also Mark 15:17, and John 19:2.
175. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 43–44.
176. See also Biale, Blood and Belief, 48ff.
177. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 61–62.
178. Also later in Würzburg, 1569–70; Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 202. In another case a body began to sweat in the presence of a murderer; Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 128. This would also be found in Poland; see Chapters 6 and 8.
179. Bowd and Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips,” 9, 168–169.
180. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 70–71.
181. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 72–73.
182. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 92–93.
183. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 95.
184. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 111–112.
185. For a similar argument in Poland regarding a host desecration legend, see Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 4.
186. Augustine, City of God, Book 18, ch. 46 on Psalm 59–10.
187. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 122–124.
188. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 123.
189. To be sure, this was not a new call. Ever since Christians realized that Jews did not solely follow the biblical precepts, such calls were voiced from time to time.
190. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 2–3.
191. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 47.
192. See, for example, Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 103–105, 150, 156, 201.
193. This was not the first time Simon’s body was examined. It was examined in 1637, also under Guarinoni’s direction; Marcin Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar rzekomych żydowskich mordów rytualnych na historycznych ziemiach litewskich XVII–XIX wieku,” in Socialiniu Tapatumu Repreznetacijos: Lietuvos Didżiosios Kunigaikśtystes Kulturoje (Vilnius: 2010), 320, n. 62.
194. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 132.
195. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 138ff.
196. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 139–145.
197. Some Christian writers claimed that Jesus sustained 5,490 wounds; Thomas Lentes, “Counting Piety in Late Middle Ages,” in Ordering Medieval Society: Perspectives on Intellectual and Practical Modes of Shaping Social Relations, ed. Bernhard Jussen (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 58–59. Isaac Cardoso mentioned this tradition in Las excelencias de los hebreos (Amsterdam: David de Castro Tartas, 1679), 411.
198. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 145–151.
199. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 112–119.
200. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 112.
201. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 115.
202. See AST APV lat. 69, doc. 68.
203. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 157–159.
204. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore.”
205. AST, APV, s.l. Capsa 69, no. 1, 1r; published in Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 207.
206. AST, APV, s.l. 69, no. 1, 11v, published in Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 217.
207. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 248.
208. On this, see de’ Giudici and Quaglioni, Apologia Judaeorum.
209. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 184.
210. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 132–133.
211. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 133.
212. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 153–154.
213. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 206.
214. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 193. See Chapter 1 for a similar question regarding William of Norwich.
215. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 209–210.
216. Dominique Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” 488. The most comprehensive overview of Simonine iconography in northern Italy to date is Valentina Perini, Il Simonino: geografia di un culto (Trento: Società di studi trentini di scienze storiche, 2012). See also Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 348–392; Magda Teter, “The Iconography of Blood Libel: A European Story,” in Blood: Uniting and Dividing, edited by Małgorzata Stolarska-Fronia (Warsaw: POLIN Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich, 2017), 120–149.
217. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore.”
218. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore,” 209.
219. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 431–432; Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 447.
220. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” esp. 466–468. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 348–392.
221. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 437. Schindeleyp is named in the 1476 Hystoria completa by Johannes Matthias Tiberino.
222. Lamberto Donati, L’inizio della stampa a Trento ed il Beato Simone (Trento: Centro culturale “Fratelli Bronzetti,” 1968).
223. On the dissemination of images of Simon of Trent, including the chapbook published by Kunne in Trent, see David S. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image in Late Medieval Europe (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2010). The images of this work and others related to Simonine iconography have also been published in Magda Teter and Urszula Stępień, Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie w historii, pamięci i sztuce: europejski kontekst obrazów sandomierskich (Sandomierz: Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 2014).
224. On the emergence and evolution of the “Jewish hat” in Christian iconography, see Sara Lipton, Dark Mirror: The Medieval Origins of Anti-Jewish Iconography (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014). See also her Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible Moralise’e (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), esp. ch. 1.
225. August Herzog Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, 5 Xylogr. http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/5-xylogr/start.htm.
226. See for example, Friedrich Zoller’s image from 1442 in Bolzano, in which menacing Jews are circumcising baby Jesus; Perini, Il Simonino, fig. 17, p. 119. Also, the stained-glass circumcision of Christ from Cologne ca. 1460–1470, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession no. 2003.14. For the Italian examples, see images of the circumcision of Christ by Cosme’ Tura (1470s), in the Isabella Garner Museum in Boston or by Fra Angelico, ca. 1450 in the Museo di San Marco in Florence. On Jewish women in Christian art, and a discussion of circumcision, see Lipton, Dark Mirror, ch. 6.
227. For example, “The Last Supper by the Mazarine Master,” British Library, Egerton MS 1070, f. 113r.
228. See, for example, the fifteenth-century ivory “Last Supper” at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Friedsam Collection, Bequest of Michael Friedsam, 1931 (accession number 32.100.207), and Bernat Martorell (d. 1452), “Altarpiece of St Mary Magdalene” at the Museo Episcopal de Vic, Osona, Catalonia, Spain. Also, though later, Pedro Beruguette’s “Last Supper” at LACMA, Gift of the Ahmanson Foundation (M.90.171).
229. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, 178.
230. Tiberinus, Die Geschicht und Legend von dem seligen Kind und Marterer gennant Symon. For a comparison of these works, see Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 451–453.
231. The same was true for most paintings in churches in northern Italy, where head coverings were not “Jewish” and Jews had to be marked by the round badge. For examples, see Perini, Il Simonino.
232. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 306–308, 348–392. A broadsheet in German depicting pilgrims visiting the bloodied body of Simon with arma Simonis, instruments of passion akin to arma Christi, has been preserved in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich, Rar. 338. The 1476 German version of Tiberino’s account published in Nuremberg contains the image of Simon’s crucifixion; see fig. 7 in Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino.”
233. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, ch. 4.
234. See Veraja, La beatificazione, 17–19.
235. Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews, 1464–1521, no. 986, p. 1231. See also Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” 486.
236. Quoted in Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, 167.
237. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 240, n. 55.
238. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 433; Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” 492.
239. Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” 489–490. See also, Church S. Andrea in Malegno, in Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance, 142–143. For Malegno, see Perini, Il Simonino, 258–260; for other examples, 213–214, 230–232.
240. Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, Amministratore.”
241. Perini, Il Simonino, 276–281.
242. An example of the narrative can be seen on the exterior wall of the parochial church Sant’Andrea in Malegno; see Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance, 142–143, fig. 60.
243. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, fig. 14, 215. On Schedel’s ownership of the broadsheets, see Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, ch. 4.
244. Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 304–310.
245. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 463, 465. Perini, Il Simonino, 240–241. The detail with Simon of Trent is on the cover of the book of Dana Katz’s book, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance. Another example of the connection between Simon and Christ is a fresco in Povo in the Church of St. Pietro e Andrea; see Perini, Il Simonino, 141–142; and Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance, 150, fig. 67.
246. So wrote Approvino degli Approvini in March 1478 to Bishop Hinderbach about the order of images he made; Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 366. Esposito, “Il culto del ‘Beato’ Simonino,” 438; Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” 489, n. 26. See also, Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance, chap. 5.
247. For images of Christ after the resurrection, holding a similar banner, see, for an early example, Giotto’s depiction in Capella Scrovegni in Padua. For nearly contemporary fifteenth-century examples, see Fra Angelico, “Resurrection of Christ and Women at the Tomb” (1440–1442) in Cell 8 in Convento di San Marco, Florence; Master of the Osservanza, “The Resurrection” (c. 1445), Institute of Arts, Detroit; Piero della Francesca, “Resurrection”(1463–1465) in Pinacoteca Comunale, Sansepolcro; Giovanni Bellini “Resurrection of Christ” (1475–1479) in Gemäldegalerie der Staatlichen Museen, Berlin; Alvise Vivarini, “Resurrection” (1497–1498) in San Giovanni in Bragora, Venice; and Master of the Housebook, “Resurrection” (1480–1485) in Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt.
248. The estimates are based on the catalog by Perini, Il Simonino. For maps of the distribution, see www.thebloodlibeltrail.org.
249. Perini, Il Simonino, 196–198.
250. Rigaux, “L’immagine di Simone di Trento,” fig. 7 and 493. Perini, Il Simonino, 196–198.
251. For other examples, see Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, ch. 4; and Perini, Il Simonino, 114, fig. 16, and other examples of Simon Triumphant. An image of Simon Triumphant from monastery of San Ponziano in Spoleto can be seen at http://www.pprg.infoteca.it/easyne2/LYT.aspx?IDLYT=3550&Code=cemir&ST=SQL&SQL=ID_Documento=3547; and Perini, Il Simonino, 327–329. Also see Mario Sensi, Mario Tosti, and Corrado Fratini, Santuari nel territorio della provincia di Perugia (Perugia: Quattroemme, 2002), 57.
252. Pusculus, Vbertini Pusculi brixien[sis] duo libri Symonidos. Perini, Il Simonino, 141–142. According to the survey of Simonine art by Valentina Perini, there are only about six instances of this iconography, and most of them come from the first decades of the sixteenth century. Only two, from Bressarone and Cavareno, can be dated to the period before 1500; the other examples are in Cunevo, Cloz, Mechel, and Provaglio d’Iseo.
253. For another example, see Mariani, Il glorioso infante.
254. A scanned copy of the book from Bayerische Staatsbibliothek is available for view on Google books.
255. Martyrologium romanum (1583), 66–67. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone di Trento (1589), 21; Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone di Trento (1593), 20. Even the title of Antonio Gesti’s work underscores the importance of inclusion of Simon in “the catalogue of the saints.”
256. Officia propria Sancti Vigilii Episcopi, et B. Simonis innocentis martyrum, ac Sanctae Maxentiae viduae (Tridenti: Apud Ioan. Baptistam, et Iacobum fratres de Gelminis de Sabbio, 1588); Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589); Franco, Martirio di S. Simone di Trento (1608).
257. Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis, et martyris tridentini: per totam dioecesin trid. a secularibus, & regularibus die XXIIII martii celebrandum, (Tridenti: Ex typographia episcopale, 1655). The same image had been used on the frontispiece of Franco, Martirio del Beato Simone trentino (1586).
258. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” figs. 20–22, 28, 30, 36; Mariani, Il glorioso infante.
259. Quoted in Laura Dal Prà, “Ancora su Hinderbach e la sua creazione iconografica, con la scoperta del ciclo Simoniniano di S. Maria Della Misericordia di Trento,” in Perini, Il Simonino: Geografia di un culto, 27–30. For expenses related to converting Samuel’s house and Simon’s home into chapels, see Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, Amministratore,” 240, 243, 245, 246.
260. Dal Prà, “Ancora su Hinderbach,” 22.
261. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone.
262. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 21r.
263. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 21; Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1593), 20.
264. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), fol. 21r.
265. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), fol. 21 r–v.
266. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 21r–v.
267. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 22r.
268. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 22r–v. For an eighteenth-century representation of the procession, see Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” il. 31.
269. Gesti, Martirio di S. Simone (1589), 23r.
270. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 186. A 1724 print shows a catafalque with a baldachin carried in the procession; Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” il. 31. For images of the relics, see Giuseppe Divina, Storia del Beato Simone da Trento (Trent: Artigianelli, 1902), ch. 13, a plate after 32; ch. 18, a plate after 176; and ch. 22, plates after 304 and 320. Divina also recounts the ebbs and flows of the processions. The 1724 print, according to Divina, was produced to celebrate the reformation of the procession, perhaps indeed the decision to carry the body. The procession was then suspended and only reinstated in 1835 in five-year intervals. But it was suspended again, to be reinstated on the 400th anniversary of Simon’s birth in 1872. In 1875, on the 400th anniversary of Simon’s death, another celebration was to be held, but “bad weather impeded the procession.” That year it was established that the procession was to take place every ten years, but the next procession did not take place until 1887. Divina published his book in 1902, and for him the last such procession had taken place in 1895, Divina, Storia del Beato Simone da Trento, 329. The last known procession was in 1955. In 1965 the cult was abolished.
271. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 125.
272. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 125–126. Also, Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 461.
273. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 125–126. The removed frescoes had been moved to the Museum of Castel Buonconsiglio and are not available for view. But a photograph was published by Antonio Morsassi in 1934. Morassi, Storia della pittura nella Venezia tridentina: dalle origini alle fine del quattrocento (Rome: La libreria dello stato, 1934), 366, fig. 235. Also, Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” figs. 10–11.
274. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 136.
275. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 137.
276. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 461. The list of what was preserved in the Church of St. Peter’s in Trent is in Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 133–135.
277. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 167.
278. Although the date may be a result of a typographical error, Mariani also claimed that Ferdinand IV was her brother—yet he was her son. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 194.
279. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 196, 198–199. The list of dignitaries visiting Trent is found on 194–199.
280. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 204.
281. Dal Prà, “L’immagine di Simonino,” 469, Figs. 20–21.
282. Now at the Jagiellonian library in Cracow, Biblioteka Klasztoru Kamedułów na Bielanach, BJ Cam. C. I. 27
283. On the trials of the Jews in Poland, see Chapter 6. On the iconography in Poland, see most recently, Magda Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux De Mémoire,” in Ritual Murder in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Beyond, ed. Eugene M. Avrutin, Jonathan Dekel-Chen, and Robert Weinberg (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017), 253–277; and “The Iconography of Blood Libel: A European Story.”
284. The quote comes from Johann Christoph Wagenseil. Allison Coudert, “Seventeenth-Century Christian Hebraists: Philosemites or Antisemites?” in Judaeo-Christian Intellectual Culture in the Seventeenth Century: A Celebration of the Library of Narcissus Marsh (1638–1713), ed. Allison Coudert et al. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publisher, 1999), 55.
285. Stefan Żuchowski, Process kryminalny of niewinne dziecie Jerzego Krasnowskiego iuz to trzecie, roku 1710 dnia 18 sierpnia w Sendomirzu okrutnie od zydow zamordowane. dla odkrycia iawnych kryminalow zydowskich, dla przykladu sprawiedliwosci potomnym wiekom (Sandomierz: after 1720), 88.
286. Archiwum Kapituły Kolegiackiej i Katedralnej w Sandomierzu (henceforth AKKiKS), 742, fols. 23–24.
287. For the most recent and most comprehensive discussion of the Sandomierz paintings of the calendar, see Teter and Stępień, eds., Stosunki chrześcijańsko- żydowskie.
288. On these paintings, including images, see Magda Teter, “Stosunki chrześcijańsko- żydowskie z perspektywy historii oraz czasu: sandomierskie obrazy w ikonograffi europejskiej,” in Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie, esp. 42–51, figs. 19–23.
289. Jan Wiśniewski, Dekanat sandomierski (Radom: Jan Kanty Trzebiński, 1915), 177.
290. There was a Tuvia (Tobias) in Różana (now, Ruzhany, Belarus), where a blood libel took place in 1659. Meir Sokolowsky and Joseph Abramovitsch, Rozana: A Memorial to the Ruzhinoy Jewish Community (New York: JewishGen, 2012), 10–28.
291. Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis, 7.
292. Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis.
293. Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis. See also, on p. 9: “Dixerunt impii Judaei in contumeliam Iesu, quem Christiani Deum colunt, huius pueri sanguinem exhauriamus.” For a direct comparison between the inscriptions in St. Paul’s Church and Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis, see Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as ‘Lieux De Mémoire,’ ” 265.
294. The transcription provided in Wiśniewski’s book contains errors; they may be errors of transcription or typographical errors made by the printer. But what is on the frame may also be errors of memory that were the responsibility of the painter. Wiśniewski, Dekanat sandomierski, 177.
295. Officium proprium S. Simonis innocentis, 14.
296. Or errors of transcription by Wiśniewski.
297. A copy of the broadside dedicated to Aliprando Madruzzo is at the Wolfegg Castle in the Wolfegger Kabinett; a reproduction is published in Capriotti, Lo scorpione sul petto, 150, fig. 60; another version is in Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar,” 311.
298. On Pietromartino di Anversa, see Francesco Federico Mancini, Miniatura a Perugia tra cinquecento e seicento (Perugia: Electa; Editori Umbri Associati, 1987), 122, n. 45.
299. Teter, “Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie”; for images, see the appendix, especially fig. 20. Francesco Santi, Dipinti, sculture e oggetti dei secoli XV–XVI (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1989), 221–222. Perini, Il Simonino, 339. But the most comprehensive study of the work and the artist is Capriotti, Lo scorpione sul petto, 141–157. Capriotti dates the painting to 1597, based on a faint signature, 151.
300. Images in Teter and Stępień, Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie.
301. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 43–44. The imagery of the resurrected Christ often included a red tunic; Dieric Bouts the Elder, “Resurrection” (1450–1460), Norton Simon Museum of Art, Pasadena, CA; Piero della Francesca, “Resurrection” (1463–1465), Museo Civico, Sansepolcro; Michael Wolgemut, “Resurrection” (c. 1485), Alte Pinakothek, Munich. For imagery of Simon, see Perini, Il Simonino.
302. See a reproduction in Capriotti, Lo scorpione sul petto, 150; Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar,” 311.
303. I thank Francesca Bregoli for asking a question about the hat and putting me in touch with Fabrizio Lelli, who in turn pointed to the marrano iconography. Private communication, March 14, 2014. For an example of a representation of marranos in iconography as dressed in black and wearing hats, see “Chaferiz d’el-Rei in the Alfama District,” Lisbon, ca. 1560–80, oil on panel, 36 5 / 8 × 64 3 / 16 in. (93 × 163 cm), Bernardo Collection, Lisbon. It was on display in the exhibition, “Revealing the African Presence in Renaissance Europe,” at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore from October 14, 2012, to January 21, 2013.
304. Wiśniewski, Dekanat sandomierski, 177. Also quoted in Jolanta Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi: legenda mordu rytualnego na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX wieku (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Cyklady, 2011), 241.
305. Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, 241.
306. Piotr Skarga, Żywoty Świętych Starego i Nowego Zakonu z Pisma świętego i poważnych pisarzów i doktorow kościelnych wybranych (Drukarnia Oświeconego Pana Mikołaja Christofa Radziwiłła, 1579), 280. Skarga’s mention of stuffing the child’s body in a barrel, along with the prominent presence of barrels in the painting by Pietromartino di Anversa, as well as in many other Simonine paintings, may help explain the barrel motif in the Sandomierz paintings. However, a much closer parallel, mentioning nails in a barrel, can be found in Solomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Yehudah; see Chapter 5. On the iconography of the barrel, see Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux De Mémoire,” 263.
307. AKKiKS, 741, 68.
308. Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, 256, 260–264. The painting is mentioned in David Jakubowicz, ed. Sefer zikaron kehilot Wadowice, Andrychow, Kalwaria, Meslenice, Sucha (Jerusalem: Masada Publishing,1967), 346; and Gemma Volli, I “processi tridentini” e il culto del Beato Simone da Trento (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1963). Volli mistakenly located, after what appears to be a Nazi description, the painting in Góra Kalwaria near Warsaw.
309. A rather poor image of the painting can be found in Volli, I “processi tridentini,” fig. 4. This is the only known photograph of this now-lost painting. A painting clearly based on that in Kalwaria Zebrzydowska is now at the museum in Jarosław, published in color, Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, fig. 20.
310. The inscription is visible in Gemma Volli’s reproduction of the painting, Volli, I “processi tridentini.” A German translation of the inscription, not without errors, is in Joseph Samuel Bloch, Israel und die Völker: nach jüdischer Lehre (Berlin: Verlag Benjamin Harz, 1922), 753–754.
311. Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, 261. See Chapter 8.
312. Perini, Il Simonino, 332. See, more extensively, Ghetta, “Fra Bernardino,” 129–177.
313. Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, chap. VIII, and figs. 22–23, 26. Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar.”
314. The founding of Kalwaria Zebrzydowska was inspired by Christian van Adrichem’s book on Jerusalem during the times of Christ; see Augustyn Chadam, Zarys dziejów Kalwarii Zebrzydowskiej (Kalwaria Zebrzydowska: Wydawnictwo Calvariarum, 1984), 4; Hieronim Eug. Wyczawski, Dzieje Kalwarii Zebrzydowskiej (Cracow: Nakładem Prowincjałatu OO. Bernarynów, 1947), V.

4. Blood Libels and Cultures of Knowledge in Early Modern Europe

1. There is a vast literature on Christian Hebraism in German lands and Italy; see, for example, Aaron L. Katchen, Christian Hebraists and Dutch Rabbis: Seventeenth Century Apologetics and the Study of Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984); Allison Coudert and Jeffrey S. Shoulson, Hebraica Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); and the following by Stephen G. Burnett: From Christian Hebraism to Jewish Studies: Johannes Buxtorf (1564–1629) and Hebrew Learning in the Seventeenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 1996); “Distorted Mirrors: Antonius Margaritha, Johann Buxtorff and Christian Enthographies of the Jews,” Sixteenth Century Journal 25 (1994); “Calvin’s Jewish Interlocutor: Christian Hebraism and Anti-Jewish Polemics during the Reformation,” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 55 (1993); and Christian Hebraism in the Reformation Era (1500–1660): Authors, Books, and the Transmission of Jewish Learning (Leiden: Brill, 2012). On Jewish converts to Christianity and their work, see Elisheva Carlebach, Divided Souls: Converts from Judaism in Early Modern German Lands, 1500–1750 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001); and Yaacov Deutsch, Judaism in Christian Eyes: Ethnographic Descriptions of Jews and Judaism in Early Modern Europe (Oxford: New York, 2011).
2. Schmidt quoted in Judith Pollmann, “Archiving the Present and Chronicling for the Future in Early Modern Europe,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016); 233, 249, 250.
3. To be sure, Jews sometimes convert and become good Christians, like Petrus Alphonsus, but sometimes they revert to Judaism and deserve death; for example, Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1493), 198r.
4. Schedel, Liber chronicarum, 149v.
5. Schedel, Liber chronicarum, 201v.
6. Schedel, Liber chronicarum, 220v, 230v, 257v.
7. Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum cum figuris et imaginis ab initio mundi usque nunc temporis (Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, 1497), 168v, 225r, 247v, 258v, 285v, 289v.
8. For example, the 1337 Deckendorff and the 1492 Sternberg host desecrations appear only in Schedel until the post-Reformation era when some Catholic chroniclers included them in their works. Schedel is also the only chronicler to mention the 1298 persecution and the attack on the Jews of Prague.
9. This point is made in a different context by Anthony Grafton, What Was History?: The Art of History in Early Modern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 124.
10. On Werner Rolevinck’s Fasciculus temporum, see Margaret Bingham Stillwell, “The Fasciculus Temporum: A Genealogical Survey of Editions before 1480,” in Bibliographical Essays: A Tribute to Wilberforce Eames, ed. Bruce Rogers (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1924): 409–440.
11. Vincent de Beauvais, Speculum historiale (Strasbourg: Johann Mentelin, 1473), lib. 28, LXXIII–LXXIIII; lib. 30, XXV, LIII.
12. See for example, Werner Rolevinck, Fasciculus temporum omnes antiquorum chronicas complectens (Venice: Goergius Walch, 1479), 37r, 40r, 56v, 57r, 58v, 59v, 60r, 61r.
13. Daniela Rando, Dai margini la memoria: Johannes Hinderbach (1418–1486) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003), 243–244, 469. Rando refers to a copy in Biblioteca Communale di Trento, F b 64.
14. See also Wolfgang Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess: Voraussetzungen, Abläufe, Auswirkungen (1475–1588) (Hannover: Hahn, 1996), 308–311.
15. Werner Rolevinck, Fasciculus temporum (Cologne: Nicolaus Götz, 1478), 64r.
16. See p. 90r in these editions by Werner Rolevinck: Fasciculus temporum (Basel: Bernhardus Richel, 1482 [February 20]); Fasciculus temporum (Strassburg: Johann Prüss, 1488); and Fasciculus temporum (Strassburg: Johann Prüss, 1490).
17. Werner Rolevinck, Dat boek dat men hiet fasciculus temporum mit beig (Utrecht: Johann Veldener, 1480) and his Fasciculus temporum, le fardelet hystorial (Genf: Drucker des Fardelet du temps, 1495).
18. “Iudei etiam quidam furati puerulum quendam in ciuitate tridentina nomine Symonem: fecerunt in eum mysteria quodammodo passionis ad similitudinem domini nostri iesu christi,” Werner Rolevinck, Fasciculus temporum (Venice: cura impensisq[ue] Erhardi Ratdolt de Augusta, 1480 [November 24]), 65. See also, for example, the 1485 Venice edition, fol. 64v; 1524, 316v.
19. See, for example, Joannes Sichardus, ed. En damus chronicon divinum plane opus eruditissimorum autorum: repetitum ab ipso mundi initio, ad annum usque salutis M.D. XII (Basel: Henricus Petrus, 1529), 144v.
20. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 312. For example, Jacobus Philippus Foresti Bergomensis, Supplementum chronicarum (Brescia: Boninus de Boninis, 1485 [December 1]), 347v–348r; Jacobus Philippus Foresti Bergomensis, Supplementum chronicarum (Venice: Bernardinus Ricius de Novaria, 1492), 249r.
21. “Cum xpianum non haberent imolandum cuius sanguine in azimis suis uti possent,” in Bergomensis. Bergomensis, Supplementum chronicarum (1492), 248v.
22. Jacobus Philippus Foresti Bergomensis, Supplementum chronicarum (Venice: Bernardino Rizzo, 1491), 288v.
23. Treue, Der Trienter Judenprozess, 312.
24. Alexandra Kess, Johann Sleidan and the Protestant Vision of History (Oxon, UK: Routledge, 2016), 106.
25. The Polish chronicler Marcin Bielski also framed his universal history within the four empires; his chronicle was first published in 1551 and republished numerous times. Bielski, Kronika. Tho Iesth, Historya swiata na szesc wiekow, a czterzy monarchie, rozdzielona (Cracow: Mateusz Siebeneycher, 1564).
26. Kess, Johann Sleidan, 109–110.
27. Laurentius Surius, Commentarius breuis rerum in orbe gestarum: ab anno salutis millesimo quingentesimo, vsq[ue] ad annum LXVI (Cologne: apud haeredes Ioannis Quentel & Geruinum Calenium, 1566), 67–68 (Lisbon massacre), 84–86 (1510 host desecration), 551–553 (1556, Sochaczew). Laurentius Surius, Commentarius breuis rerum in orbe gestarum: ab anno salutis M.D. vsque in annum M.D. LXXIIII (Cologne: apud Geruinum Calenium, & haeredes Ioannis Quentelij, 1574), 50–51 (Lisbon massacre), 63–64 (1510 host desecratio), 487–488 (1556, Sochaczew). On the Lisbon massacre, see Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, The Lisbon Massacre of 1506 and the Royal Image in the Shebet Yehudah (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College-JIR, 1976). On Sochaczew, see Magda Teter, Sinners on Trial: Jews and Sacrilege after the Reformation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), ch. 5. On communion and Eucharist in Protestantism, see Lee Palmer Wandel, The Eucharist in the Reformation: Incarnation and Liturgy (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
28. Johann Mayr, Epitome cronicorum seculi modernidas ist: kurzter begriff und inhalt aller gedenckwürdigen sachen, so von 1500 biß zu dem 1604. jar Christi (Munich: N. Henricus, 1604), 38r and 335r (Regensburg), 181v (1591, Pressburg).
29. Stefania Tutino, “ ‘For the Sake of the Truth of History and of the Catholic Doctrines’: History, Documents, and Dogma in Cesare Baronio’s Annales Ecclesiastici,” Journal of Early Modern History 17 (2013): 130–131. See also Anthony Grafton, “Church History in Early Modern Europe: Tradition and Innovation,” and Giuseppe Antonio Guazzelli, “Cesare Baronio and the Roman Catholic Vision of the Early Church,” in Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World, ed. Katherine Van Liere, Simon Ditchfield, and Howard Louthan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 3–26 and 52–70.
30. Grafton, “Church History in Early Modern Europe,” 23. For a more detailed study on Baronio and Casaubon’s critique, see Anthony Grafton and Joanna Weinberg, “I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue”: Isaac Casaubon, the Jews, and a Forgotten Chapter in Renaissance Scholarship (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2011).
31. Tutino, “ ‘For the Sake of the Truth,’ ” 144.
32. Cesare Baronio, Annales ecclesiastici (Venice: Apud Stephanum Monti, 1738–1740), vol. 7, cols. 392 (504 legislation), 723–724 (Gregory I against violence), vol. 398, cols. 544–545 (VIII Council of Toledo).
33. Baronio, Annales ecclesiastici, vol. 12, cols. 389–390.
34. Tutino, “ ‘For the Sake of the Truth,’ ” 152–153, n. 59.
35. Abraham Bzowski, Annalium ecclesiasticorum post Illustriss. et Revedend. Dominum D. Caesare Baronium S.R.E cardinalem Bibliothecarem Tomus XIII rerum in orbe christiano an anno domini 1198 usque annum dom. 1299 gestarum narrationem complectens. (Cologne: Agrippinae apud Antonium Boetzerum, 1616). Henceforth, Bzowski, Annalium, vol. 13.
36. Bzowski, Annalium, vol. 13, col. 443, under 1234.19.
37. Hugh of Lincoln, Bzowski, Annalium, vol. 13, col. 638–639, under 1255.12.
38. Other blood libel stories included in Bzowski, Annalium vol. 13 were of Wissenburg (1252.16) and Prague (1287.9).
39. Bzowski, Annalium, vol. 13, col. 464.
40. Christian Wurtisen, Germaniae historicorum illustrium, quorum pleriq[ue] ab henrico IIII imperatore vsque ad annum Christi, M. CCCC (Frankfurt a.M: Apud haeredes Andreae Wecheli, 1585), vol. 2, part “Fragmentum historicum incerti auctoris,” 91 verse 14 under 1236.
41. See, for example, Bzovius, in his vol. 15 covering the years 1378–1431 and published in 1622; when describing the 1399 story of host desecration in Poznań, copied verbatim a book about it recently published in 1609 by a Polish writer, Tomasz Treter, Abraham Bzovius, Annalium ecclesiasticorum post Illutriss. et Reverenidss. D.D. Caesarem Baronium. Tomus XV rerum in orbe christiano ab Anno Domini 1378 usque as Annum Domini 1431 (Cologne, 1622), 188–208, under 1399.13 On the Poznań story, see Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 4.
42. Odoricus Rinaldi, Annales ecclesiastici ab anno quo desinit Card. Caes. Baronius MCXCVIII usque ad annum MDXXXIV Continuati, Tomus XIII (Cologne: Sumptibus Ioannis Wilhelmi Friessem, 1692). Sicut Iudaeis on 37 under 1199.54 and 425, under 1235.20; Lachrymabilem on 441–442, under 1236.48; and the 1247 bull on 581, under 1247.83–84. These documents are in Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), nos. 79, 144, 185.
43. This apologetic statement follows the full text of Sicut Iudaeis under 1235.20.
44. On the concept of “traveling facts,” see Mary S. Morgan, “Travelling Facts,” in How Well Do Facts Travel? The Dissemination of Reliable Knowledge, ed. Peter Howlett and Mary S. Morgan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 3–39.
45. Marquardus de Susannis, Tractatus de iudaeis et aliis infidelibus (Venice: apud Cominum de Tridino Montisferrati, 1558), section 2 of ch. 7, 25r–26r.
46. Mathew Adam McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster: Describing the World in the Reformation (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007), 151.
47. McLean, Cosmographia, esp. 16–26.
48. Sebastian Münster, Cosmographia: Beschreibung aller Lender durch Sebastianum Munsterum (Basel: Getruckt durch Henrichum Petri, 1544), 38; Sebastian Münster, Cosmographiae uniuersalis lib. VI (Basel: apud Henrichum Petri, 1550), 46; Sebastian Münster, Sei libri della cosmografia (Basel: Stampato a spese di Henrigo Pietro Basiliense, 1558), 52. Henceforth, Cosmographia (1544), Cosmographia (1550), and Cosmografia (1558), respectively.
49. Palmieri under 1492: “Expulsa sunt Hispania tota, centum et viginti-quatuor milla familiarum Iudaicarum.” Johannes Sichardt, ed. Habes opt. lector chronicon opus felicissime renatum (Basel: Excudebat Henricus Petrus,1536), 152v. In Münster, in the first German edition of Cosmographia (1544), 50.
50. For example, Münster, Cosmographia (1544), 86; Münster, Cosmographia (1550), 132; Münster, Cosmografia (1558), 150.
51. Münster, Cosmographia (1544), 129; Münster, Cosmographia (1550), 230; Münster, Cosmografia (1558), 258–259.
52. “Omnium maleficiorum auctores.” Münster, Cosmographia (1550), 457–458. See also, for example, the story of Rufach in 1298 in Münster, Cosmographia (1550), 444–445; Münster, Cosmografia (1558), 506.
53. This concept was developed by Augustine built on the idea of the six-day creation of the world that was followed by the day of rest. Similarly, there were six ages of the world, followed by seventh, when Jesus would return ushering a messianic era.
54. On Münster’s predecessors, see McLean, Cosmographia, ch. 2.
55. McLean, Cosmographia, 144–145.
56. Quoted in McLean, Cosmographia, 148.
57. McLean, Cosmographia, 161, 200.
58. Münster, Cosmographia (1550), 444–445; Münster, Cosmografia (1558), 506. This story does not enter the German editions until 1561.
59. On the differences between editions, see McLean, Cosmographia, 173–188.
60. McLean, Cosmographia, 170, 173.
61. Joseph Ha-Kohen and Karin Almbladh, Sefer Emeq Ha-Bakha (The Vale of Tears) with the Chronicle of the Anonymous Corrector (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 1981). See Chapter 6.
62. Georg Braun, Civitates orbis terrarvm liber primvs (Cologne: Apud Godefridum Kempensem, 1582), no. 14.
63. Braun, Civitates Orbis, 48.
64. “Creditum autem est vulgo eam a Iudaeis infectis veneno fontibus effectam esse.” Kromer in Johann Pistorius, ed. Polonicae historiae corpus: hoc est polonicarum rerum latini recentiores & veteres scriptores, quotquot extant, uno volumine compraehensi omnes, & in aliquot distributi tomos (Basel: Per Sebastianum Henricpetri,1582), 603.
65. On the Esterke story and its legacy in Polish and Yiddish literature, see Chone Shmeruk, The Esterke Story in Yiddish and Polish Literature: A Case Study in the Mutual Relations of Two Cultural Traditions (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar, 1985). On Długosz, see Piotr Dymmel, Tradycja rekopiśmienna roczników Jana Długosza (Warsaw: Wydawictwo Naukowe PWN, 1992).
66. For example, see Jan Herburt, Chronica, sive historiae polonicae compendiosa: ad per certa librorum capita ad facilem memoriam recens facta descriptio (Basel: Ex Officina Oporiniana, 1571), 180. Maciej Miechowita in Pistorius, Polonicae historiae corpus, 165.
67. Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 4.
68. Pistorius, Polonicae historiae corpus, 202. Marcin Bielski and Joachim Bielski, Kronika polska Marcina Bielskiego (Sanok: K. Pollak, 1856), 508. Bielski, Kronika. Tho iesth, historya świata, 385r. On sixteenth-century Polish historiography, see Agnieszka Dziuba, Wczesnorenesansowa historiografia polsko-łacińska (Lublin: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski, 2000), esp, chap. 1.
69. Bielski, Kronika, fol. 279.
70. Bielski, Kronika, fol. 283.
71. Bielski, Kronika, fol. 283v–284r.
72. Bielski, Kronika, 287r.
73. Bielski, Kronika, 385r, 424r.
74. Bielski, Kronika, 462v–466r.
75. Bielski, Kronika, 465v.
76. Václav Hájek of Libočan, Böhmische Chronica Vvenceslai Hagecii (Prague: Gedruckt durch Nicolaum Straus, Jnn Verlegung Andreaszen Weidlichs, 1596). On the chronicle, see Zdenek V. David, “Hajek, Dubravius, and the Jews: A Contrast in Sixteenth-Century Czech Historiography,” Sixteenth-Century Journal 27, no. 4 (1996): 997–1013.
77. David, “Hajek, Dubravius, and the Jews,” 1000.
78. Hájek of Libočan, Böhmische Chronica, 156.
79. Although readers could also encounter Jews in genres not explicitly devoted to them, such as chronicles, cosmographies, and even rather technical books, including chronographies, not all Christian writers automatically jumped at the opportunity to retell those tales. A book on calendars by Jeronimo Chaves’s Chronographia, for example, compared the Jewish calendar with others, pointing to Jewish errors in the calendar. Still, though Jews are often described with derogatory vocabulary, such as “obstinate” or “adulterers,” and are shown to follow erroneous beliefs, Chaves’s Chronographia did not mention anti-Jewish stories related to Passover. Chaves, Chronographia o reportorio de los tiempos el mas copioso y preciso que hasta ahora ha salido a luz (Sevilla: Alonso Escriuano, 1572), 152r–153r.
80. Alisa Meyuhas Ginio, “ ‘The Fortress of Faith’—at the End of the West: Alfonso de Espina and His ‘Fortalitium Fidei,’ ” in Contra Judaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Christians and Jews, ed. Ora Limor (Tubingen: Mohr, 1996), 215.
81. Alfonso de Espina, Fortalitium fidei (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1485), Lib. 3, cons. 7 “de iudaeorum crudelitatibus.”
82. Pharetra fidei catholice siue ydonea disputatio inter christianos et judeos (Cologne: Heinrich Quentel, 1494); Pharetra catholice fidei (Landschut: Per Joannem Weyssenburger, 1514).
83. R. Po-chia Hsia, “Christian Ethnographies of the Jews in Early Modern Germany,” in Expulsion of the Jews: 1492 and After, ed. Raymond B. Waddington and Arthur Williamson (London: Garland Publishing, 1994), 223.
84. Carlebach, Divided Souls, esp. chs. 9 and 10; see Deutsch, Judaism in Christian Eyes, esp. 65–76.
85. Hsia, “Christian Ethnographies,” 224–226; and Trent 1475. On von Pappenheim, see David Stern, Christoph Markschies, and Sarit Shalev-Eyni, The Monk’s Haggadah: A Fifteenth-Century Illuminated Codex from the Monastery of Tegernsee, with a Prologue by the Friar Erhard Von Pappenheim (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015), 8–10, 73, 85.
86. Stern et al., The Monk’s Haggadah, 116–117.
87. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 174.
88. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 174ff, section “Minhag Literature in the Culture of Ashkenaz.” What follows is based on that section.
89. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 177–179. An English translation is now available of Johann Pfefferkorn, The Jews’ Mirror, trans. Ruth I. Cape (Tempe, AZ: ACMRS, 2011). Von Carben was not forgotten, however; see, for example, references to his work in Conrad Huser and Marcus Lombardus, Tractatus de imposturis et ceremoniis judaeorum nostri temporis ab autore germanice editus nunc vero in gratiam reipublicae christianae latine redditus a Conrado Husero Tigurino (Basel: Per P. Pernam, 1575), 3, 8. On von Carben, see Carola Maria Werhahn, Die Stiftung des Victor Von Carben (1423–1515) im Kolner Dom: Glaubenspropaganda zwischen Judentum und Christentum in Text und Bild (Munich: Herbert Utz Verlag, 2013).
90. Johannes Pfefferkorn, Ich heyss eyn Buchlijn der Iuden beicht. (Cologne: Johann Landen, 1508). The two copies I consulted, one at the New York Public Library and one from the Bayerische Staadtbibliothek, have the images bound in different order.
91. Johann Pfefferkorn, In hoc libello coparatur absoluta explicatio, quomı ceci illi iudei suu pascha servet (Cologne: Per Henricum in nussia, 1509); Johann Pfefferkorn, In disem Buchlein vindet jer ain entlichenn furtrag wie die blinden Juden yr Ostern halten unnd besunderlich wie das abentmal gessen wirt, weiter wurdt aussgetruckt das die Juden ketzer seyn des alten und des Newenn Testaments (Cologne: Landen, 1509).
92. On Pfefferkorn’s book on Passover, see also David Price, Johannes Reuchlin and the Campaign to Destroy Jewish Books (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 104–106.
93. On this most recently, see Price, Johannes Reuchlin.
94. Thomas Murner, Hukat ha-pesah: ritus et celebratio phase iudeorum cum orationibus eorum et benedictionibus menses ad litteram interpretatis cum omni observatione uti soliti sunt suum pasca extra terram promissionis sine esu agni pascalis celebrare (Frankfurt a.M: Beatus Murner, 1512). On Murner’s Haggadah, see Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2005), 27–30, and plates 6–7.
95. Lawrence A. Hoffman, “The Passover Meal in Jewish Tradition,” Passover and Easter: Origin and History of Modern Times, ed. Paul F. Bradshaw and Lawrence A. Hoffman (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002), 22–23. Richard I. Cohen, Jewish Icons: Art and Society in Modern Europe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 21–22. See also Hans-Martin Kirn, Das Bild vom Juden in Deutschland des Fruehen 16. Jahrhunderts (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1989), 50–51.
96. Pfefferkorn, Jews’ Mirror, 90–93.
97. Martin Luther, Das Jhesus Christus eyn geborner Jude sey (Wittemberg: Melchior Lotter, 1523), second to last paragraph.
98. First printing, Martin Luther, Von den Juden und iren Lugen. D. M. Luth. zum andernmal gedruckt, und mehr dazu gethan. M. D. XLIII (Wittemberg: durch Hans Lufft, 1543), S, g ii verso–g iii.
99. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 179. Antonius Margaritha, Der gantz Jüdisch Glaub (Augsburg: Heynrich Steyner, 1530).
100. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 174.
101. Margaritha, Der gantz Jüdisch Glaub.
102. Burnett, “Distorted Mirrors,” 276–277.
103. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 180.
104. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 181.
105. Maria Diemling, “Anthonius Margaritha on the ‘Whole Jewish Faith’: A Sixteenth-Century Convert from Judaism and His Depiction of Jewish Religion,” in Jews, Judaism, and the Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Germany, ed. Dean Phillip Bell and Stephen G. Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 305–306. Elisheva Carlebach, “Jewish Responses to Christianity in Reformation Germany,” in Jews, Judaism, and the Reformation, 460. Michael Thomson Walton, “Anthonius Margaritha: Honest Reporter?,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 1 (2005): 129–130. Also see Chava Fraenkel-Goldschmidt, ed. The Historical Writings of Joseph of Rosheim: Leader of Jewry in Early Modern Germany (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 176–187, 321–322, 372–373.
106. Luther, Von den Juden und iren Lugen, c verso. See also Burnett, “Distorted Mirrors,” 278. See Huser and Lombardus, Tractatus de imposturis, 18, and Polish works based on Lombardus.
107. “Brauchen dazu weder saltz noch schmaltz nur wasser und mel.” Antonius Margaritha, Der gantz Judisch Glaub (Leipzig: Melchior Lotther, 1531). Carlebach, Divided Souls, 198–199.
108. Andreas Osiander, Ob es war und glaublich sey, daß die Juden der Christen Kinder Heymlich erwürgen, vnd jr Blut gebrauchen: ein treffenliche Schrifft, auff eines yeden Vrteyl gestelt (Nuremberg: Petreius, 1530). Osiander’s essay is discussed in detail in R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 136–143. See Joy Kammerling, “Andreas Ossiander, the Jews, and Judaism,” in Jews, Judaism, and the Reformation.
109. Osiander, Ob es war und glaublich sey, bv–b2; Carlebach, Divided Souls, 199; and Kirn, Das Bild vom Juden, 51, n.157.
110. Ernst Ferdinand Hess, Flagellvm ivdeorvm, Juden Geissel (1598); Carlebach, Divided Souls, 199.
111. Quoted in Allison Coudert, “Seventeenth-Century Christian Hebraists: Philosemites or Antisemites?” in Judaeo-Christian Intellectual Culture in the Seventeenth Century: A Celebration of the Library of Narcissus Marsh (1638–1713), ed. Allison Coudert et al. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publisher, 1999), 54–55.
112. Johann Buxtorf, Synagoga judaica, hoc est schola judaeorum (Hanau: Typis Petri Antoni Impensis J. Stöckle, 1622), “Praefatio ad lectorem.” On Buxtorf, see Burnett, From Christian Hebraism to Jewish Studies.
113. Burnett, From Christian Hebraism to Jewish Studies, 55, 63–65.
114. Buxtorf, Synagoga judaica, chap. 12, 325.
115. Buxtorf, Synagoga judaica, ch. 13, esp. 331.
116. Buxtorf, Synagoga judaica, 333–334.
117. Buxtorf, Synagoga judaica, chs. 26–27.
118. Friedrich Albrecht Christiani, Der Jüden Glaube und Aberglaube (Leipzig: Lanckisch, 1705), fig. VII, 102.
119. Bernard Picart and Jean-Frèdèric Bernard, Cèrèmonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde: reprèsentèes par des figures (Amsterdam: Chez J. F. Bernard, 1723). On Picart and the Jews, see Samantha Baskind, “Judging a Book by Its Cover,” Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 15, no. 1 (2016).
120. On Picart’s Ceremonies, see Lynn Hunt, Margaret Jacob, and Wijnand Mijnhardt, Bernard Picart and the First Global Vision of Religion (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2010); Lynn Hunt, Margaret C. Jacob, and Wijnand Mijnhardt, The Book that Changed Europe: Picart and Bernard’s Religious Ceremonies of the World (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2010).
121. Joannes Boemus, Omnivm gentivm mores leges et ritvs ex mvltis clarissimis rervm scriptoribus (Augusta: Excusa in officina Sigismundi Grimm medici, ac Marci Vuirsung, 1520); Claude Fleury, Les moeurs des Israèlites (Paris: Veuve G. Clouzier, 1681). Fleury’s book became a bestseller; it was quickly republished and translated into many European languages, including English (1683), German (1709), Italian (1712), and even Polish (1783).
122. Baskind, “Judging a Book by Its Cover.”
123. Neither the 1723 French edition nor the 1731 English has the image of malkot, flagellation, but the 1741 Paris edition (available through Hathi trust) does. Picart and Bernard, Cèrèmonies et coutumes (1723); Jean-Frèdèric Bernard and Bernard Picart, Histoire gènèrale des cèrèmonies, moeurs et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde (Paris: Rollin Fils, 1741), image between pp. 164 and 165. For the image of malkot from Calmet’s Dictionnaire historique, see Deutsch, Judaism in Christian Eyes, 92.
124. Some of the images are reproduced in Cohen, Jewish Icons, ch. 1.
125. Hsia, “Christian Ethnographies,” 228.
126. Christiani, Der Jüden Glaube und Aberglaube, 182.
127. Bernard Picart, The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Several Nations of the Known World (London: Printed for Nicholas Prevost, 1733), vol. I: 50–51 (meat), 173ff (“Crimes laid to the charge of the Jews”).
128. For a study of Slonik’s work and an English translation of the Yiddish text, see Edward Fram, My Dear Daughter: Rabbi Benjamin Slonik and the Education of Jewish Women in Sixteenth-Century Poland (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 2007). Benjamin Aaron Slonik, Precetti da esser imparati dalle donne hebree, trans. Jacob Halpron (Venice: G. Sarzina, 1616). Girolamo Allè, I convinti e confusi hebrei (Ferrara: Nella stamparia camerale, 1619), Latin preface. For examples of Yiddish minhag books in Italy, see Chava Turnyanski and Erika Timm, Yiddish in Italia: Yiddish Manuscripts and Printed Books from the 15th to the 17th Century (Milan: Associazione Italiana Amici dell’ Univ. di Gerusalemme, 2003).
129. Pietro Galatino, Opus toti christian[a]e reipublic[a]e maxime utile de arcanis catholic[a]e ueritatis contra obstinatissimam iud[a]eoru[m] nostr[a]e tempestatis p[er]fidiam (Ortona: Summa cum diligentia per Hieronymum Suncinum [Gersom b. Moshe Soncino], 1518). On Galatino, see Alba Paladini, Il de arcanis di Pietro Galatino: Traditio giudaica e nuove istanze filologiche (Lecce: Congedo Editore, 2004); Cesare Vasoli, “Giorgio B. Salviati, Pietro Galatino e la edizione di Ortona—1518—del ‘De arcanis catholicae fidei,’ ” in Cultura umanistica nel meridione e la stampa in Abruzzo (L’Aquila: Deputazione Abruzzese di storia patria, 1984); Grafton and Weinberg, “I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue.”
130. Carlebach, Divided Souls, 174. See also Lucia Raspe, “Minhag and Migration: A Yiddish Custom Book from Venice, 1553,” Early Modern Workshop: Jewish History Resources, 2010, available at www.earlymodern.org.
131. On Christian Kabbalah, see Francois Secret, I cabbalisti cristiani del Rinascimento (Rome: Arkeios, 2001). Originally published in French in 1985.
132. Cited in Paladini, Il de arcanis di Pietro Galatino, 13.
133. On censorship, see, for example, Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: The Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); Federica Francesconi, “ ‘This Passage Can Also Be Read Differently …:’ How Jews and Christians Censored Hebrew Texts in Early Modern Modena,” Jewish History 26 (2012): 139–160.
134. On Galatino and De arcanis, see Vasoli, “Giorgio B. Salviati.”
135. On charges of plagiarism against Galatino, see Paladini, Il de arcanis di Pietro Galatino, 14–19. Grafton and Weinberg, “I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue.” Yaacob Dweck has argued that Galatino “demonstrated a considerably greater knowledge of Hebrew sources and Jewish culture” than Raymond Martini. Dweck, Scandal of Kabbalah: Leon Modena, Jewish Mysticism, Early Modern Venice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013), 156. Indeed, Paladini argued that the Italian manuscripts of works that Galatino used had no Hebrew in them; the Hebrew in his book was his own. On Pugio’s importance, see Secret, I cabbalisti cristiani, 35–40; Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: A Study in the Development of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), ch. 6; Robert Chazan, Daggers of Faith: Thirteenth-Century Christian Missionizing and Jewish Response (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), ch. 7.
136. Ora Limor, “The Epistle of Rabbi Samuel of Morocco: A Best-Seller in the World of Polemics,” in Contra Judaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Christians and Jews (Tubingen: Mohr, 1996), 178.
137. In 1651 and 1653 (Paris), 1687 with an introduction of Benedict Carpzov (Leipzig), and in 1744.
138. See, for example, Isidore of Seville, Liber Ysidori contra iudeos (Rome, 1485). On Isidore and his book, along with a Spanish translation, see Isidore of Seville, Eva MarÌa Castro Caridad, and Francisco Peña Fernández, Isidoro de Sevilla: sobre la fe catolica contra los judìos (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 2014), esp. 13–41.
139. Dweck, Scandal of Kabbalah, 156; Paladini, Il de arcanis di Pietro Galatino, 28; Secret, I cabbalisti cristiani, 112–114.
140. I examined the first 1518, the 1550, the 1561, and the last 1672 editions; Galatino, De arcanis catholicae ueritatis; Pietro Galatino, Petri Galatini de arcanis catholicae veritatis, Libri XII (Frankfurt a.M: Sumptibus Jacobi Godofredi Seyler, 1672). For medieval polemic, see, for example, the issues raised in works against Jews by Isidore of Seville, De fide catholica contra judaeos (Rome, 1485).
141. Paladini, Il De arcanis di Pietro Galatino, 102, 108. On Reuchlin, see Erika Rummel, The Case against Johann Reuchlin: Religious and Social Controversy in Sixteenth-Century Germany (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002); Johannes Reuchlin, Recommendation whether to Confiscate, Destroy and Burn All Jewish Books: A Classic Treatise against Anti-Semitism (New York: Paulist Press, 2000); Price, Johannes Reuchlin.
142. Galatino, De arcanis catholicae ueritatis, Lib. I cap. VII. For a list of sources cited by Galatino, see Paladini, Il De arcanis di Pietro Galatino, 64–68.
143. Secret, I cabbalisti cristiani, 79, 114. Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text, 40.
144. Fabiano Fioghi, Dialogo fra il cathecumino et il padre cathechizante (Rome: Per gli heredi d’Antonio Blado stampatori camerali, 1582). On Fioghi, briefly, see Kenneth R. Stow, Jewish Life in Early Modern Rome (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007), I, 17–18.
145. Fioghi, Dialogo, chs. 29 and 49.
146. Pietro Pichi, Trattato della passione e morte del Messia contra gli Ebrei (Rome: Nella stamperia dello Spada appresso Stefano Paolino, 1618), 120–121, 186.
147. Pichi, Trattato della passione, 184.
148. Pichi, Trattato della passione, 203. Pietro Pichi, Epistola a gli ebrei d’Italia nella quale si dimostra la vanità della loro penitenza (Rome: Guglielmo Facciotto, 1622), 1, 20, 87, 88. Fioghi also called Jews “brothers,” but he himself was a convert, Fioghi, Dialogo.
149. Interpreting Isaiah (1:4, 15) as punishment for that role; Pichi, Trattato della passione, 105, 176, 222.
150. The first quote is from Thomaso Bell’Haver, Dottrina facile et breve per ridurre l’hebreo al conoscimento del Vero Messia, & Salvator del Mondo (Venice: i Farri, 1608), a3. Antonino Stabili, Fascicolo delle vanità giudaiche (Ancona: Appresso Francesco Saluioni, 1583), 304r, 305v. On Stabili, see Martina Mampieri, “ ‘The Jews and Their Doubts’: Anti-Jewish Polemics in the Fascicolo Delle Vanità Giudaiche (1583) by Antonino Stabili,” Yearbook of the Maimonides Centre for Advanced Studies (2016).
151. Pietro Pichi, Le stolte dottrine de gli ebrei con la loro confutatione (Rome: Apresso Manelfo Manelfi, 1640), 1, 4. First published in 1625.
152. Pichi, Le stolte dottrine, 110ff, 120, 141.
153. Pichi, Le stolte dottrine, 153.
154. Pichi, Le stolte dottrine, 141.
155. Francesco Carboni, Le piaghe dell’hebraismo (Venice: Appresso Stefano Curti, 1674), ch. 15.
156. Carboni, Le piaghe dell’hebraismo, book II, 4.
157. Carboni, Le piaghe dell’hebraismo, 130–132.
158. Carboni, Le piaghe dell’hebraismo, 336–337. Carboni did not acknowledge Jeronimo de Santa Fe as his source, but Giovanni Pietro Pinamonti made the same argument, explicitly citing this fifteenth-century Iberian polemicist. Pinamonti, La Sinagoga disingannata (Bologna: Longhi, 1694), 57–58. See also Jeronimo de Santa Fe, Contra iudaeos Hieronymi de Sancta Fide, iudaei, ad christianismum conuersi, libri (Tiguri: apud Andream Gesnerum F. & Rodolphum Vuissenbachium, 1552).
159. Kenneth Stow, “The Catholic Church and the Jews,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism: The Early Modern World, ed. Jonathan Karp and Adam Sutcliffe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 26.
160. Stow, Jewish Life in Early Modern Rome, I, 8; Stow, “Catholic Church and the Jews,” 31–38. On Catholic conversionary policies in the early modern period in the Papal States, see the following by Kenneth R. Stow: Catholic Thought and Papal Jewry Policy, 1555–1593 (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1977); “The Papacy and the Jews: Catholic Reformation and Beyond,” Jewish History 6, no. 1–2 (1992); and “Church, Conversion and Tradition: The Problem of Jews Conversion in Sixteenth Century Italy,” Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica (1996).
161. Bell’Haver, Dottrina facile, both in the dedication to the bishop of Rimini and his own preface.
162. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 15 and chaps. VIII, XVIII, and XXIV.
163. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 23.
164. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 286–288.
165. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 289–291.
166. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 360. On Jesus in the Talmud, see Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud.
167. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, chap. XIX, esp. 392, 397.
168. Pinamonti, La sinagoga disingannata, 36–37. The book ends (464–468) with the summary in Italian “of the privileges conceded to Jews who become Christians” and then the full text in Latin of the 1542 bull by Pope Paul III Cupientes Iudaeos, dealing with issues of inheritance and assets—allowing, as John O’Malley put it, “Jewish converts to retain property, even that obtained by usury,” thereby hoping to remove “a major obstacle to conversion,” O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 190.
169. Giovanni Pietro Vitti, Memorie storico-cronologiche di varj bambini ed altri fanciulli martirizzati, in odio di nostra fede, da gli ebrei (Venice: G. Zerletti, 1761).
170. Vitti, Memorie, xvi–xvii.
171. Vitti, Memorie, 139–183.
172. Vitti, Memorie, xi, xv, xxxiv, 183.
173. Vitti, Memorie, xii.
174. The phrases come from Hsia, “Christian Ethnographies,” 226.
175. On Jews in Polish sources, see Janusz Tazbir, “Obraz żyda w opinii polskiej XVI–XVIII w,” in Mity i stereotypy w dziejach Polski (Warsaw: Interpress, 1991), 64–98; Magdalena Teter, “Jews in the Legislation and Teachings of the Catholic Church in Poland 1648–1772” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2000), ch. 3. Also, though not without errors, see Judith Kalik, “The Attitudes towards the Jews in the Christian Polemic Literature in Poland in the 16–18th Centuries,” Jews and Slavs 11 (2003): 58–78. On Hebrew and Hebraism in Poland, also not without errors, see Rajmund Pietkiewicz, W poszukiwaniu “szczyrego słowa bożego”: recepcja zachodnioeuropejskiej hebraistyki w studiach chrzescijańskich w Rzeczypospolitej doby renesansu (Wrocław: Papieski Wydział Teologiczny, 2011).
176. Samuel Marochitanus, Epistola albo list Rabi Samuela ku drugiemu Rabi Isaakowi Żidowi posłany (Cracow: Ungler, 1536), verso of the title page, and 43r; Samuel Marochitanus, Epistola albo list Rabi Samuela ku drugiemu Rabi Isaakowi Żidowi posłany (Cracow: Ungler, 1538), verso of the title page, and 43r. Other images of Jews are found in works associated with the story of host miracles in Poznań; see Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 4.
177. Limor, “Epistle of Rabbi Samuel,” 178, 180.
178. Limor, “Epistle of Rabbi Samuel,” 184.
179. For example, Marcin Czechowic, Odpis Jakoba Żyda z Bełżyc na Dyalogi Marcina Czechowica, na ktory zaś odpowieda Jakobowi Żydowi tenże Marcin Czechowic (Lublin, 1581); Marek Korona, Rozmowa theologa katholickiego z rabinem zydowskim, przy aryaninie nieprawym chrześcianinie (Lwów: W Drukarni Coll: Soc: Iesu u Sebastyana Nowogorskiego, 1645). Both works concern anti-Trinitarianism. Czechowic, an anti-Trinitarian himself, defended it, and Korona polemicized against it. Both used the Jewish character to their end. On Czechowic, see Judah M. Rosenthal, “Marcin Czechowic and Jacob of Belzyce Arian-Jewish Encounters in Sixteenth-Century Poland,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 34 (1966); Magdalena Łuszczyńska, “ ‘Odpis Jakoba Żyda’ … by Marcin Czechowic: A Study of Jewish-Arian Encounters in the Sixteenth-Century Poland” (PhD diss., Hebrew University, 2016).
180. Jakub Górski, Index errorum aliquot, ex innumeris stultitiis blasphemiis, et impietatibus, talmudici operis collectus (Cracow: Łazarz Andrysowic, 1569). Senensis Sixtus, Bibliotheca sancta (Venice: apud Franciscum Franciscium Senense et Ioan Gryphius excudebat, 1566). I used the second edition, Senensis Sixtus, Bibliotheca sancta (Cologne: apud Maternum Maternus Cholinum, 1576). The “errors” are on pp. 133–136.
181. “Blasphemiae quae impii Iudaei in Christum Deum nostrum emittunt” vs. “Bluźniestwo ktorymi śmierdzący Naród Żydowski pana Krystusa szpeci,” Sixtus, Bibliotheca sancta, 133. Górski, Index Errorum, Aiii.
182. For example, Sebastyan Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony Polskiey urazy ciężkie, y utrapienia wielkie ktore ponosi od Żydow wyrażaiące synom Koronnym w Roku Pańskim 1618 (1648 [1618]), 7, 19, 20, 24.
183. Przecław Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, mordy, y zabobony (Cracow: W Drukarni Jak. Sibeneychera, 1598).
184. As examples of works continuing to address theological issues, see List Michaela Żyda ochrzczonego, (Cracow: Drukarnia Andrzeja Piotrowczyka, 1584). Jakub Radliński, Prawda Chrzesciańska od nieprzyiaciela swego zeznana (Lublin: Typis Societatis Jesu, 1733).
185. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 8r–v.
186. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, unnumbered, in his dedication to Prince Janusz Ostrogski.
187. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 1r–3r.
188. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 4v.
189. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 19v. This contrast between Poland and Italy would be drawn in the eighteeenth century, but in the exact mirror image.
190. Mojecki, Żydowskie Okrucieństwa, 5r–v.
191. See Hanna Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów: procesy o rzekome mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce (Warsaw: Bellona, 1995). Teter, Sinners on Trial.
192. Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 99ff.
193. Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 99. Teodor Wierzbowski and Jakub Sawicki, Matricularum Regni Poloniae summaria, excussis codicibus (Warsaw: Typis Officinae C. Kowalewski, 1905–), vol. 4, part 1, no. 7945. “Decretum regium in causa inter consules et iudaeos Revenses necis et tormentorum pueri christiani inculpates prorogaturs ad duas septimanas post causae inquisitionem, quae Ioanni de Trczyana capitaneo et Ioanni de Radzyeiowycze vexillifero Ravensibus, uti commissariis regiis specialibus committitur.” Both Węgrzynek and Wijaczka give an erroneous number of the record.
194. Szymon Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa nad naświętszym sakramentem y dziatkami (Cracow: W Drukarni Mikołaja Szarffenbergera, 1602). Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995), 96.
195. Hanna Węgrzynek, and Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka tallied the accusations, their sources, and, in Guldon and Wijaczka’s work, the outcomes as well; Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów; Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne; Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, “The Accusation of Ritual Murder in Poland, 1500–1800,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 10 (1997). See the map based on these sources at www.thebloodlibeltrail.org.
196. On these trials, see Chapter 6. Węgrzynek, Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 115–117, 186–188. The exception of two cases from 1595 are documented by the surviving records of the Council of Four Lands, Israel Halpern, ed., Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1945), 8–10, nos. 22, 28, 30.
197. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 8v.
198. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 9r–10r.
199. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 20v–21r.
200. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 22r–v.
201. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, Preface “To the Reader.” Halpern, Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot, 8–10.
202. Some scholars refer to this village inaccurately as Świniary. On Świniarów, see Chapter 6.
203. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 1v–2v.
204. For a discussion of host desecration trials in Poland, see Węgrzynek, “Czarna Legenda” Żydów, 31–90. And more recently, Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 6 focuses on Bochnia.
205. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 15r.
206. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 10v–11r.
207. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 21v.
208. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 22r.
209. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 22r–v. Elsewhere, he also used Johannes Eckius’s response to Andreas Osiander’s defense of Jews against blood accusations, a work not available in Latin.
210. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 22v–25v.
211. Sebastian Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, złośliwych ceremoniy, taiemnych rad, praktyk szkodliwych Rzeczypospolitey y wszystkich zamysłów żydowskich, takze wytknienie niektórych pomocnikow żydowskich (Brunsbergae: In Officina typographica Georgij Schonfels, 1621), ch. 23, list of adjectives by Jan Dantyszek.
212. Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 7r, no. 27; Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 17v ff.
213. In a letter from Ludovicus Hoffman to D. Papebroch, sent from Cracow on July 18, 1671, Hoffman promised more information about “Albertus Martyrium,” the child whose death prompted the Świniarów trial; the 1675 volume of Acta Sanctorum also mentions that Hoffman provided a summary of Hubicki’s work. Société des Bollandistes, Brussels, Ms. Boll. 246, f. 216. I thank the Reverend Robert Godding for his help.
214. Godefroid Henschen and Daniel Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis Collecta, Digesta, Illustrata Tomus II (Antwerp: apud Michaelem Cnobarum, 1675), 838–839.
215. Der Stürmer, May 1, 1934, “Zusammenstellung jüdischen Ritualmorde aus der Zeit vor Christus bis 1932.”
216. Compare their work with Stefan Żuchowski, Process kryminalny (Sandomierz, after 1720).
217. Szymon (Syrenius) Syreński, Zielnik, herbarzem z ięzyka łacinskiego zowią (Cracow: W drukarni Bazylego Skalskiego, 1613), 1536–1539.
218. Sebastian Miczynski, Zwierciadło Korony Polskiey (Cracow: Máciej Jedrzeiowczyk, 1618). Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad.
219. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 1. Miczyński attributed the passage to Genesis 21:10, but, significantly, quoted it as transmitted through Paul Galatians 4:30.
220. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 98–101.
221. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 3.
222. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 102–105.
223. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 106–107.
224. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad.
225. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, chap. XXVII and XXXII.
226. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, unnumbered, V3 verso.
227. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, unnumbered, page before Xr.
228. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, X2v–X3r.
229. Stefano Quaranta, Summa bullarii (Venice: apud Juntas, 1609).
230. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, X3r–v.
231. Quaranta, Summa bullarii, dedicatory letter from Prosper de Augustino and a note to reader by Quaranta; for laws concerning Jews, see 512.
232. In daily life it continued through the eighteenth century, Magda Teter, Jews and Heretics in Catholic Poland: A Beleaguered Church in the Post-Reformation Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), esp. ch. 4.
233. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, unnumbered folio before Cc.
234. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, unnumbered, second page of the text, marked:)()(.
235. Huser and Lombardus, Tractatus de imposturis. On Lombardus, see Dean Phillip Bell, “Polemics of Confessionalization: Depiction of Jews and Jesuits in Early Modern Germany,” in “The Tragic Couple”: Encounters between Jews and Jesuits, ed. James Bernauer and Robert Maryks (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 80–82. Also see Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), vol. XIII, 429, n. 26.
236. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, e.g., chs, I, II, III, VII. Huser and Lombardus, Tractatus de Imposturis, e.g., 11, 21–22, 57–58, 59–60.
237. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. IX. Huser and Lombardus, Tractatus de Imposturis, 39–40.
238. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. XXXII.
239. Huser and Lombardus, Tractatus de imposturis, 56–57. This may also be the case more broadly with his list of sources. Some of the writers Śleszkowski listed as his sources had appeared in De imposturis, so it is not clear that Śleszkowski necessarily read them all.
240. Czechowic, Odpis, 28–29.
241. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 69.
242. R. Po-Chia Hsia in Myth of Ritual Murder credited the disenchantment with magic for the decline of blood accusations in the German lands.
243. Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony, 74–75.
244. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, chap. XXI. For similar examples, see Teter, Jews and Heretics, esp. ch. 4; Teter, Sinners on Trial, especially 95–97.

5. Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews Respond to Blood Libels

1. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi noted some of these Jewish polemical works, including defense of Jewish doctors, in From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto: Isaac Cardoso, a Study in Seventeenth-Century Marranism and Jewish Apologetics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981), 455–456, n. 98.
2. The work is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, Seyfer geules Isroel, Opp8o894 (2). The Poznań story was also included in Seyfer mayseh ha-shem, Opp Add 8o IV 41. I thank Joshua Teplitsky, then a fellow at Oxford, now a faculty member at SUNY Stony Brook, for finding these books for me. The story was discussed in Max Weinreich, Shturemvint bilder fun dem yidisher geshikhte in 17tn yorhundert (Vilna: Farlag “Totor,” 1927), 190–199.
3. See also Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court, 455–456, n.98.
4. Weinreich, Shturemvint Bilder, 168.
5. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (New York: Schocken, 1989).
6. On this, see most recently, Rachel L. Greenblatt, To Tell Their Children: Jewish Communal Memory in Early Modern Prague (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014).
7. For a concise overview of early modern Jewish historical writings, see Yerushalmi, Zakhor, ch. 3. Azariah dei Rossi, The Light of the Eyes, ed. and trans. by Joanna Weinberg (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001). David Gans divided his chronology into a Jewish and non-Jewish history. The part devoted to Jewish history focuses on rabbis and their works with mentions of calamities, such as the 1348 persecutions, accusations against Jews of well poisoning, and the expulsions from France. But his entries are generally short. David ben Solomon Gans, Sefer Tsemaḥ David (Prague: Solomon ha-Kohen, 1592).
8. Samuel Usque, Consolation for the Tribulations of Israel (Consolaçam Ás Tribulaçoens De Israel), tran. Martin A. Cohen (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1965). Joseph Ha-Kohen’s Emek ha-bakha was derived from his published chronicle, Sefer divre ha-yamim le-malkhe ẓarefat u-malkhe beit otoman ha-tugar (Chronicle of the Kingdoms of France and Ottoman Turkey). The edition used here is Joseph Ha-Kohen and Karin Almbladh, Sefer Emeq Ha-Bakha (The Vale of Tears) with the Chronicle of the Anonymous Corrector (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 1981).
9. Usque, Consolation, 30. Original edition, Consolaçam às tribulaçoens de Israel (Ferrara, 1553); a facsimile edition was published in 1989 in Lisbon by the Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian. A later edition, closely resembling the first one, was published in Amsterdam, Cohen, Consolation, 32.
10. Alfonso de Espina, Fortalitium fidei (Strasbourg: Johannes Mentelin, 1462). Written between 1458 and 1460, Fortalitium was first published in 1462 in Strasbourg and republished nine times before 1525. This book by an Iberian writer with a very heavy Iberian focus was mostly printed north of the Alps—in Strasbourg, Basel, and Nuremberg—with three separate editions also appearing in Lyons (1487, 1511, and 1525). The third part of Fortalitium fidei, “Liber tertius,” included a section “De Judaeorum crudelitatibus” (Of the Cruelties of Jews). See, for example, the works by Polish writers in the seventeenth and eighteenth century who used Fortalitium fidei, discussed in Chapters 4 and 6.
11. Isaac Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos (Amsterdam: David de Castro Tartas, 1679), 381; “fiction of history,” 413. The quote from p. 381 is available in English in Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto, 441.
12. See, for example, the account of violence in Toledo in 714, which Fortalitium fidei describes as “the first cruelty” of Jews, and Usque’s account of the same event; Usque, Consolation, 169–170.
13. Usque, Consolation, 171–172.
14. The story is described as the “third cruelty of the Jews” in the section “Incipit consideration septima de iudeorum crudelitatibus” in Fortalitium fidei (Lugudi, 1487). The fact that the story is also found in Vincent de Beauvais’s Speculum historiale is noted in Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto, 457.
15. Usque, Consolation, 195–196. Cf. Fortalitium fidei, “Liber tertius,” “Undecima crudelitas iudeorum.”
16. Usque, Consolation, 196.
17. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 17–18, 27. For examples of a story taken from Fortalitium by Usque and found in Ha-Kohen, see 30–31, 48 (in the Hebrew section).
18. On Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographia, see Mathew Adam McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster: Describing the World in the Reformation (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007).
19. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 41 (Hebrew). And cf. Sebastian Münster, Cosmographia universalis (Basel: apud Henricum Petri, 1550), 380 (1554 edition). Ha-Kohen used the Latin edition.
20. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 41 (Hebrew). Cf. Münster, Cosmographia universalis (1550), 738. The story about the Jews in the privy is also found in Matthew Paris.
21. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 49 (Hebrew).
22. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 48–49 (Hebrew section). Cf. Münster, Cosmographia universalis, 458. “Cremati sunt in multis locis Iudaei, et cu[m] euadere se no[n] posse uidere[n]t, incluseru[n]t se in domibus et seipsos cremuerunt una cu[m] locis vicinis. Dicitur Moguntiae hinc ta[n]tum excitatum ignem, ut magna campana in ecclesia sancti Quintini ex igne defluxerit. Scribit[ur] etiam, quod inuenti fuerint sacculi in fonti[bus] ueneno pleni: quapropter fonts et putei obstrubebant[ur] et loco aquae putealis homines uteban[ur] aqua fluuiali et pluuiali. Multi etiam ex Iudaeis utriusque sexus baptisati sunt, pauc amore Dei sed potius timore poenae. Civitates imperiales diruerunt domos Iudaeorum et ex lapidib[us] earum atque coemiterioru[m] ipsorum co[n]struxerunt torres et muros. In summa omnia plena errant tumultib[us] propter Iudaeos.” This section was preceded by a discussion of poisoning of wells and other Jewish “crimes,” including the killing of children and falsifying credit documents and coins.
23. Münster, Cosmographia universalis, 230.
24. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 47–48 (Hebrew). For an English translation, see Kenneth Stow, “Trent 1475: Responses of a Pope and a Jewish Chronicler,” http://www.earlymodern.org.
25. Stow, “Trent 1475.”
26. Ha-Kohen and Almbladh, Sefer emeq ha-bakha, 68. And yet, Joseph Ha-Kohen did not mention the 1540 breve by Pope Paul III, the last papal condemnation of blood accusations against Jews to be issued by a pope until the abolition of the cult of Simon of Trent in 1965. For the text of Paul III’s bull, see Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 1539–1545 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), no. 1973.
27. Stephen D. Bowd and J. Donald Cullington, “On Everyone’s Lips”: Humanists, Jews, and the Tale of Simon of Trent (Tempe, AZ: Brepols, 2012), 194–195, 200–201.
28. For sources about funds spent on embalming Simon, see Frumenzio Ghetta, “Johannes Hinderbach, amministratore: i registri delle offerte della chiesa di S. Pietro a Trento,” in Iginio Rogger and Marco Bellabarba, Il Principe Vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465–1486) (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992), 207
29. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos. The best discussion of Cardoso’s work, with extensive quotes in English, is Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto.
30. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi showed that Cardoso used more than 100 Christian works throughout Las excelencias—not all, of course, in the context of anti-Jewish accusations. But Yerushalmi was unable to identify Surius and Bergomensis as Cardoso’s sources for Simon of Trent. Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto, 360–361, 457, n. 104.
31. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 410.
32. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 413. Tiberino’s Trent account is in Laurentius Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis (Cologne: apud Geruinum Calenium et haeredes Quentelios, 1571), 387–390. Jacobus Philipus Foresti’s Supplementum chronicarum was first published in 1483, and in 1486 it was published with woodcut illustrations. The 1485 edition, included Simon’s story, Jacob Philip Foresti, Supplementum chronicarum (Brescia: Boninus de Boninis, 1485 [December 1]), 347v–348r. The book became a source for Hartmann Schedel’s famous Liber chronicarum published in Nuremberg in 1493. See also above, chapter 4.
33. Michelangelo Mariani, Il glorioso infante S. Simone: historia panegirica (Trent: Zanetti Stampator Episcopale, 1668), 18.
34. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 154–155.
35. Mariani, Il glorioso infante, 76, 132, 138–152. Polish writers described Simon’s body as “shriveled.”
36. Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto, 352–358. Shelomoh Zevi, Yudisher teriyok (Hanau: n.p., 1615). Both Brenz’s work and Hirsch’s apologetic response were re-published in Johann Wülfer et al., Theriaca judaica ad examen revocata (Norimbergae: Andreas Knorzius, 1681).
37. Most recently on Shevet Yehudah, see Jeremy Cohen, “The Blood Libel in Solomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Yehudah,” in Jewish Blood: Reality and Metaphor in History, Religion and Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Hart (London: Routledge, 2009), 116–135, and A Historian in Exile: Solomon Ibn Verga, Shevet Yehudah, and the Jewish-Christian Encounter (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016).
38. Michael Stanislawski, “A Study in ‘Ashenization’ of a Spanish-Jewish Classic,” in Jewish History and Jewish Memory: Essays in Honor of Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, ed. Elisheva Carlebach, John M. Efron, and David N. Myers (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1998), 134–149. Also see the later discussion.
39. Numerous editions in Hebrew, Yiddish, Latin, and Spanish were printed in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. In his study of early modern Jewish historiography, Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi consulted the nineteen edition; Yerushalmi, Zakhor, 68.
40. Chapters 7, 8, 12, 16, 17, 29, 61, and two parts of 64. For a succinct summary of these tales, see Cohen, “The Blood Libel in Solomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Yehudah.”
41. Solomon ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, ed. Meir Wiener, 2 vols. (Hannover: Sumptibus C. Rumpleri, 1856), 7. This edition is used here.
42. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 7.
43. This is a very similar take to that in the Blois Hebrew letters.
44. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 10.
45. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 9.
46. This is an interesting statement given the discussion of cannibalism in the New World by Spanish Iberian writers, although it might suggest that ibn Verga was familiar with the 1236 imperial decree in defense of Jews.
47. The question of human blood, including bleeding gums, was discussed in rabbinic sources as well. See, for example, BT Ketubot 60a and BT Kerithot 21b–22a.
48. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 10. The king and Thomas discussed the question of belief in the Trinity, which was excised from the 1640 Spanish translation, but was retained in the 1651 Latin translation by Georg Gentius, who based it on a copy of Shevet Yehudah owned by Buxtorf; Solomon ibn Verga, La vara de Juda. Amsterdam: por Mosseh d’Abraham Pretto Henriq: en la officina de Jan de Wolf, 1744; Salomon ibn Verga and Georg Gentius. Historia judaica: res judaeorum ab eversa aede Hierosoymitana ad haec fere tempora usque complexa (Amsterdam: apud Petrum Niellium, 1651).
49. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 11.
50. “Liber Tertius” in de Espina’s Fortalitium fidei. The scheme of the advice also seems to echo that received by King Philip Augustus, according to the French chronicler Rigord, from the hermit Bernardus following an accusation that Jews killed Christian children; see Chapter 1; Robert Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages (New York: Behrman House, 1980), 288–289; and Stow, Jewish Dogs, 183–184.
51. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 12–13.
52. This is consistent with some medieval pushes against usury; for example, Thomas Aquinas’s letter to the Duchess of Brabant. See the English translation reprinted in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew, 200–201.
53. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 25–29.
54. In the seventeenth century, Nathan Nata Hanover also noted that the role Jews played in the economy and the power they had in society contributed to resentment and violence against them.
55. William Prynne, A Short Demurrer to the Jewes Long Discontinued Remitter into England (London: for Edward Thomas dwelling in Green-Arbor, 1656), 4 (unnumbered) in the preface “To the Christian Reader.”
56. Menasseh ben Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, or, a Letter in Answer to Certain Questions Propounded by a Noble and Learned Gentleman (London: R. D. [Roger Daniel], 1656), “The First Section,” 2–4.
57. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 15. Menasseh ben Israel mentioned, by name, Shevet Yehudah: “This with many such like relations we may read in the book called Scebet Iehuda, how sundry times, when our nation was at the very brink of destruction, for such forged slanders, the truth hath discovered it self for their deliverance.”
58. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 14. About Tertulian’s “Advesus Judaeos,” see http://www.tertullian.org/works/adversus_judaeos.htm.
59. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 6.
60. Prynne, A Short Demurrer, 19. Matthew Paris wrote, “About this time [1240 in the account but should be 1144], the Jews circumcised a Christian boy at Norwich, and after he was circumcised they called him Jurnin; they then kept him to crucify him, in contempt of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.” Paris, Matthew Paris’s English History: From the Year 1235 to 1273, trans. J. A. Giles (London: George Bell and Sons, 1889), vol. 1, 277. Other medieval chroniclers also misdated the Norwich case; on this, see Chapter 1 and John M. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early Dissemination of the Myth,” Speculum 72, no. 3 (1997).
61. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 7.
62. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 9. See Johannes Hoornbeeck, Teshuvat Yehudah, sive, pro convincendis et convertendis judaeis, libri octo (Lugduni Batavorum: Ex officina Petri Leffen, 1655), 26.
63. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 8–9.
64. Reference to the very same passage in Hoornbeek would be included in Isaac Viva’s Vindex sanguinis published in 1681. Viva may have had access to the Latin translation of Menasseh ben Israel’s Vindiciae Judaeorum, but he also may have used Hoornbeek’s work; Isaacus Viva, Vindex sanguinis, sive vindiciae secundam veritatem, quibus judaei ab infanticidiis et victima humana contra Jacobum Geusium, vindicantur per Isaacum Vivam (Amsterdam: Typis Adami Jongbloet, 1681), 10, 14. On his Vindex sanguinis, see Cristiana Facchini, “Il Vindex Sanguinis di Isaac Viva. Di una polemica sull’accusa di omicidio rituale,” Annali di storia dell’eseges 16, no. 2 (1999) and Infamati dicerie: la prima autodifesa ebraica dall’accusa del sangue (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, 2014).
65. Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century: A Study of Their Relations during the Years 1198–1254 (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1933), 268–271 and 274–275.
66. Israel, Vindiciae Judaeorum, 10–12.
67. John H. Langbein, Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance England, Gernany, France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), 206, n. 155. Also see Edward Peters, Torture, expanded ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 58–59, 70.
68. Hoornbeeck, Teshuvat Yehudah, 26.
69. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 408–431.
70. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 409.
71. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 425–430.
72. On Metz, most recently, see Pierre Birnbaum, Un récit de meurtre rituel au grand siècle: l’affaire Raphaël Lévy, Metz, 1669 (Paris: Fayard, 2008) and A Tale of Ritual Murder in the Age of Louis XIV: The Trial of Raphaël Lévy, 1669 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).
73. Richard Simon, “Factum servant de réponse au livre intitulé abrégé du procès fait aux juifs de Metz,” Archives Israelites de France 3, December (1842 [1670]): 678, 680. The decrees by Charles V and Frederick III were also mentioned in Johann Wülfer’s 1681 commentaries and the Latin translation of Shlomo Zvi Ufhoyzen’s Yudisher teriyak; see Wülfer et al., Theriaca Judaica, 82–84, in the Latin translation that follows the Yiddish version. The papal and imperial privileges are noted without details in 1615, in Zevi, Yudisher teriyak, ch. I, n. 16. Wülfer also addressed the blood accusation. Theriaca judaica, 76 ff.
74. Viva, Vindex sanguinis. Wülfer also published Vindex sanguinis in his Theriaca judaica.
75. ASCER, 1Va fasc. 13 coll. 2 inf. 2, in Italian, and in Latin, in Tranquillo Vita Corcos, Alla Sagra Consvlta Illustriss. e Reuerendiss. Monsig. Ghezzi Ponente per l’vniuersità degl’hebrei di Roma. Sommario (Rome: Nella stamperia della Rev. Camera apostolica, 1706), no. 3. Corrado Guidetti, Pro Judæis: riflessioni e documenti (Roux e Favale, 1884), 303–304.
76. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 418.
77. Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos, 423. Ulpian in Digest 47.10.15.41: “tormenta et corporis dolorem ad eruendam veritatem”; see Anna Bellodi Ansaloni, Ad eruendam veritatem: profili metodologici e processuali della question per tormenta (Bologna: Bononia University Press, 2011). Ulpian’s reservations are in Digest 48.18.1.23; Digest 48.18.1.21–24; English translation in Peters, Torture, 217.
78. Viva, Vindex sanguinis, 14–15. On this, see also Facchini, Infamati dicerie, 91–94.
79. On this, see Peters, Torture; John H. Langbein, Torture and the Law of Proof: Europe in the Ancien Régime (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); Laura Stokes, “Experiments in Pain: Reason and the Development of Judicial Torture,” in Ideas and Cultural Margins in Early Modern Germany, ed. Marjorie Elizabeth Plummer and Robin Barnes (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2009), 239–254.
80. Lisa Silverman, Tortured Subjects: Pain, Truth, and the Body in Early Modern France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 64; Stokes, “Experiments in Pain,” 240.
81. Augustine, City of God, XIX.6. Also excerpted in Peters, Torture, 229–230.
82. I thank W. David Myers of Fordham University for drawing my attention to Juan Luis Vives’s commentary on Augustine’s City of God. Augustine and Juan Luis Vives, Tomus V Operum D. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi, De Civitate Dei libros XXII ad priscae uenerandae (Basel: Ex officina Frobeniana, 1569), column 1156. Henceforth Augustine and Vives, De Civitate Dei.
83. Malcolm Smith, Montaigne and the Roman Censors (Geneva: Droz, 1981), 84.
84. Johann Wülfer also made that connection in his comments on Solomon Zvi Hirsch’s Yudisher teriyak, which he translated into Latin; Wülfer et al., Theriaca judaica, 88, of the Latin translation that follows the Yiddish version.
85. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 27.
86. Cohen, “The Blood Libel in Solomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Yehudah,” 122.
87. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 40.
88. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 41.
89. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 42.
90. The most famous representation of this kind of execution is the story of Roman consul Marcus Atilius Regulus (d. 250 B.C.E.), executed so in Carthage. The story was pictorially rendered in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in prints by Sebald Beham (ca. 1518–1530), Georg Pencz (1535), Antonio Fantuzzi (1540–1545), Diana Scultori (after Giulio Romano’s work in Palazzo Te’ in Mantua, 1547–1612), Salvator Rosa (1661–1663), at the British Library, available online: http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx?people=24510&peoA=24510-1-7. I thank Haya Bar Itzhak from Haifa University for pointing me in this direction. See also Magda Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux De Mémoire,” in Ritual Murder in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Beyond: New Histories of an Old Accusation, ed. Eugene M. Avrutin, Jonathan Dekel-Chen, and Robert Weinberg (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017), 253–277.
91. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 48–49.
92. Ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah, 49.
93. Prynne, Short Demurrer.
94. Some of them have been discussed in Chava Turniansky, “Yiddish ‘Historical’ Songs as Sources for the History of the Jews,” Polin 4 (1989), 42–52; Weinreich, Shturemvint Bilder.
95. Turniansky, “Yiddish ‘Historical’ Songs,” 140.
96. I used the 1724 Fürth edition: Solomon ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah val far taitsht (Fyorda / Fürth: Avraham Beng u-Boneft Sheneur, 1724).
97. See Tale Eight and Eleven (twelve in Hebrew versions), for example, in ibn Verga, Sefer Shevet Yehudah val far taitsht. In Tale Ten, God’s agency is also emphasized.
98. Stanislawski, “The Yiddish Shevet Yehudah,” 142.
99. Anonymous, Sefer kedoshim k”k Vilne, vol. Bodleian Library Opp 8o 556 (7) (Amsterdam, after 1691).
100. See Sefer kedoshim k”k Vilne.
101. For example, Hillel of Bonn, in his poem “Emunei shelumei Israel,” discussed by Susan Einbinder, evoked Psalm 2:2: “The kings and princes of the earth were unmoved” when he commemorated the suffering and execution of the Jews in Blois. Susan Einbinder, Beautiful Death: Jewish Poetry and Martyrdom in Medieval France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 28, also 48–49.
102. The most explicit example of this rhetoric is a pamphlet devoted to three named male victims and one anonymous female victim of accusations of host desecration and blasphemy; Anonymous, Kidush ha-shem shel Reb Matis ve-Reb Pinhas ve-Reb Abraham zekhutam ya`amod lanu bi-medinat Polin (no date). For example, “and they became as the sacrifices prepared for an sacrificial altar” [un zenen gevorn az di korbones oyf den mizbeykh ongebreyt]. Also in the story of the three kedoshim from Wilno, Sefer kedoshim k”k Vilne.
103. Bartłomiej Groicki, Ten postępek wybran iest z praw cesarskich który Karolus V Cesarz wydać po wszystkich swoich państwiech (Cracow, 1559 [1954]). See also Witold Maisel, “Miejskie prawo karne,” in Historia państwa i prawa Polski (Warsaw: PWN, 1968), vol. II, 343–362. On Jews and the crime of sacrilege in Poland, see Teter, Sinners on Trial.
104. Shmuel Auerbach, Min ha-kadosh hr”r Shlomoh be-nigun El Male Raḥamim, vol. Opp 8to 627, Bodleian Library (Amsterdam (?): after 1692). I thank Joshua Teplitsky for finding this song for me.
105. Auerbach, Min ha-kadosh, unnumbered 3.
106. This motif reappears in almost all of the songs. For a discussion of the status of martyrs in the Ashkenazi world, see Edward Fram and Verena Kasper-Marienberg, “Jewish Martyrdom without Persecution: The Murder of Gumpert May, Frankfurt am Main, 1781,” AJS Review 39, no. 2 (2015): 267–301.
107. The story is discussed in Haya Bar-Itzhak, “Women and Blood Libel: The Legend of Adil Kikinesh of Drohobycz,” Western Folklore 71, no. 3–4 (2012): 279–290. The short Hebrew version is published in Gabriel ben Naftali Hirts Sochostow, Matsevet kodesh, hu zikaron tsadikim: sefer zikaron le-khol ha-geʼonim veha-kedoshim sare ha-torah, asher le-mishmeret li-fene h’ be-vet ha-moʻed le-khol ḥai ha-yashan poh ʻir Lvov (Lemberg: Kugel, Lewin, 1860). The Yiddish version of the story can be found in Leo Finkelstein, Megiles Poyln: Toyre, hasides un shtayger-kultur in yidishn Poyln (Buenos Aires: Tsentral-farband fun Poylishe Yidn in Argentine, 1947), 230–231.
108. Finkelstein, Megiles Poyln, 231. David Einsiedler, the founding member of the Jewish Genealogical Society of Los Angeles, who was born in Drohobycz in 1919, recalled the story in his piece, “I Remember Drohobycz,” http://www.geshergalicia.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/I-Remember-Drohobycz.pdf. The Adil Kikenish story was used by Yitzhak Leybush Peretz in his short story, “Three Gifts” (for the second gift). Her story may well have been inspired by a story of an anonymous woman, who did not confess but also did not convert, and died as a result of a “false accusation,” protecting her nakedness. The woman is part of the story of R. Abraham in Anonymous, Kidush ha-shem shel Reb Matis. Max Weinreich suggested that the story of the anonymous woman in this pamphlet may have been Peretz’s inspiration. Weinreich, Shturemvint Bilder, 173, n. 1.
109. Finkelstein, Megiles Poyln, 231.
110. Bar-Itzhak, “Women and Blood Libel,” 283.
111. Miriam Bodian, Dying in the Law of Moses: Crypto-Jewish Martyrdom in the Iberian World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 186.
112. One of the most detailed studies is Einbinder, Beautiful Death. See also Chapter 1.
113. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 59.
114. Both works are in the Bodleian Library at Oxford: Seyfer geules Isroel, Opp8o894 (2), and Seyfer mayseh ha-shem, Opp Add 8o IV 41. I again thank Joshua Teplitsky for these books. The story was discussed in Weinreich, Shturemvint Bilder, 190–199.
115. Sefer geulat Israel (ca. 1696) = Seyfer geules Isroel.
116. Anonymous, Sefer geulat Israel. On Rogoźno, see Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów Słowiańskich (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Artsytyczne i Filmowe, 1975 [1880]), vol. IX, 677–681.
117. Augustine and Vives, De civitate Dei, col. 1156.
118. On medieval literature of martyrdom as evidence of acculturation, see Einbinder, Beautiful Death.
119. Joel F. Harrington, The Faithful Executioner: Life and Death, Honor and Shame in the Turbulent Sixteenth Century (New York: Picador, 2014).
120. Silverman, Tortured Subjects, 64, 128.
121. Laura Kounine, “Conscience, Confession, and Selfhood in a Lutheran Witch Trial,” paper presented at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, New Orleans, October 2014. I thank Laura Kounine for generously sharing with me her written paper, as well as her unpublished work. See also Laura Kounine, “ ‘The Devil Used Her Sins’: Despair, Confession and Salvation in Seventeenth-Century Witch Trial,” https://www.history-of-emotions.mpg.de/en/texte/the-devil-used-her-sins-despair-confession-and-salvation-in-a-seventeenth-century-witch-trial; and “The Gendering of Witchcraft: Defence Strategies of Men and Women in German Witchcraft Trials,” German History 31, no. 3 (2014).
122. Laura Kounine, “Witch-Hunting and Attitudes to Gender in Counter-Reformation Wuerzburg” (M.Phil thesis, Cambridge University, 2007), 59. I thank Kounine for sharing her unpublished thesis with me.
123. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, esp. ch. 2.
124. For example, in Andechs, Wilsnack, Poznań, and elsewhere; see Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 4.
125. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, ch. 5.
126. See, for example, Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).
127. See, for example, Maharam of Rothenburg’s argument that once someone decided to die for the sanctification of God, he will not feel any pain; Sh”ut Maharam mi-Rotenburg, no. 517; also reiterated in Samson ben Zadok, Sefer tashbeẓ: ha-mekhuneh: tashbeẓ katan, pesakim, minhagim u-teshuvot me-et ha-Maharam mi-Rotenburg (Jerusalem: Mif`al Torat Hakhme Ashkenaz, Mekhon Yerushalayim, 2010), no. 415.
128. Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 7.
129. Gregory, Salvation at Stake.
130. “Trep op fun deiner emuneh, viln mir dir makhn raikh, mit di greste hern verstu zany glaykh.” Anonymous, Sefer kedoshim k”k Vilne. A more readable version was published in Weinreich, Shturemvint Bilder, 210–220, quote on 216.
131. Gregory, Salvation at Stake, 7. The trope of going to death like a wedding appears in almost all these Yiddish songs and can be found in Christian sources as well. For Poland, see, for example, the story of Katarzyna Malcherowa, executed for Judaizing in 1539 in Cracow. Teter, Jews and Heretics, 42–44.
132. Anonymous, Kidush ha-shem shel Reb Matis, unnumbered second to last page.
133. Bodian, Dying in the Law of Moses, esp. 4–7. Also see Abraham Gross, Struggling with Tradition: Reservations about Active Martyrdom in the Middle Ages (Leiden: Brill, 2004), and an earlier debate, in 1995, between Abraham Gross and Ram ben Shalom in the Hebrew-language journal Tarbiẓ.
134. Bodian, Dying in the Law of Moses, 8.
135. Bodian, Dying in the Law of Moses, especially ch. 7.
136. Bodian, Dying in the Law of Moses, 189.
137. One interesting example is a song “Des kadosh fun Heneh zayn lid” at Oxford’s Bodleian Library set as the last prayer of the kadosh calling, among other things, on the community to repent. Anonymous, Des kadosh fun Heneh zayn lid, vol. Bodleian Library Opp 8 to 556 (3) (date and publisher unknown).
138. This is especially true for host desecration accusations, but it was also evident in the Simon of Trent story. On the host desecration accusation in this context, see Teter, Sinners on Trial.

6. “Who Should One Believe, the Rabbis or the Doctors of the Church?”

1. R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988).
2. On this trial most recently, see Pierre Birnbaum, Un récit de meurtre rituel au grand siècle: l’affaire Raphaël Lévy, Metz, 1669 (Paris: Fayard, 2008); and A Tale of Ritual Murder in the Age of Louis XIV: The Trial of Raphaël Lévy, 1669 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012). See the later discussion in this chapter.
3. In 1899 in a polemical response to a Lwów rabbi, historian Aleksander Czołowski repeated arguments undermining the validity and applicability of both papal bulls and royal privileges defending Jews against blood accusations. Czołowski, Odpowiedź rabinowi lwowskiemu Dr. Jecheskielowi Caro w sprawie “mordu rytualnego” (Lwów: Nakładem autora, 1899), 13ff. See also Stanisław Salmonowicz, “Niemiecki erudyta barokowy W. E. Tenzel a wyrok Trybunału Koronnego Z 1598 R.: Przyczynek do dziejów procesów o tak zwane mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce,” Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce 33 (1988): 257, n. 11.
4. Some scholars refer to this village inaccurately as Świniary. The place is Świniarów, some 3.3 kilometers (2 miles) from Łosice, 2.6 kilometers from Woźniki, and 26 kilometers from Mielnik, where the first part of the trial took place.
5. Some sources say the boy was lost on March 25; others claim “feria quinta post festa sollennia Paschae” or Thursday after Easter, which would make it March 26. Szymon Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa nad naświętszym sakramentem y dziatkami chrześciańskimi (Cracow: W Drukarni Mikołaja Szarffenbergera, 1602), 18. Sebastian Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad (Brunsbergae: In Officina typographica Georgij Schonfels, 1621), unnumbered page following T3. See also Hanna Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów: procesy o rzekome mordy rytualne w dawnej Polsce (Warsaw: Bellona, 1995), 117–118.
6. The decree is dated “Sabbato ante Festum S. Margarithae Virginis,” 1598 (July 19, 1598). Śleszkowski directed readers to the court records dated July 5, 1598, the beginning of the proceedings in Lublin, when Jews were brought in from Mielnik. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. IX.
7. Stefan Żuchowski, Ogłos processow (1700), appendix. Jakub Radliński, Prawda chrześciańska od nieprzyiaciela swego zeznana (Lublin: Typis Societatis Jesu, 1733), 533–546. Also later in German, see Salmonowicz, “Niemiecki erudyta,” 268–272.
8. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 18. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. IX.
9. “Ratione fori, iuridicas controuersias, ad iudicium praesens generale Tribunalis Regni ad disiudicandum easdem remissis,” Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, unnumbered in the excerpt from the decree, which starts on one folio after the one marked T3.
10. “In ulteriori vero Processu huius causae, quamvis praedicti Iudaei hoc scelus suum nefandum omnino negantes, eiusdemque nullatenus se reos esse allegantes, dilationem ad deducendum scrutinium suamque innocentiam ostendendam, sibi a Iudicio praesenti concede postulabant.” Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, fol. marked V, and, earlier, ch. IX.
11. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, V verso.
12. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 19. Salmonowicz, “Niemiecki Erudyta,” 270.
13. Shulḥan ‘Arukh, OH 422:5.
14. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 20v.
15. “Sponte,” “benevole”: Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad.
16. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. X verso.
17. On the use of these privileges by Jews, see also Modekhai Nadav, “Ma`aseh alimut ha-dadiyyim bein yehudim le-lo-yehudim be-Lita lifney 1648,” Gal-Ed 7–8 (1985): 3.
18. Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, ch. IX.
19. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 148. On Żuchowski and the two trials, see the later discussion.
20. I. D. Kuzmin, Materialy k voprosu ob obvineniakh evreev be ritualnykh prestupleniakh (St. Petersburg, 1913), 35–41.
21. Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 101, 186. The town is referred to as Wojnia, in the text, but Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego (Warsaw, 1977 [1893]), vol. 13, does not list such a town in the Brest region. Other possibilities are towns with names related to Wojnia in the same area: Wojnicz and Wojnówka, a small village. S. A. Bershadskii claims that there were only two Jewish homeowners in Wojnia, or Wojnicz in 1566, yet he also gives names of two Jewish butchers in town, one of whom was a woman. It is unlikely that there would be two Jewish butchers with virtually no Jewish families. Either more Jews settled there by 1566 and were simply not homeowners, or he was mistaken in assuming that these two butchers were kosher butchers. Sergei Aleksandrovich Bershadskii, ed. Dokumenty i regesty k istorii litovskikh evreev, 3 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1882), 2: 155–156.
22. Akty izdavaemye vilenskoiu kommisieiu dla razbora drevnikh aktov, vol. 5 (Vilna, 1871), 4–6. Henceforth AIVK. Kuzmin, Materialy, 43–45.
23. AIVK, vol. V, 4–5.
24. On the Crown Tribunal, most recently, see Waldemar Bednaruk, Trybunał Koronny: szlachecki sąd najwyższy w latach 1578–1794 (Lublin: KUL, 2008).
25. Gombin, Trybunał Koronny ceremonial i sztuka (Lublin: KUL 2013), 7, 35.
26. Gombin, Trybunał Koronny ceremonial i sztuka, esp. ch. 2.
27. See also Krzysztof Gombin, Trybunał Koronny ceremonial i sztuka; Antoni Debinski, Waldemar Bednaruk, and Marzena Lipska, eds., Trybunał Koronny w kulturze prawnej Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej (Lublin: KUL, 2008); Bednaruk, Trybunał Koronny.
28. On the status of the Jews in Poland and the role of the Council of Four Lands, see Israel Halpern and Israel Bartal, eds., Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot (Jerusalem: 1989 [1945]), “Introduction”; Israel Halpern, ed. Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik,1945); Shmuel Ettinger, “The Council of Four Lands,” in The Jews in Old Poland, 1000–1795, ed. Antony Polonsky, Jakub Basista, and Andrzej Link-Lenczowski (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), 93–109; Adam Teller, “Some Comparative Perspectives on the Jews’ Legal Status in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Holy Roman Empire,” in Social and Cultural Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland, ed. Adam Teller, Magda Teter, and Antony Polonsky (Oxford: Littmann Library of Jewish Civilization, 2010), 109–141; Moshe Rosman, “The Authority of the Council of Four Lands outside of Poland,” in Social and Religious Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland, 83–108.
29. Węgrzynek summarizes some of the local context of the 1598 accusation in “Czarna legenda” żydów, 120.
30. Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 112–113. On the outcomes, see Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995), 96–101. See also a map on a website accompanying this book, on www.thebloodlibeltrail.com.
31. Halpern, ed. Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot, no. 22, 27, 28 under year ‘355 (1595).
32. Przecław Mojecki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, mordy, y zabobony (Cracow: W Drukarni Jak. Sibeneychera, 1598), 17. See Chapter 4.
33. ARSI, Polonia 50: “Annuae et Historiae Poloniae 1555–1600, 171r, published with some redactions in Annuae Litterae Societatis Iesu, Anni 1598. Ad patres, ac fratres eiusdem societatis (Lugundi: ex typographia Iacobi Roussin,1607).
34. ARSI Polonia 51 I, 156v.
35. The litterae annuae for 1598 mention that they received donations, including a silver crucifix, but nothing about the body, ARSI Polonia 50, 171v. This note was omitted from the published version of the reports.
36. ARSI Polonia 51 I, 156v. Bernard Maciejowski, in fact, is the one who donated the silver crucifix mentioned in the 1598 report. Annuae Litterae Societatis Iesu 1605, (Duaci: Ex officina Viduae Laurentii Kellami, 1618), 907–908.
37. The Bollandists cite Hubicki’s work as the book sent to Rome.
38. Godefroid Henschen and Daniel Van Papenbroeck, Acta Sanctorum Aprilis collecta, digesta, illustrata tomus II. quo medii XI dies continentur. praeponitur illis propylaeum antiquarium, circa veri falsique discrimen in vetustis monumentis, praesertim diplomatis, observandum. subjunguntur acta graeca (Antwerp: apud Michaelem Cnobarum, 1675), 837. See also a letter sent from Cracow by Ludovicus Hoffman, SJ to Daniel van Papenbroech from July 18, 1671, Société des Bollandistes, Brussels (Belgium), Ms. Boll. 246, 216r.
39. Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Collectanea Bollandiana, Ms. 8030–32, February 27, 1616, “De sanctis Poloniae,” 101v, no. 15.
40. Hubicki, Żydowskie okrucieństwa, 16. On Kyrilis, see Kuzmin, Materialy, 45–46. On other tombstones and shrines devoted to purported child victims of Jews, see Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar rzekomych żydowskich morgów rytualnych na historycznych ziemiach litewskich XVII-XIX wieku” in Socialiniu Tapatumu Repreznetacijos: Lietuvos Didżiosios Kunigaikśtystes Kulturoje (Vilnius: Lietuvos Kultūros Tyrimų Institutas, 2010), 302–341; and Jolanta Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi: legenda mordu rytualnego na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX wieku (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Cyklady, 2011). In Staszów, a child was said to have been “entombed” in a local church following a charge that Jews killed him in 1610 or 1611. Sebastian Miczyński, Zwierciadło Korony Polskiey (Cracow: Máciej Jedrzeiowczyk, 1618), 17, and 17–18 (in 1648).
41. Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 120–124. Węgrzynek also provides a chart of accusations. She does not distinguish between formal and informal accusations, nor between convictions and acquittals; 112–113. For outcomes, see Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 96–101. See also maps at www.thebloodlibeltrail.org.
42. Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie (APwL), Akta m. Lublina “Acta maleficorum” 141, 394–413v, 418v–422v. The trials are discussed in Meir Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials in Lublin, 1636,” in Social and Cultural Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland, 47–67; Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 125–128; Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 34–35. Bałaban should be used with caution. In a manner that appears like a transcript of archival sources, he creatively reconstructed the proceedings of the trials. But the appendix contains two valuable letters between Jerzy Słupecki, a Polish Protestant present at the trial, and Hugo Grotius. On the problems with Bałaban’s reconstruction, see Teller and Teter, Social and Cultural Boundaries in Pre-Modern Poland, 42–43. Guldon and Wijaczka published the records of both trials, though with some differences in the original. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 102–122.
43. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 105.
44. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 107.
45. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 107.
46. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 108–110.
47. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 104.
48. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 110.
49. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 113.
50. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 114–115.
51. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 111–112.
52. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 112–113.
53. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 58. Żuchowski argued that the Jews’ release was thanks to perjury, Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 153.
54. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 50, 63. Bałaban seems to argue that the original decree was rescinded and the Jews were executed.
55. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 52.
56. APwL, Akta m. Lublina, 141, 394v. See also Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 102. Psalm 52:3ff.
57. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 106, 113.
58. AP w Lublinie, Akta m. Lublina, Acta Maleficorum 141, 418v–422v, printed in Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 115–122. See also Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 59–63, and Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydow, 127–128.
59. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 116.
60. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 117.
61. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 120.
62. Sebastyan Śleszkowski, Jasne dowody o doktorach żydowskich (1623). It was then republished in 1649 and 1758.
63. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, in source appendix. The 1639 case is briefly discussed by Węgrzynek, “Czarna legenda” żydów, 126. Interrogation records are preserved in AP in Lublin, Akta m. Lublina, Acta maleficorum 142, 65v–80v and published in Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 122–129. The decree is printed also in Kuzmin, Materialy, 80–92.
64. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 64–65.
65. Edwin Rabbie, “Hugo Grotius and Judaism,” in Hugo Grotius, Theologian, ed. Henk J. M. Nellen and Edwin Rabbie (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 109.
66. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 66.
67. Tyrnau or Tyrnavia, now Trnava in Slovakia, was the site of a 1494 accusation in which Jews confessed to using blood and listed reasons for their doing so. The story entered many chronicles and was widely used to support the accusation. First it appears to have been mentioned in Antonius Bonfinius, Rerum ungaricum (Hannover: typis Wechel, 1606), 718. Szymon Syreniusz included it in the appendix to his Zielnik in 1613, and Abraham Bzovius, after Bonfinius, included it in 1627 in his Annales ecclesiastici in vol. 18 covering the years 1472–1503.
68. On leprosy and the blood cure, see Irven M. Resnick, Marks of Distinction: Christian Perceptions of Jews in the High Middle Ages (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2012), especially 95–97. Note 12 on p. 95 provides Christian sources for this belief. Jews also had a legend that Pharaoh ordered the slaughter of Israelite children to cure leprosy; David Malkiel, “Infanticide in Passover Iconography,” Journal of Warburg and Courtland Institutes 56 (1993); Ephraim Shoham-Steiner, “Pharaoh’s Bloodbath: Medieval Jewish Thoughts about Leprosy, Disease, and Blood Therapy,” in Jewish Blood: Reality and Metaphor in History, Religion and Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Hart (London: Routledge, 2009), 99–115.
69. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 66–67.
70. Bałaban, “Hugo Grotius and the Blood Libel Trials,” 66.
71. Hugo Grotius, Hugonis Grotii Reginae Regnique Sueciae Consiliarii et apud Regem Christianissimum legati etc. epistolae quotquot reperiri (Amsterdam: ex typographia P. & I. Blaev: prostant apud Wolfgang, Waasberge, Boom a Someren & Goethals, 1687), 286.
72. APwL, Akta m. Lublina 140, 159r–163v.
73. This trial is discussed in Teter, Sinners on Trial, 207–209. For the court summary of the case, see AIVK, vol. 28: Akty o evreiakh (Vilna, 1901), 392–395.
74. In Polish, “pospólstwo.”
75. The dossier of the trial is in the Archives departementales de la Moselle in Metz, B 2144 (henceforth ADMM). The trial came into focus in the aftermath of the Damascus affair in 1840, when Archive Israelite published a contemporary Jewish account of it translated from Yiddish into French. A few decades later, Joseph Reinach published a monograph with some sources, including Richard Simon. Joseph Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire sous Louis XIV: Raphaël Levy (Paris: Delagrave, 1898).
76. Didier’s disappearance in a forest and his red bonnet uncannily resemble the folk tale of Little Red Riding Hood, whose origins can be traced to the early modern period. Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Vintage Books, 1985), ch. 1.
77. See, for example, ADMM, B 2144, supplication from January 8, 1670, and “Deffences par attenuation” from January 15, 1670. A fragment of the January 8 document was translated in Birnbaum, A Tale of Ritual Murder, 106.
78. For Raphaël Levy as “a foreign Jew,” see Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 41.
79. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 31.
80. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 153.
81. The original Yiddish account does not seem to have survived; only the 1840s French translation has. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 153.
82. The file in ADMM, B 2144, consists of disorganized loose documents. It is not a formal dossier. Perhaps the imperial decree still exists somewhere in the archive, perhaps it never was filed, or perhaps it has been lost.
83. The decree was published in a bilingual French-German issue, Gerichtlicher Proceß und Urtheil deß Parlaments zu Metz eines Jude[n] Raphael Levi genandt wegen eines von ihme den 23. Septembr. 1669 geraubten und hingerichteten drey jährigen Kindes: Auß dem zu Metz gedrucktem frantzösischen Exemplar ins teutscheübersetzt (1670).
84. Roger Clèment, La condition des juifs de Metz dans L’ancien règime (Paris: Imprimerie Henri Jouve, 1903), 19–25.
85. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 9–11; Clèment, La condition, 34–37.
86. On the Jews in Bordeaux, see the classic work by Frances Malino, The Sephardic Jews of Bordeaux: Assimilation and Emancipation in Revolutionary and Napoleonic France (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1978).
87. For Metz, albeit in the eighteenth century, see Jay R. Berkovitz, Rites and Passages: The Beginnings of Modern Jewish Culture in France, 1650–1860 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011) and his Protocols of Justice: The Pinkas of the Metz Rabbinic Court 1771–1789, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
88. Abraham-Nicolas Amelot de La Houssaie, Abregé dv procés fait aux Juifs de Mets (Paris: Chez Frederic Leonard, imprimeur ordin. du roy, ruë Saint Jacques, à l’Escu de Venise, 1670). Also published in Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire.
89. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 73–74; Amelot de La Houssaie, Abregé dv procés, 4–6.
90. Schedel’s Liber chronicarum, known as the “Nuremberg Chronicle,” includes more than three stories. They are William of Norwich, Richard of Pontoise, Simon of Trent, and Forli (Motta Castello). Simon’s story is incorrectly dated to 1472; perhaps this is a typographical error made by the printer.
91. The Yiddish originals, if they existed, have not survived.
92. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 84; Amelot de La Houssaie, Abregé dv procés, 25–26.
93. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 103–105; Amelot de La Houssaie, Abregé dv procés, 66–68.
94. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 37ff.
95. Richard Simon’s response was published in 1709 in a collection of letters and more recently in Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 120–135.
96. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 121.
97. Simon uses the verb “plagiaire” in the sense it had in Roman law, describing a “plagiarist” as someone who stole the children of others. Dictionnaire de la langue française (Littré) (1873), http://artfl-project.uchicago.edu/node/17.
98. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 122–123.
99. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 123–124. Cesare Baronio, Annales Ecclesiastici (Moguntia: Sumptibus Ioannis Gymnici et Antonii Hierati Coloniensi, 1608), vol. XII: 1146.XVII–XIX.
100. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 124–125.
101. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 125–129.
102. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 129.
103. Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire, 62–66.
104. Maximi fructus monitum (Fürth: Abraham von Werth, 1699). Archiwum Kapituły Kolegiackiej i Katedralnej w Sandomierzu (henceforth, AKKKS), MS. 740, 121r–124v, 126v. Maximi fructus monitum would later be mentioned in Cardinal Lorenzo Ganganelli’s report; see Cecil Roth, The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jew (London: Woburn Press, 1935), 52.
105. Żuchowski’s two books were Process kryminalny and Ogłos processów. On Żuchowski and the Sandomierz trials, see Waldemar Kowalski, “W obronie wiary: Ks. Stefan Żuchowski—między wzniosłością a okrucieństwem,” in Żydzi wsród chrześcijan w dobie szlacheckiej Rzeczypospolitej (Kielce: Akademia Świętokrzyska, 1996), 221–233; Feliks Kiryk, “Ksiądz Stefan Żuchowski Archidiakon Sandomierski—próba portretu” in Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie w historii, pamięci i sztuce: europejski kontekst dzieł w katedrze sandomierskiej, ed. Magda Teter and Urszula Stępień (Sandomierz: Wydawnictwo diecezjalne, 2013); Teter, “Stosunki chrześcijańsko-żydowskie.” For the long-term legacy of the trials and the work of art, see Anna Landau-Czajka, “The Last Controversy over Ritual Murder? The Debate over the Paintings in Sandomierz Cathedral,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 16 (2003); Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux De Mémoire”; and in fiction, Zygmunt Miłoszewski, Ziarno prawdy (Warsaw: Wydawn. W.A.B., 2011).
106. On Żuchowski most recently, see Kiryk, “Ksiądz Stefan Żuchowski.” For examples of Żuchowski’s cases in the Crown Tribunal, see the registry of cases in Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie (AP Lublin): Akta Trybunału Koronnego 254, Acta Arianismi.
107. Achivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), FG.1592 / Collegia 207 Sendomir, fols. 33–274; fols. 275–778 contain supplementary evidence in the case. See also AKKKS 742, fols 4r–5v.
108. AKKKS 742, 6r–8v. She was baptized on June 23, 1695.
109. Although in the Catholic liturgical calendar, the first Sunday after Easter is called “dominica in albis” (Sunday in white), in the early modern period in Poland, the fifth Sunday of Lent or the last one before Palm Sunday, was also popularly called “white Sunday.” Żuchowski seems to be trying to eliminate this confusion by both placing the plot to kill the girl on March 13 and stating that the girl died on the Sunday “called by the Church as the Sunday of Christ suffering, but popularly called white,” Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, 11v. The Sunday of the Octave of Easter (i.e. the dominica in albis) would have been on April 6; the Sunday before Palm Sunday, or the fifth Sunday of Lent, would have been on March 16.
110. AKKKS 742, 7v.
111. AKKKS 742, 8v.
112. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [14r], [74v]. Unnumbered pages; the folio numbers provided here refer to pages of the Ogłos, including the dedication.
113. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [12r]. For this claim in Śleszkowski, see Śleszkowski, Odkrycie zdrad, V3.
114. AKKKS 742, 9r–v.
115. AKKKS 742, 10r.
116. AKKKS 742, [15r].
117. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [17r].
118. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [21r], [76r]; on the bishop’s support, [16r], [43v]; on the laudum of the noble’s dietine, see Kowalski, “W obronie wiary,” 225. For the texts of the lauda, see Polska Akademia Umiejętności (PAU), Teki Pawińskiego 8338, 864r (April 28, 1698), 867 (September 22, 1698).
119. AKKKS 742, 16r, a letter from Bp. Jan Małachowski to Stefan Żuchowski, May 26, 1698.
120. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [19v].
121. AKKKS 742, 6r–22v.
122. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów. On Żuchowski’s role in the trial and his accounts of them, see Kowalski, “W obronie wiary.” See also, with caution, Daniel Tollet, “Le goupillon, le prétoire et la plume: Stefan Żuchowski et l’accusation de crimes rituels en Pologne a la fin du XVII siécle et au début du XVIII siécle,” in Żydzi wsród chrześcijan w dobie szlacheckiej Rzeczypospolitej, portions of which were published in Daniel Tollet, Accuser pour convertir (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2000).
123. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, e.g. [22r], [46r–47r], [56r]. Jews may have hoped that August II would be their ally because he was inclined to support Jews in other matters—leasing salt mines to them and allowing some Jews, especially German Jews, to stay in Warsaw despite legal exclusion of Jews from Mazovia, ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 119, fols. 313 and 325. On tensions following that support in Warsaw, see ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 119, fol. 438.
124. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [17v–18v], [25r–v], [46v–47r], [54v–56v], [59v–60r], [75r].
125. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [60v].
126. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [31r–v].
127. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [29v].
128. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [30r], [31r].
129. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [33v].
130. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [76v].
131. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [34r].
132. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [41v–42r].
133. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [44r].
134. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [67r].
135. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [46r].
136. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [44v–45r], [50v].
137. Kowalski, “W obronie wiary,” 230; Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [50v]. The 1598 trial is mentioned as a precedent in the final court decree from July 1698. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, 63r. The papal nuncio also alluded to it in his dispatch on August 23, 1698, saying that “in these parts, Jews are accused of similar cruelties, with many such cases described”; ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 119, fol. 463v.
138. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [55r.]
139. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [56r].
140. ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 119, fol. 469, and ASV Seg. Stato Polonia 120, fol. 235r–v, 238r–v.
141. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [60v–61r].
142. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [61v].
143. Żuchowski, Ogłos processów, [62r–72v].
144. AKKKS 742, 16r.
145. AKKKS, 742, fols. 23–24.
146. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 279.
147. AKKKS 741, fols. 122–152, a plan for twenty-four paintings representing “Historiae Crudelitatis Judaicae in Christianos Infantes exeritae ex classicis authoribus collectae et iconibus expressae.” An additional series of paintings was planned based on stories collected from Polish books; a fragmentary description of paintings five through twelve is on fol. 59.
148. The image is on the cover of Teter, Jews and Heretics, and is published in black and white in Teter, “The Sandomierz Paintings of Ritual Murder as Lieux de Mémoire,” and in color in Teter and Stępień, Stosunki chrześcijańsko- żydowskie.
149. The trial has been described in Zenon Guldon, “Proces of Mord Rytualny w Sandomierzu w Latach 1710–1713,” Notatnik Sandomierski 6 (1994). This article gives a good outline of chronology; however, it should be used with caution, because Guldon often took Żuchowski’s text at face value.
150. AKKKS 740, fol. 13r, 16v.
151. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 281.
152. AKKKS 740, fol. 38r–v, 40r–45v; Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 4–5, 282, 285.
153. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 283. Guldon, “Proces,” 11.
154. AKKKS 740, 46r–51v; Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 286.
155. AKKKS 740, 47r–v.
156. AKKKS 740, 49v–50r.
157. AKKKS 740, 50r–51r.
158. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 286–287.
159. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 287.
160. AKKKS 740, 54r–63r.
161. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 289–290. Żuchowski refers to him as Mazowiecki, but on the list of deputies to the Crown Tribunal for 1710, such a name does not appear. But there were two deputies from Mazovia: Paulus (Paweł) Przeradowski and Josephu (Józef) Zembrzyński. AKKKS 740, 34r–v.
162. AKKKS 740, 56v–63r.
163. AKKKS 740, 70r–v, 71r–72r.
164. AKKKS 740, 73r. Tymiński’s first name is unknown.
165. Żuchowski’s letter to King August II, asking the king to expel Jews from Sandomierz on account of “the blood spilled from the three children martyred by the merciless and cruel Jews in the City of Sandomierz,” AKKKS 740, 102r.
166. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 301–302, 307. For example, AKKKS 740, 180r–181r, 235r, 491r–492v. The nuncio communicated, without directly mentioning the trial, the issue of the bishop of Cracow’s permission for clergy to engage in criminal trials and the bishop’s request to have a bull by Gregory XIII of 1572 reissued, ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 137, 796r–807v. The nuncio also reported about his contacts with Żuchowski, but they concerned questions related to ecclesiastical property or the court dispute between the Jesuits in Sandomierz and Żuchowski, ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 138, fol. 76v–77r, 187r–189r. On Jews’ appeal to the nuncio, see AKKKS 740, 147v.
167. AKKKS 740, 103r–v. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 307.
168. In June 1711 he wrote to the king to request an edict of expulsion of Jews from Sandomierz, AKKKS 740, 102r–v.
169. The papal nuncio reported the spread of plague from the east westward and to Lublin, ASV Sec. Stato Polonia 135, 754r, 783v, 812r–v.
170. One of these converts was the enigmatic figure of Jan Serafinowicz. Paweł Maciejko, “Christian Accusations of Jewish Human Sacrifice in Early Modern Poland: The Case of Jan Serafinowicz,” Gal-`Ed 22 (2010).
171. Kowalski, “W obronie wiary.”
172. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 322; the forty reasons are on 322–330.
173. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 339.
174. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 12–62.
175. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 76–100.
176. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 100–148.
177. AKKKS 740, 127r–128v.
178. Halpern, Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot, 277, n. 1.
179. AKKKS 740, 127r–v.
180. AKKKS 740, 129r–130v.
181. 2 Maccabees 6:18ff. Maximi fructus monitum, 12–15.
182. Maximi fructus monitum, 16–17.
183. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 190.
184. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 190–191. On the 1670 expulsion from Vienna, see Mordechai Breuer and Michael Graetz, German-Jewish History in Modern Times: Tradition and Enlightenment, 1600–1780, ed. Michael Brenner and Michael A. Meyer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 100–101.
185. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 191. The two works mentioned are Stefano Quaranta, Summa bullarii earum que summorum pontificum constitutionum quae ad communem Ecclesiae usum post volumina juris canonici usquë ad Paulum V. Emanrunt, authore Stephano Quaranta, cum additionibus Prosperi de Augustino (Venice: apud Juntas, 1609) and Lorenzo Brancati, Epitome canonum Omnium qui in conciliis generalibus ac prouincialibus, in decreto Gratiani, in decretalibus, in epistolis & constitutionibus romanorum pontificum vsque ad sanctiss. D. N. Alexandri VII annum quartum continentur (Rome: Typis Mascardi, 1649). On Śleszkowski’s argument, see Chapter 4.
186. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 192.
187. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 116–117.
188. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 192–193.
189. AKKKS 741, 5v–6r. ASV Arm. XLI, vol. 17, 255r–256r, published in Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 1539–1545, no. 1973, 2174–2175.
190. Radliński, Prawda chrześcianska, e.g., 464, 470–472, 483, 549ff. For a list of accusations, see Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 100.
191. Lippmann Hirsch Loewenstein, Damascia die Judenverfolgung zu Damaskus und ihre Wirkung auf die öffentliche Meinung nebst Nnachweisungen über den Ursprung der gegen die Juden wiederholten Beschuldigung, als bedienten sie sich des Menschenblutes bei Rituellen Zeremonien (Frankfurt a.M: Loewenstein, 1841), 352–362. The report was first published in 1751 in Christian Friedrich Börner, Auserlesene Bedenken der Theologischen Fakultät zu Leipzig in Drey Theile verfasset (Leipzig: Bernhard Christoph Breitkopf, 1751), 613–622. On the report, see Jakub Goldberg, “Leipziger Theologen gegen die Ritualmordprozesse: Das Gutachten vom Jahre 1714,” Herbergen der Christenheit: Jahrbuch für deutsche Kirchengeschichte 23 (1999); Nicola Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale nel settecento: il carteggio tra Girolamo Tartarotti e Benedetto Bonelli, 1740–1748 (Milan: UNICOPLI, 2012), 44; Jan Doktór, “Konwertyta mimo woli: sprawa rabina ziemskiego litwy Samuela Ben Jaakowa (Jana Serafinowicza),” Kwartalnik Historii Żydów, no. 3 (2007): 280.
192. Loewenstein, Damascia, 352–353.
193. Loewenstein, Damascia, 354.
194. This refers to the renewal of Sicut Iudaeis on May 3, 1235.
195. Loewenstein, Damascia, 354–356.
196. On Shevet Yehudah and blood libel, see Chapter 5 and the literature cited there.
197. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 216–217.
198. Johann Andreas Eisenmenger, Endecktes Judenthum (Frankfurt, 1700), part II, 220–224. Eisenmenger discussed the blood accusation in the lengthy chapter 3 of part II.
199. Loewenstein, Damascia, 356.
200. Loewenstein, Damascia, 356–357. Eisenmenger, Endecktes Judenthum, part II: 225–227.
201. Loewenstein, Damascia, 357.
202. Loewenstein, Damascia, 358.
203. Loewenstein, Damascia, 359–362.
204. Börner, Auserlesene Bedenken, 613–622.
205. For example, ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 139, and Polonia 190.
206. Archiwum Państwowe w Poznaniu, Akta m. Poznania I 2258, 1–9 (henceforth APP, AmP).
207. APP, AmP I 2258, 2, also 8.
208. “Zamordowane y umęczone.” Although “umęczone” can also be translated as “tortured,” a Latin phrase later uses the phrase “cruentis martyris corpori suprascripti,” AmP I 2258, 3.
209. APP, AmP I 2258, 11.
210. APP, AmP I 2258, 12. On the Przemyśl trial and the resulting 1633 law, see Teter, Sinners on Trial, ch. 7.
211. The letter from the Dominican general was cited in Italian defenses of Jews; see Chapter 7. An Italian version of the letter is found in ASCER, 1Va, fasc. 13, coll. 2 inf. 2. The Latin document and its German translation are published in Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900), 134–137. A draft in Italian of Naftali’s appeal is in ASCER 1Ql fasc. 11.
212. ACDF St. St. TT 2c “Hebraei.”
213. In chapter 3 of Ma’akhalot asurot, Maimonides actually discusses only blood spots in eggs.
214. For a summary of this case, see Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 69–70. Also, to be used with great caution, Majer Bałaban, “Arje Lejb Kalahora (Do przyczynku procesu Poznańskiego w latach 1736–1740,” in Studia Historyczne (Warsaw: Korona, 1927). On the Jews of Poznań, most recently, see Adam Teller, Ḥayim be-ẓavta: ha-rov`a ha-yehudi shel Poznan ba-maḥaẓit ha-rishonah shel ha-me’ah ha-shev`a ‘esreh (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2003).
215. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 167, 458r–v.
216. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 249, 447v.
217. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 167, 488v.
218. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 168, 46v–47r.
219. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 228, 281v.
220. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 168, 254r.
221. APP, AmP Gr 1238.
222. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 168, 141r.
223. Dispatch from March 1737, ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 168, 182r. Several converts were mentioned in a 1738 letter from August III calling on them, as well as others, to stand before the commission as witnesses, APP, AmP Gr 1238, 299v–300r.
224. APP, AmP I 2258, 56. On the request, see ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 168, 254r.
225. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 70.
226. For example, APP, AmP I 2258, 51 (August 1739).
227. ACDF St. St. TT 2c “Hebraei”; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 170, 178r.
228. ACDF St. St. TT 2c “Hebraei.”
229. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 170, 178r.
230. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 228, 374r–375r. For the deliberations of the Holy Office, see ACDF St. St. TT 2c “Hebraei.”
231. The issue is raised by the Holy Office and the Secretary of State; ACDF St. St. TT 2c “Hebraei”; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 234, 78v–80v, 369, 377–378, 392; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 235, 7r–8v; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 253, 184r–186v.
232. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 255A (unnumbered). Israel Halpern located Solomon Zalman “the shtadlan” of Poznań at the end of the seventeenth century, but the Vatican document suggests that he was alive and active during the Poznań trial. Halpern, Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot, 498, n. 4.
233. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 231, letter from July 27, 1743.
234. On business relations between Jews and the clergy in Poland, see, in particular, Jakub Goldberg, “Jak ksiądz z żydem zakładali manufakturę żelazną w Wielkopolsce,” in The Jews in Poland, ed. Andrzej Paluch (Cracow: Jagiellonian University, 1992), 146–160; Yehudit Kalik, “Patterns of Contact between the Catholic Church and the Jews in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Jewish Debts,” in Studies in the History of the Jews in Old Poland in Honor of Jacob Goldberg, ed. Adam Teller (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1998), 102–122. On the question of debts and insolvency of the Jewish community in Rome, see Mario Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” Storia d’Italia: Annali “Gli ebrei in Italia” 11, no. 2 (1997): 1072. On the status of the Jews in Poland and the reasons why it outraged the Church officials, see Magda Teter, Jews and Heretics in Catholic Poland: A Beleaguered Church in the Post-Reformation Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
235. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 255A, unnumbered, after the memorandum.
236. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 231, letter from August 31, 1743.
237. AGAD, “Xięga Czarna. Krzemieniec (1747–1764),” 3–27. The document was published in Anna Michałowska, “Protokół procesu o mord rytualny: Fragment Czarnej Księgi Krzemienieckiej z 1747 roku,” Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego, no. 3 (1995): 107–120. Also see Teter, Sinners on Trial, 211 ff.
238. The verdict was translated in Teter, Sinners on Trial, 212–213.
239. AGAD, “Xięga Czarna. Krzemieniecka (1747–1764),” 27. Michałowska, “Protokół Procesu,” 120.
240. Jan Tysowski, Dekret na żydow morderców y zaboyców pewnego katolika (after April 17, 1747); Dekret w sprawie o zamordowanie okrutne przez żydów chrześcianina Antoniego pod Zasławiem ferowany w Zamku Zasławskim dnia 17 kwietnia Roku Pańskiego 1747 (after April 17, 1747). See copies at the Biblioteka Narodowa, mf 76629 and mf 76167, respectively.
241. Archiwum Państwowe w Krakowie-Oddział na Wawelu (APK, Wawel) Akta XX. Sanguszków, Teka 5 / 27, 39, 41. The full text of the letter was “For information, lest there be any doubt about the Zasław decree against Jews accused of killing a Christian, published this year. That is why herewith is printed a copy of a letter from His Highness Duke Lubartowicz Sanguszko, the Grand Marshal of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania addressed to a certain correspondent from Zasław, dated 5th September, 1747.”
242. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia, 233, 234, 235, 376.
243. Published in Hebrew in I. Galant, “Zhertvy ritualnogo obvinenya ve Zaslave v 1747 g: po aktam Kievskago Tsentralnago Arkhiva,” Evreiskaia starina 5, no. 2 (1912): 217.

7. “Jews Are Deemed Innocent in the Tribunals of Italy”

1. On the report, see Chapter 9. For the text of the report in Italian and English, see Cecil Roth, The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jew (London: Woburn Press, 1935).
2. On the eighteenth-century trials in Italy and the relationship between them and polemical literature, see Tommaso Caliò, “L’omicidio rituale nell’Italia del settecento tra polemica antigiudaica ed erudizione agiografica,” Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 38, no. 2 (2002). This article later became a chapter in Tommaso Caliò, La leggenda dell’ebreo assassino: percorsi di un racconto antiebraico dal medioevo ad oggi (Rome: Viella, 2007).
3. There is a good deal of literature on this subject; the most recent and extraordinarily useful work in English is Irene Fosi, Papal Justice: Subjects and Courts in the Papal State, 1500–1750 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011).
4. The text is published in Tranquillo Vita Corcos, Alla Sagra Consvlta Illustriss. e Reuerendiss. Monsig. Ghezzi Ponente per l’vniuersità degl’hebrei di Roma. Sommario (Rome: Nella stamperia della Rev. Camera apostolica, 1706), doc. no. 6. Henceforth, Corcos, Sommario.
5. The full text of the April 22, 1475, decree was published in Corrado Guidetti, Pro Judæis: Riflessioni e documenti (Roux e Favale, 1884), 278–280.
6. For a brief article about the case, see Nello Pavoncello, “Una ‘accusa del sangue’ a Viterbo nel 1705,” Lunario Romano (1981): 223–234. See also Marina Caffiero, “Alle origini dell’antisemitismo politico: L’accusa di omicidio rituale nel sei-settecento tra autordifesa degli ebrei e pronunciamenti papali,” in Les racines chrétiennes de l’antisemitisme politique (fin XIXe–XXe siècle) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2003), 39. Shlomo Simonsohn, History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua (Jerusalem: Kiryath Sepher, 1977), 437–440.
7. Pavoncello, “Una ‘accusa del sangue’ a Viterbo,” 224. Pietro Ioly Zorattini and Marcello Massenzio, I nomi degli altri: conversioni a Venezia e nel Friuli Veneto in età moderna (Leo S. Olschki, 2008), 46. The text of the bull can be found in Laerzio Cherubini and Angelo Maria Cherubini, Magnum Bullarium Romanum, a Clemente VIII Vsque Ad Gregorium XV (Lugundi: sumptib. Philippi Borde, Laur. Arnaud & Cl. Rigaud, 1655), vol. 3, 23–25, no. XIX.
8. On the Jews’ presence in Viterbo at the end of the seventeenth century, see a case of a Jewish convert from 1698, in whose trial before the Inquisition Roman Jews visiting the town for fairs were summoned as witnesses, Fosi, Papal Justice, 137–138.
9. In 1601, Pope Clement VIII established that the fair in the spring was to begin on a Wednesday before the Pentecost and end eight days after Corpus Christi. In 1705, Pentecost was on Sunday, May 31, and Corpus Christi was on Thursday, June 11. Archivio Santa Maria della Quercia, pergamena no. 73, in “I Papi devoti della Madonna della Quercia,” http://www.madonnadellaquercia.it/I%20PAPI%20%20DEVOTI%20della%20Madonna%20della%20Quercia.pdf.
10. Archivio della Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede (henceforth, ACDF), St. St. TT-4-C, fasc. 4, unnumbered, following the report about the contents of archives of the Jewish community in Rome dated September 18, 1731.
11. ACDF, St. St. TT-4-C, fasc. 4.
12. The names of the signatories of the letter are Pellegrino Acarelli, Tranquillo Volterra, Sabbato Tarni, Emanuel Tedesco, Moise del Monte, Abram Abaot, Angelo Coen, Angelo Terni, Haarone [?] Alpron, and Ezechia Ambron, ACDF, St. St. TT-4-C fasc. 4.
13. ACDF, St. St. TT-4-C, fasc. 4
14. ACDF, St. St. UV53, 410r–412v.
15. The hardships were often exaggerated in supplications; see Fosi, Papal Justice, 207.
16. ACDF, St. St. UV53, 411r–v.
17. On the Jews’ trust in the Holy Office, see, for example, Marina Caffiero, Battesimi forzati: Storie di ebrei, cristiani e convertiti nella Roma dei papi (Rome: Viella, 2004), esp. 30–31. On the moderating effect of the Holy Office, see also Fosi, Papal Justice, ch. 7.
18. ACDF, St. St. UV53, 410r, 411r–412r.
19. ACDF, St. St. TT-4-C, fasc. 4. In 1728, Jews requested a copy of the document. For information about the timeline, see ASCER, 1Qc fasc. 10, coll. 1 inf. 4.
20. On Tranquillo Vita Corcos, see Abraham Berliner, Geschichte der Juden in Rom von der ältesten Zeit bis zur gegenwart: zwei Bände in einem Band (Georg Olms, 1893), II: 69–82.
21. On the Sacra Consulta, see Fosi, Papal Justice, 184–187.
22. Tranquillo Vita Corcos, Alla Sacra Consvlta Illustriss., e Reuerendiss. Monsig. Ghezzi Ponente per l’vniuersità degl’hebrei di Roma. Memoriale (Rome: Stamperia della Reu. Cam. Apostolica 1705), Ar. Henceforth, Corcos, Memoriale 1705.
23. The Memoriale has September 9, 1236, with the year added by hand. See the copy at Houghton Library at Harvard University, IC7.C8116.705m.
24. Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 492–1404 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), 165, no. 155.
25. Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century: A Study of Their Relations during the Years 1198–1254 (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1933), 268–271.
26. ASCER, 1Ql fasc. 11 coll. 1 inf. 5, unnumbered pages. On Jacob ben Naftali’s mission, see Majer Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit (Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1934–1935), 130.
27. The manuscript of the Italian translation of the general’s letter to Poland, ASCER 1Va fasc. 13, coll. 2 inf. 2. The Latin document and its German translation are published in Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900), 134–137.
28. Corcos, Sommario.
29. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, Av.
30. Isaac Cardoso, Las excelencias de los hebreos (Amsterdam: David de Castro Tartas, 1679), 426–429; on Simon of Trent, 410, 413. On Cardoso’s Las excelencias, see Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto: Isaac Cardoso, a Study in Seventeenth-Century Marranism and Jewish Apologetics (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981).
31. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, Av-A2v. For an earlier use of this argument, see Grayzel, The Church and the Jews, fragment quoted on 274–275.
32. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, I-IIae Q. 102, Art. 3, response to objection 8.
33. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, A2r–A3v. Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, Prima Secundae, Question 102, Art. 3, response to objection 8.
34. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, A3v. See Chapter 5 and a discussion of this argument in Solomon ibn Verga’s Shevet Yehudah. For rabbinic sources of this teaching, see BT Ketubot 60a and BT Kerithot 21b–22a.
35. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, verso of a page following A3v.
36. Corcos, Memoriale 1705.
37. Corcos, Memoriale 1705, second to last page.
38. Tranquillo Vita Corcos, Alla Sagra Consvlta Illustriss. e Reverendiss. Monsignor Ghezzi Ponente per l’vniuersità degli ebrei. Memoriale additionale ad altro dato li 26. settembre 1705 (Rome: Nella stamperia della Rev. Cam. apostolica, 1706); Henceforth, Corcos, Memoriale Additionale. For the manuscript version of the Sommario, see ASCER, 1 Va fasc. 13 coll 2 inf 2.
39. Corcos, Sommario; Corcos, Memoriale Additionale.
40. Corcos, Memoriale Additionale, A2r.
41. Corcos’s rabbinic sources included Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah, Jacob ben Asher’s Arba’a Turim, Joseph Caro’s Shulḥan ‘Arukh, and several other works; Corcos, Memoriale Additionale, A2r–v.
42. Corcos, Memoriale Additionale, A3v–A4r.
43. Corcos, Memoriale Additionale, two pages from the end.
44. The bull of February 1, 1589, granting Paolo Blado the office of the Official Apostolic Printer specified what the press would be responsible for publishing; Valentino Romani, “Per lo Stato e per la Chiesa: La Tipografia della Reverenda Camera Apostolica e le altre tipografie pontificie (Secc. XVI–XVIII),” Il Bibliotecario 2 (1998): 177.
45. Romani, “Per lo Stato e per la Chiesa,” 183.
46. Corcos, Memoriale 1705. Based on the specific note in the expanded version of this text published in 1706, this document was written or published on September 26, 1705. Copies of Corcos’s publications can also be found in ASV, Fondo Garampi 259. On Corcos and his treatises, see Caffiero, “Alle origini dell’antisemitismo politico,” 33–36, 39–41; and her Battesimi forzati, 46–47.
47. Giovanni Pastrizio’s correspondence and notes related to his study of Jewish books, including from 1681 a series of letters about Jewish customs with Giulio Morosini—a Jewish convert to Christianity and the author of Via della Fede published in 1683 in Rome—are preserved in the ASV; his correspondence with Jewish book dealers reveals much about the early modern Hebrew book trade. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (henceforth BAV), Borg. Lat 481, esp. 172r–174r, commentaries on the famous singer Melchiore Pallantrotti’s (Palantrotti) anti-Jewish songs; 336r–360r, 448r–466r, 472r–477r on Jewish books and calendars. For his correspondence with Giulio Morosini, see BAV Borg. Lat. 503, 27r–38r, 40r–62v.
48. For an example of such an opinion, see ASV, Archivio Nunziatura Varsavia 94.
49. Andreas Alberettus, Sacra Consulta sive Illustriss. Et Revedendiss. D. Ghezzio Ponente Viterben. calumniae super praetensa attentata iugulatione pro Gioiello de Core et Iosepho Samen haebreis contra fiscum et illi adhaeren.restrictus Facti et iuris (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1706), Ar-v.
50. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, A1v–A2v.
51. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, A4r.
52. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, A5v. See also Sacra Consulta sive illustriss. et revedendiss. D. Ghezzio Ponente Viterben. calumniae super praetensa attentata Iugulatione pro Gioiello de Core et Iosepho Samen Haebreis. Summarium (Rome: Typis Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1706). Henceforth, Summarium. A copy can be found in ASCER, 2Vi fasc. 9 coll. 10 sup. 2.
53. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, A3v.
54. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, 11 unnumbered. The last two pages contain a summary of all the inconsistencies in nine points.
55. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, 13ff unnumbered. A lengthy discussion of the two questionable witnesses and the ramifications of their testimonies follows.
56. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, unnumbered.
57. Alberettus, Sacra Consulta, unnumbered second to last page.
58. ASCER 2Vi fasc. 9, coll. 10 sup. 2.
59. Summarium, in ASCER 2Vi fasc. 9, coll. 10 sup. 2.
60. Summarium, unnumbered 17.
61. Summarium, unnumbered 17–18.
62. Summarium, unnumbered 19–20.
63. ASCER, 1Qc fasc. 10 coll. 1 inf. 4.
64. ASCER, 1Qc fasc. 10 coll. 1 inf. 4.
65. Alla Sagra Consulta per Gioiello di Core. Memoriale (Rome: Stamperia della Rev. Camera Apostolica, 1706) (henceforth, Memoriale per Gioiello di Core). A copy can be found in ASCER, 1Qc fasc. 10. coll. 1 inf. 4.
66. Memoriale per Gioiello di Core, 1r. On this, see also Antonio Pertile, Storia del diritto italiano: dalla caduta dell’Impero Romano alla codificazione, ed. Pasquale del Giudice (Torino: Unione tipografico-editrice, 1902), 152–153.
67. The quote from the Statute of Rome—“Ex eorum [senator vel judex] pro innocentia investigare et indagare testes de veritate informatos per quoscumque aliorum notitiam deducantur, examinare teneantur, et debeant, et non praeterire testem, et testium dicta pro innocentia deponents”—can be found in Memoriale per Gioiello di Core, 1v.
68. Memoriale per Gioiello di Core, 2r.
69. Pavoncello, “Una ‘accusa del sangue’ a Viterbo nel 1705,” 227, 232–233. The financial weight of the affair was also noted in Memoriale per Gioiello di Core.
70. ACDF, St. St. TT-4-C, fasc. 4: Florence contributed 150.55 scudi, Mantova, 95, Reggio 52, Ancona 80, Venice 33.20, Livorno 125, Ferrara 70, Lugo 35, Cento 23.50, Verona 29.20, Fiorenzola and Piacenza together 41, Modena 40, Pesaro 40, Casale 33.32, Senigalia 20, and Siena 122.91. Mantua initially offered 50 scudi, Simonsohn, History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua, 438.
71. ASCER, 1Va fasc. 13, coll. 2 inf. 2, in Italian, and in Latin, in Corcos, Sommario, no. 3. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 303–304.
72. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 290–291. On the case that prompted the decree, see Chapter 3.
73. The dukes mistakenly dated Jewish settlement in Rome to the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. There is evidence of a Jewish presence in Rome as early as the second century B.C.E.
74. Corcos, Sommario, no. 4. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, 295–298.
75. Many unbound copies are still preserved at the ASCER.
76. Copies of the supplication to the Pope Clement XI and the Holy Office, with a short summary of events can be found in ASV, Fondo Garampi 259, fasc. 6; ACDF St. St. BB 3f, fasc. 1. But a full record of the interrogations and testimonies is in Trinity College in Dublin, ms. 1260, 35r–106v (henceforth TCD 1260).
77. TCD 1260, 35r.
78. TCD 1260, 35v, and cf. Corcos, Memoriale 1705; Corcos, Memoriale Additionale.
79. The supplication preserved at the ASV contains only the printed copies of Corcos’s treatises. The same is held in ACDF. But the records of the Holy Office, now preserved in Dublin, contain manuscript copies of the texts of the mentioned decrees along with Corcos’s printed works, TCD 1260, 36r–67v. For example, the Trinity College file contains the full text of the emperors’ decree, whereas Corcos’s Sommario contains only the section directly addressing blood accusations.
80. TCD 1260, 69r.
81. TCD 1260, 70r–72v.
82. See another copy of the letter: TCD 1260, 78v–79v.
83. TCD 1260, 71v.
84. TCD 1260, 72r.
85. TCD 1260, 73r–74r and also 79v–80v.
86. TCD 1260, 73v–74r.
87. On June 3, the Holy Office approved the decision, and on June 6, a letter forwarding a copy of the letter to Ancona was composed and signed by Cardinal Marescotti. It seems to have reached Ancona on June 10. TCD 1260, 75v, 76v, 78r.
88. Letter from Ancona to the Holy Office in Rome from June 21, 1711, TCD 1260, 77r.
89. TCD 1260, 80v–81v.
90. He later said they fit the older daughter but “they did not go on the younger daughter’s feet.”
91. TCD 1260, 83r–84r.
92. TCD 1260, 84r–85v.
93. TCD 1260, 86r–88r.
94. TCD 1260, 88r–92r.
95. TCD 1260, 93r.
96. The cover letter attached to the testimony is on TCD 1260, 95r; the testimony is on 96r–97v.
97. The Historical Register, no. XXIV (1721), 347–348.
98. Caliò, “L’omicidio rituale nell’Italia del settecento,” esp. 478–479; Caliò, La leggenda dell’ebreo assassino, esp. 85.
99. IV Lateran Council, Canon 18. Norman P. Tanner, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1990).
100. Fosi, Papal Justice, 2.
101. By the middle of the eighteenth century, there was a saying that championed the weakness of the Polish state: “Polska nierządem stoi” (Poland stands by the lack of government [anarchy]). On this topic in English, see Jerzy Lukowski, Disorderly Liberty: The Political Culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Eighteenth Century (London: Bloomsbury, 2010).

8. The “Enlightenment” Pope Benedict XIV and the Blood Accusation

1. A classic example of this adulation is Renée Haynes, Philosopher King: The Humanist Pope Benedict XIV (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970). For the most recent example, see Rebecca Marie Messbarger, Christopher M. S. Johns, and Philip Gavitt, eds., Benedict XIV and the Enlightenment: Art, Science, and Spirituality (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016). Typically, and still strikingly, not a single chapter in this volume is devoted to Jews, a topic that would have tarnished the premise of the book.
2. For example, Mario Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” Storia d’Italia: Annali 11–12 , no. Gli ebrei in Italia (1997): 1069–1087; Marina Caffiero, Battesimi forzati: storie di ebrei, cristiani e convertiti nella Roma dei papi (Forced Baptisms] (Rome: Viella, 2004); Nicola Cusumano, “I papi e le accuse di omicidio rituale: Benedetto XIV e la bolla ‘Beatus Andreas,’ ” Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica 1 (2002): 7–35; Nicola Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale nel settecento: il carteggio tra Girolamo Tartarotti e Benedetto Bonelli, 1740–1748 (Milan: UNICOPLI, 2012).
3. The work consists of four volumes, libri, in five tomes; Prospero (Benedict XIV) Lambertini, De servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione (Bologna: Formis Longhi excusoris archiepiscopalis, 1734–1738). The first volume of a modern bilingual Latin-Italian edition appeared in 2010, with the rest to follow; Pope Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione (Vatican City: Libreria editrice vaticana, 2010–).
4. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 302. Lib. I, cap. XIII, no. 9.
5. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, vol. III / 1, 161. Lib. III, cap. VII. no. 2. A full chapter devoted to Promotor Fidei is in Lib. I, cap. XVIII.
6. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1. Lib. I. cap. V.
7. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 119. Lib. I, cap. II, no. 7.
8. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1. Lib. III. caps. XI–XVIII.
9. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 320. Lib I, cap. XIV, no. 1.
10. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 322–323. Lib. I, cap. XIV, no. 3.
11. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III/1.Lib. III, cap. XIV.
12. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 324–325. Lib. I, cap. XIV, no. 4.
13. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 325–329. Lib. I, cap. XIV, nos. 4–5. This erroneous date is also in the 1734 edition.
14. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 329. Lib. I, cap. XIV, no. 5.
15. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 303. Lib. I, cap. XIII, no. 10.
16. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 375, 377, 381. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 4, 5, 6.
17. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 380. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6. Lambertini referred here to ASV, A.A. Arm I–XVIII 6495, “Processus et sentential contra quosdam Hebraeos qui in Civitate Tridentina immanter occiderun puerum duorum annorum Christianum nomine Simonem, die veneris sancti die 24 Martii 1475,” discussed in Chapter 2.
18. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 380. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6.
19. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 2, 95–100. Lib. I, cap. XLII, nos. 8–10.
20. Lambertini, De servorum Dei, vol. IV, part II, 153. Lib. IV, pars Secunda, cap. XVII, no. 15.
21. Maria Pia Donato, “Reorder and Restore: Benedict XIV, the Index, and the Holy Office,” in Benedict XIV and the Enlightenment (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 227–252; Maria Pia Donato, “Gli “strumenti” della politica di Benedetto XIV: Il ‘Giornale De’ Letterati’ (1742–1759),” Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica, no. 1 (1997): 39–61. Also see Caffiero, Forced Baptisms, 4. Lambertini’s historical overview of the development of formal procedures was also designed to show that, even in the earliest days of the Christian Church, information about candidates for sainthood was sent to the bishop of Rome, the pope, “because decisions of the individual bishops about the veneration of martyrs and confessors could not have authority in the universal Church.” Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, on I / 1, 196. Lib. I, cap. VII, no. 1, also cap. IV.
22. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 380. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6.
23. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, I / 1, 612–613. Lib. I, cap. XXIX, no. 13.
24. Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale.
25. On Abeles, see Elisheva Carlebach, The Death of Simon Abeles: Jewish-Christian Tension in Seventeenth Century Prague (New York: Center for Jewish Studies, City Universiy of New York, 2001); Howard Louthan, Converting Bohemia: Force and Persuasion in the Catholic Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 301–316; Rachel L. Greenblatt, To Tell Their Children: Jewish Communal Memory in Early Modern Prague (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 161–165.
26. Their reports were published in Joannes Eder, Virilis constantia pueri duodennis Simonis Abeles in odium fidei ‡ judaeo parente Lazaro Abeles: Pragae crudeliter occisi 21 februarij anno 1694 (Prague: Typis Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae, 1696), 37–38, 39–40, 44–47; Joannes Eder and Paolo Medici, Patimenti e morte di Simone Abeles, trans. Paolo Medici (Firenze: Piero Martini, 1705), 62, 65–66, 73–77.
27. Eder, Virilis Constantia, ch. XVII; Eder and Medici, Patimenti, ch. XVII. ARSI, Boh 108-I, 273–276, 466–467. See also Louthan, Converting Bohemia, 303.
28. Carlebach, The Death of Simon Abeles, 37. Greenblatt, To Tell Their Children, 162–164.
29. On this, see Louthan, Converting Bohemia, 305–310. For example, Crudelis judaeorum perfidia amabili christianae fidei constantia ab hebraeo adolescente Simone Abeles superata, pro theatro exhibita ab infima grammatices classe, Collegii Academici Societatis Jesu, Olomucii Anno M.DCC.XXXVI, (Prague, 1736). See also Marcin Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar rzekomych żydowskich morgów rytualnych na historycznych ziemiach litewskich XVII-XIX wieku,” in Socialiniu Tapatumu Repreznetacijos: Lietuvos Didżiosios Kunigaikśtystes Kulturoje (Vilnius: 2010), 321–327.
30. The judicial narrative was Processus inquisitorius (Prague: Endter, 1696). The narrative focusing on Simon Abeles’s “martyrdom” and apotheosis was authored by the Jesuit Eder, Virilis constantia; Eder and Medici, Patimenti.
31. Carlebach, The Death of Simon Abeles, 33–34.
32. Rachel Greenblatt discusses this song in detail, Greenblatt, To Tell Their Children, 162–165.
33. On the medieval tropes of martyrdom and sacrifice in Judaism, see Israel Jacob Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); Jeremy Cohen, Sanctifying the Name of God: Jewish Martyrs and Jewish Memories of the First Crusade (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006).
34. On Maximi fructus monitum, see Chapter 6. Cardinal Ganganelli mentioned it in 1759 in his report; Cecil Roth, The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jew (London: Woburn Press, 1935), 52.
35. See Chapter 6.
36. Johann Christoph Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen wegen einiger die Judenschafft angehenden wichtigen Sachen (Leipzig: Heinichen, 1705), 28ff. On Wagenseil and Sulzbach, see R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 216.
37. Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen. Part two starts on p. 127.
38. Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen, 166–173, 191–192.
39. Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen, 150–152, 172–196.
40. Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen, 189ff. I discuss the role of Tiberino’s narrative above in Chapter 2.
41. Wagenseil, Benachrichtigungen, 182.
42. Jacques Basnage, Histoire des juifs 9,2 (13) (La Haye: Scheurleer, 1716), ch. XIII, no. XVII, 371–393. Also see Jacques Basnage, Histoire des juifs 9,3 (La Haye: Scheurleer, 1716), 914–915; Adam Sutcliffe, Judaism and Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 84.
43. Basnage, Histoire des juifs 9,2 (13), 371–372.
44. Basnage, Histoire des juifs, 374.
45. Basnage, Histoire des juifs, 375.
46. Basnage, Histoire des juifs, 375–378. Hugh in Lincoln in 1255 was the first such case, according to Basnage.
47. Basnage, Histoire des juifs, 376.
48. Although enmity and political and economic goals might have been behind the murder accusations, theological benefits motivated host desecration accusations. Basnage asked, “But of what utility was this crime to the Jews, who thereby exposed themselves most surely to the most cruel tortures? It seems that the Jews have fallen into such excesses, only to give the Transubstantiers an opportunity to persecute them.” Basnage, Histoire des juifs 9,2 (13), 381. Recently Mitchell Merback argued that stories of host desecration were frequently manufactured postfactum to justify anti-Jewish violence; Mitchell B. Merback, Pilgrimage & Pogrom: Violence, Memory, and Visual Culture at the Host-Miracle Shrines of Germany and Austria (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
49. Eder and Medici, Patimenti. On the events of 1705, see Chapter 7.
50. Paolo Sebastiano Medici, Riti e costumi degli ebrei confutati (Madrid: Luc’Antonio de Bedmar, 1737), 82–83. I use the 1737 edition, because it is also the one used by Benedetto Bonelli in his work on Simon of Trent. On Medici and Abeles, see Marina Caffiero, “Alle origini dell’antisemitismo politico: L’accusa di omicidio rituale nel sei-settecento tra autordifesa degli ebrei e pronunciamenti papali,” in Les racines chrétiennes de l’antisemitisme politique (fin XIXe–XXe siècle) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2003), 30–32.
51. Medici, Riti e costumi (1737), 323.
52. Giulio Morosini, Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei (Rome: Nella Stamparia della Sacra Congregazione de Propaganda Fide, 1683), 1394–1403, esp. 1398. Although Morosini denied blood accusations, he did not deny the killing in odio.
53. “La morale giudaica e il mistero di sangue,” La civiltà cattolica V (1893): 273.
54. Benedetto Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica: sul martirio del Beato Simone da Trento nell’anno MCCCCLXXV da gli ebrei ucciso (Trent: Per Gianbattista Parone Stampator vescovile, 1747). Medici’s statement is on p. 19; On Bonelli, see Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale.
55. Bonelli devoted only one chapter of just over forty pages to Basnage, but nearly two hundred pages to Wagenseil.
56. Some of this effort is described in Bonelli’s correspondence with the learned Girolamo Trattarotti, published in the source appendix in Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale.
57. Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale, 221.
58. Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale, 222.
59. Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 36–37.
60. Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 31.
61. Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 179 ff.
62. Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 187–188.
63. Bonelli, Dissertazione apologetica, 179–180, also in a different context, 207–211.
64. Bernhard Fresacher, Anderl von Rinn: Ritualmordkult und Neuorientierung in Judenstein 1945–1995 (Innsbruck-Wien: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1998), 19. M. A. Katritzky, Healing, Performance and Ceremony in the Writings of Three Early Modern Physicians: Hippolytus Guarinonius and the Brothers Felix and Thomas Platter (Farnham, UK: Ashgate, 2012), 90.
65. Katritzky, Healing, 91. See also Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar,” 318–322. Georg R. Schroubek, “The Question of Historicity of Andrew of Rinn,” in Ritual Murder: Legend in European History, ed. Susanna Buttaroni and Stanisław Musiał (Cracow: Association for Cultural Initiatives, 2003), 159–180.
66. Ignatius Zach, Ausführliche Beschreibung der Marter, eines heiligen und unschuldigen Kinds Andreae, von Rinn, in Tyrol, und bistumb Brixen: Welches von denen Juden aus angebohrnem Hass gegen Christum, und gesambten seiner Christenheit Grausam Gequälet und ermordet worden (Augsburg: Verlag Matthias Wolff, 1724).
67. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 378. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6.
68. The image of the killing was covered up when the cult was abolished in 1989; for the remaining three images, see Fresacher, Anderl von Rinn, 11, 15, 16.
69. Hadrian Kembter, Acta pro veritate martyrii corporis & cultus publici B. Andreae Rinnensis pueruli anno MCCCCLXII Die 12. Julii in odium fidei occisi, collecta, variis notis illustrata & proposita ab Adriano Kembter (Oeniponti: Wagner, 1745).
70. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 378. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6.
71. He discussed it in his letter Beatus Andreas; Pope Benedict XIV, Benedicti XIV Pont. Opt. Max. olim prosperi cardinalis de Lambertinis bullarium, 17 vols., vol. 3 / 2 (Prati: Typographia Aldina, 1847), 213–225. In Italian, Pope Benedict XIV, Lettera della Santità di Nostro Signore Benedetto Papa XIV a Monsignore Benedetto Veterani Avvocato Concistoriale e Promotore della Fede ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1755).
72. “Beatus Andreas,” § 4, in Benedict XIV, Bullarium 3 / 2, 214. The date in the Roman calendar is “decimo octavo kalendii Ianuarii 1753.” The Italian version has a Gregorian date, Benedict XIV, Lettera, 7. The decree was printed in Rome; Pope Benedict XIV, Officium proprium Beati Andreae innocentis, et martyris Rinnensis: a clero seculari, & regulari Diocesis Brixinensis die XII Julii recitandum / juxta S. D. N. Benedicti XIV decretum. (Rome: ex Typographia Reverendae Camerae Apostolicae, 1754).
73. On Beatus Andreas, see Cusumano, Ebrei e accusa di omicidio rituale; Cusumano, “I papi e le accuse.” On the cult of Andreas of Rinn, see Fresacher, Anderl von Rinn.
74. Beatus Andreas § 1, 5, 8, 13, 29, also less explicitly, § 10, 20, 23, 25,
75. Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” 1072.
76. Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” 1073. On this concern in Poland, see Magda Teter, Jews and Heretics in Catholic Poland: A Beleaguered Church in the Post-Reformation Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006)
77. Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” 1074–1077. See also Caffiero, “Alle origini dell’antisemitismo politico.” On the conversionary tendencies, see also Caffiero, Forced Baptisms.
78. On the jubilee of 1750, see Stefania Nanni, “Anno di rinnovazione e di penitenza: anno di riconciliazione e di grazia: il giubileo del 1750,” Roma moderna e contemporanea 5, nos. 2 / 3 (1997): 553–587.
79. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 236, 5r–v, 30v; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 263, 5; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 379, 73r.
80. The encyclical from June 26, 1749, Pope Benedict XIV, Benedicti XIV Pont. Opt. Max. olim Prosperi Cardinalis de Lambertinis bullarium, 17 vols., vol. 3 / 1 (Prati: Typographia Aldina, 1847), § 16, 27, 29. pp. 118–132. On views of the Jews in Poland by nuncios, see for example, Henryk Damian Wojtyska, ed. Aloisius Lippomano (1555–1557), vol. 3 / 1, 276–277.
81. Rosa, “La Santa Sede e gli ebrei nel settecento,” 1077–1080. For the release of the encyclical, see ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 380, 231r, 227r–330v. A Quo Primum is discussed in Gershon David Hundert, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A Genealogy of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 59–63; Teter, Jews and Heretics, 89–90. The dispatch from Rome contained two other communications from Benedict XIV, one regarding private prayer houses in home and another on an creation of two archbishoprics; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 380, 213ff; for the encyclical against private prayer houses, see Benedict XIV, Bullarium 3 / 1, 286–296.
82. Benedict XIV, Bullarium 3 / 1, 298.
83. Benedict XIV, Bullarium 3 / 1, § 4–5 on 298–299.
84. “Contro la mente di Papa e il tenore della Pontificia nota lettera circolare,” ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 368, 104v. For example, in 1752, a legal fight erupted over rebuilding a synagogue in Piotrków, ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 267, 101r–102v, 143r–144r
85. I. Galant, “Zhertvy ritualnogo obvinenya be Zaslave v 1747 g: po aktam Kievskago Tsentralnago Arkhiva,” Evreiskaia starina 5, no. 2 (1912); I. Galant, “Ritual’nyi protsess v Dunaigorod’e 1748 godu,” Evreiskaia starina 4 (1911). Also see Magda Teter, Sinners on Trial: Sacrilege after the Reformation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 211ff.
86. Odoricus Rinaldi, Annales ecclesiastici ab anno quo desinit Card. Caes. Baronius MCXCVIII usque ad annum MDXXXIV Tomus XIII (Cologne: Sumptibus Ioannis Wilhelmi Friessem, 1692). Sicut Iudaeis is on 37 under 1199.54 and on 425 under 1235.20; Lachrymabilem on 441–442 under 1236.48; and the 1247 bull on 581 under 1247.83–84.
87. Kajetan Sołtyk et al., Dekret o zamęczenie przez żÿdow dziecięcia katolickiego, ferowany w grodzie żytomirskim. a naprzod kopia listu I. W. Imci Xiędz Kaietana Sołtyka, Biskupa emauseńskiego, koadiutora kiiowskiego, do J. O. Xiążęcia Imci Arcybiskupa lwowskiego, z żytomierza; list do arcybiskupa lwowskiego (1753). The text was more recently published in Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII Wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995). See also Hanna Węgrzynek, “Deputacje żydów polskich do stolicy apostolskiej w drugiej polowie XVIII w.,” Kwartalnik historii żydów, no. 3 (2001): 320–321; Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar,” 329–330; Jolanta Żyndul, Kłamstwo Krwi: Legenda Mordu Rytualnego Na Ziemiach Polskich w XIX i XX Wieku (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Cyklady, 2011), 42–43; Paweł Maciejko, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755–1816 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 103–104.
88. Sołtyk et al., Dekret o zamęczenie,]a[verso.
89. “w pień wyciąć” on]a[verso.
90. Sołtyk and al., Dekret o zamęczenie,]a[verso.
91. Sołtyk and al., Dekret o zamęczenie, Bv.
92. Sołtyk and al., Dekret o zamęczenie, “Relacya o exekucyi tegoż dekretu.”
93. Zgliński, “Nagrobki i kult ofiar,” 329–330. Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi, 42–43, 261–262, and images following 262.
94. On Jewish reactions to this and other trials in the middle of the eighteenth century, see Węgrzynek, “Deputacje żydów polskich.”
95. Letter from the Amsterdam Sephardic Jewish Community to the Sephardic community in Ferrara, July 16, 1753, translated by Evelyne Oliel Grausz, “Communication and Community: Multiplex Networks in the 18th Century Sephardi Diaspora,” Early Modern Workshop 7 (2010), http://www.earlymodern.org.
96. Letter to the Sephardic community in Ferrara, July 16, 1753, in Oliel Grausz, “Communication and Community.”
97. Letter to the Sephardic community in Ferrara, 14 Tammuz, 5513 (July 16, 1753), in Oliel Grausz, “Communication and Community.”
98. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 382, 274r. For the text of the memoriale, see ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 266, 217r–v.
99. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 266, 217r–v.
100. ASV SEgr. Stato Polonia 369, 230v; ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 266, 216r–v.
101. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 368, 53r–v.
102. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 369, 230v–231r.
103. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 370, 489r–v, also ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 266, 226r.
104. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 382, 362r.
105. Benedict XIV, De servorum Dei, III / 1, 378. Lib. III, cap. XV, no. 6.
106. ASV Nunziatura Varsavia 94, 24–32. Israel’s name is spelled as “Isdrael.”

9. Cardinal Ganganelli’s Secret Report

1. Zelig’s name appears differently in non-Jewish sources, Jacob Zelig, Selek, Zelikowicz, etc., but in Hebrew sources his name is consistently spelled as Eliyakim ben Asher Zelig.
2. Paweł Maciejko, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755–1816 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 103. The letters Zelig wrote from Rome in the spring and fall of 1758 are in Israel Halpern, ed., Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1945), 424–428, nos. 759–761. Although Majer Bałaban’s account is not without errors, he seems to have understood that Jacob Eliyakim Zelig did not receive an audience with the pope; instead Jews in Italy were able to help him reach influential cardinals who helped pass this supplication along, Majer Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit (Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1934–1935), 127–133. Still, the romantic idea that Zelig received an audience with the pope was embraced by others in Jewish historiography. Yet, as Irene Fosi has shown, the pope was removed from the process of hearing the petitions, a task that was entrusted to the curial officials, with “precise rules, ceremonies, and symbolic actions, all in the curia,” Irene Fosi, Papal Justice: Subjects and Courts in the Papal State, 1500–1750 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), 212.
3. For a letter of recommendation on behalf of Eliyakim ben Asher Zelig sent by Elia ben Raphael, the rabbi of Alexandria, from Baron Pier Guidobono Cavalchini Garofoli to Cardinal Guidobono Cavalchini, the prefect of the Congregation of the Bishops, see Umberto Cassuto, “Una lettera di racommandazione per un inviato degli ebrei polacchi al papa (1758),” Rivista israelitica (1904): 25–27.
4. ACDF, St.St. CC-5-R. Other copies of documentation related to Jacob Eliyakim Zelig’s mission can also be found in ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D; St. St. TT-2-M, fasc. 3.
5. On Benedict XIV and Beatus Andreas see Chapter 8 and Nicola Cusumano, “I papi e le accuse di omicidio rituale: Benedetto XIV e la bolla ‘Beatus Andreas,’ ” Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica 1 (2002).
6. The report was approved by the pope on January 10, 1760. See a letter of the papal nuncio in Poland, dated April 8, 1761, recounting the conversation, in ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D.
7. See Chapter 7.
8. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
9. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R. On the Viterbo case, see Chapter 7.
10. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
11. On the 1711 Ancona case, see Chapter 7, and ACDF, St. St. BB-3-F. The records of the trial are in Trinity College Library, Dublin, Ms. 1260.
12. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
13. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
14. Pope Benedict XIV, Benedicti XIV Bullarium, 3 / 1, vol. III, part 2, 213.
15. ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
16. See an inserted sheet in ACDF, St. St. CC-5-R.
17. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document A.
18. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document B.
19. Prince Radziwiłł’s order dated May 25, 1756, to investigate the case is found in AGAD, Archiwum Radziwiłłowskie XXIX, 9, fol. 83. I thank Adam Teller from Brown University for pointing me to this source. An account of the case in Italian is in ASV, Archivio Nunziatura di Varsovia 94, fols. 19r–21r. Some scholars mistakenly claimed that the Jampol case involved a child. Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 103.
20. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document C.
21. On the role of the clergy in “blood” cases, see canon 18 in the IV Lateran Council. See also Chapter 6.
22. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document C.
23. For Bishop Sołtyk’s gambling problem, see Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 103; Majer Bałaban, “Studien und quellen zur Frankistichen Bewegung in Polen,” in Livre d’hommage a la memoire du Dr. Samuel Poznański (1864–1921) (Warsaw: Otto Harrassowitz, 1927), 44.
24. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document C.
25. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document C.
26. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsovia 94, fols. 24r–27v.
27. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document D. The document can be found in three versions: the Polish original, one Latin translation made in Poland, and one copy of the Latin transcribed by the same scribe who prepared the rest of the documents. The Polish copy has Hebrew writing on it, which says that the document contains evidence against libels against Jews. Another transcript of the affair, made by the apostolic notary in Warsaw, Joseph Augustynowicz, can be found in ASV, Archivio Nunziatura di Varsovia 94, fols. 30r–32r.
28. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document dated on top, September 24, 1759.
29. For the most recent study of Frankism, see Maciejko, Mixed Multitude; chapter 4 addresses the question of the blood libel and Frankism. See also Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, esp. 241–275, 282–292. The Talmud was condemned in a 1240 disputation in Paris and then in 1553 in Rome; see Kenneth R. Stow, Jewish Life in Early Modern Rome: Challenge, Conversion, and Private Life (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007), ch. 1. For primary sources regarding the Paris disputation, see Robert Chazan, Jean Hoff, and John Friedman, The Trial of the Talmud: Paris, 1240 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2012).
30. On this, see Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, chs. 1–2.
31. Gaudenty Pikulski, Złość żydowska przeciwko Bogu i bliźniemu prawdzie y sumieniu na obwinienie Talmudystow na dowód ich zaślepienia y religii dalekiey od prawa bożego przez Moyżesza danego (Lwów: Jan Szlichtyn, 1760), 142.
32. Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 66.
33. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 66r–80v. On the debate in Kamieniec and its aftermath, see Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, ch. 3; Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 137–151.
34. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 70v–71r, 72v–73r.
35. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 75r–v. Marquardus de Susannis, Tractatus de iudaeis et aliis infidelibus (Venice: apud Cominum de Tridino Montisferrati, 1558), part I, chapter 7, no. 2, on 25. The first expulsion of Jews from France was in 1182.
36. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 75v.
37. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 76r–v.
38. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 77r–78v.
39. On the mission of Barukh Mi-Ereẓ Yavan to Nuncio Serra in Warsaw, see Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 31; Paweł Maciejko, “Baruch Yavan and the Frankist Movement: Intercession in an Age of Upheaval,” Yearbook of the Simon Dubnow Institute 4 (2005). The petition is in ASV, Acta Nunziatura Varsavia, 94, 153r–v, published in Maciejko, “Baruch Yavan,” 353–354. No mention of this contact can be found in the 1757 dispatches, see ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 270.
40. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 66r–80v.
41. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, part I, ch. IX. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 322r–324v.
42. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 148–149.
43. Supplication to the King, Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 153.
44. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 322r–324v. Karaite Jews were a sect that emerged in the ninth century and rejected the teachings of the Talmud.
45. Supplex libellus: a iudaeis Fidem Catholicam amplectentibus et baptismum expetentibus, Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo D. D. Łubieński Archi-Episcopo Leopoliensi, nunc celsissimo nominato principi primati porrectus (1759). ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 271, 324r.
46. ASV Segr Stato Polonia 237, 61v–62r.
47. Copies of the supplication of May 16, 1759, in French and Italian are in ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 35r–42v. The sectarians were referred to as anti-Talmudists by both Jews and Christians. Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 252.
48. The Polish text was published in Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 158–169. A printed Latin copy of Manifestatio judaeorum cathechumenorum ex consistorii Leopol: extracta (1759), in ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 56r–59v. See also Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 107–126.
49. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 59r, and Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 167–168. The seven points are summarized in Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 108, and his “Frankism,” YIVO Encyclopedia.
50. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 92r–93v. See also Augustin Theiner, Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae gentiumque finitimarum historiam illustrantia maximam partem nondum, 4 vols. (Rome: Typis Vaticanis, 1860–1864), 4: 155. This was also the amount mentioned in a later account by Ber of Bolechów, in which he said that a deal was reached between Stanisław Mikulski, the administrator of the Lwów diocese and the moderator of the debate, and the Jewish leaders represented by the chief rabbi of Lwów, Hayyim Cohen Rapoport. Ber of Bolechów, however, implied that the money was used to soften Mikulski to be favorable to Jews during the debate, Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 251–252.
51. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 93r–v.
52. See the letter of Stanisław Mikulski informing the nuncio about the July debate and the letter from Nuncio Serra to Secretary of State Torrigiani dated August 15, 1759, ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 60r–61v, 106r.
53. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 268–269.
54. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 107r.
55. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 296–314. On the Jews’ choice to use Christian authorities in defense, see Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 253. On Grotius, see Chapter 6.
56. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 303.
57. Serra’s dispatches of September 12, September 19, and September 26, 1759. The following dispatches from October and November only report on Jacob Frank and his followers. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272.
58. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 237, 74v.
59. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 230r–v. Cf., Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 114.
60. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, part I, ch. X.
61. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 237r. The troubling documents regarding the new converts included a Latin translation of a letter that some of Gaudenty Pikulski’s informants about Frank and his followers gave to Pikulski. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 239r–240v. For the Polish texts, see Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 327–333.
62. ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 272, 259v. See Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, esp. chs. 5–6.
63. Roth, Ritual Murder, 42, cf. 70. Vincenzo Manzini, L’omicidio rituale e i sacrifici umani con particolare riguardo alle accuse contro gli ebrei: ricerche storiche-sociologiche (Torino: Fratelli Bocca, 1925), 234.
64. Roth, Ritual Murder, 62.
65. Roth, Ritual Murder, 89.
66. My translation of the Italian. Roth mistranslated the sentence, Ritual Murder, 59, cf. 89.
67. “Memoriale del padre Virgulti,” in Domenico Rocciolo, “Documenti sui catecumeni e neofiti a roma nel seicento e settecento,” Ricerche per la storia religiosa di Roma 10 (1998): 428–432.
68. See for example, Antonius Pagius, Critica historico-chronologica in universos annales ecclesiasticos emminentissimi et reverendissimi Caesaris Cardinalis Baronii in qua rerum narratio defenditur, illustratur, suppletur, ordo temporum corrigitur, innovatur, et periodo graeco-romana, nunc primum concinnata munitur (Cologne: Allobrogum sumptibus Fratrum de Tournes, 1727); Abraham Bzowski, Annalium ecclesiasticorum post Illustriss. et Reverend. Dominum D. Caesare Baronium … Tomus XIII (Cologne: Agrippinae apud Antonium Boetzerum, 1616); Abraham Bzowski, Annalium ecclesiasticorum tomus XIV (Cologne: Agrippinae apud Antonium Boetzerum 1618). See Chapter 4.
69. On this most recently, see Caffiero, Battesimi forzati; in English, Caffiero, Forced Baptisms.
70. Roth, Ritual Murder, 45, 73.
71. Roth, Ritual Murder, 45.
72. Roth, Ritual Murder, 43, 71–72.
73. Roth, Ritual Murder, 45, 73.
74. Tranquillo Vita Corcos, Alla Sagra Consvlta Illustriss. e Reverendiss. Monsignor Ghezzi Ponente per l’vniuersità degli ebrei. Memoriale additionale ad altro dato li 26. settembre 1705 (Rome: Nella stamperia della Rev. Cam. apostolica, 1706).
75. Roth, Ritual Murder, 46, 74.
76. Roth, Ritual Murder, 56, 85.
77. Roth, Ritual Murder, 46, 74–75.
78. Ganganelli quoted here the decree from Verona 1603; Roth, Ritual Murder, 49, 78.
79. Roth, Ritual Murder, 48–49, 77–78.
80. Ganganelli here referred to Tranquillo Vita Corcos’s treatises of 1705 and 1706, which, having been printed by the official Vatican printing house, were also in the possession of the Holy Office.
81. Roth, Ritual Murder, 52, 81.
82. Roth, Ritual Murder, 53, 82. Ganganelli used very similar wording to that used by Corcos and quoted the same passage Corcos provided in his 1706 Memoriale additionale, unnumbered 17.
83. Roth, Ritual Murder, 55, 83.
84. Roth, Ritual Murder, 55, slightly different English, 85.
85. Roth, Ritual Murder, 55, 84.
86. Roth, Ritual Murder, 54, 83.
87. For a reference to Beatus Andreas in a letter from 1900 denying help to Jews, see Caffiero, Battesimi Forzati, 50–53; Caffiero, Forced Baptisms, 34–36.
88. For the text of Paul III’s bull, see Shlomo Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents, 1539–1545 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), no. 1973.
89. Roth, Ritual Murder, 90.
90. Roth, Ritual Murder, 60, slightly different English on 90.
91. Roth, Ritual Murder, 64, 94.
92. On this, see Kenneth R. Stow, Catholic Thought and Papal Jewry Policy, 1555–1593 (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1977), and other works by this author.
93. See, for example, ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 230, two printed copies of an encyclical from the newly elected Benedict XIV, following a letter dated January 28, 1741, and a printed copy of “Allocutio Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Papae Benedicti XIV” after a letter from the secretary of the state dated March 11, 1741.
94. See, for example, ACDF, St. St. P-4-H.
95. The significance of Corcos’s work being printed by the official pontifical printing house was also appreciated by the Jews, who saved many copies of the printed work for future use. See, for example, ASCER, 1Qc fasc. 10 coll. 1 inf. 4; 1Ql fasc. 11 inf 5; 1Rb fasc 8 coll. 1 inf 5; 1Va fasc. 12 coll. 12 inf. 2; 1Va fasc. 13 coll. 2 inf. 2; 2Vi fasc. 9 coll. 10 sup. 2.
96. Today the historical archive of the Jewish community in Rome does possess a copy, and a copy can be found at the Yeshiva Museum in New York City; in the nineteenth century the Jewish community in Mantua had a copy as well. Majer Bałaban suggested that copies were given to the Roman Jews, but they decided to withhold them from Zelig. This scenario is highly unlikely. There is no indication anywhere that the report was known to Jews until it was first noted in the 1860s. But even if Jews had had access to the cardinal’s report, the fact that it gave credence to Simon of Trent and Andreas of Rinn and ended with a hope for Jewish conversions would have likely been enough for Jews to decide against publishing it.
97. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, decree of the Holy Office signed by B. Veterani, assessor, dated January 10, 1760; also, ACDF St. St. CC-5-R, fasc. 12.
98. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, decree of the Holy Office signed by B. Veterani, assessor, dated January 10, 1760; also, ACDF St. St. CC-5-R, fasc. 12.
99. Two copies, one a draft with a note that the letter was to be open and one clean copy, in ACDF, St. St. T-2-D (unnumbered).
100. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 75r–v.
101. By the time Ganganelli’s report was voted on by the Holy Office, it had already been known that Antonio Eugenio Visconti, a newly appointed titular archbishop of Ephesus, was to succeed Bishop Niccolò Serra in February 1760. Serra was notified about his successor in a dispatch from Rome on November 24, 1759. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 237, 75r.
102. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 18r.
103. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 76r.
104. Cf. Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 125–126.
105. On the earlier Jewish missions to Rome, see Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 127–133.

10. Calculated Pragmatism and the Waning of Accusations

1. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 38r–39r.
2. See, for example, the privilege given by King Sigismund III in 1671, in Documenta judaeos in Polonia concernentia, ad Acta Metrices Regni suscepta, et ex iis fideliter iterum descripta et extradita (Warsaw, 1763).
3. On this, see Paweł Maciejko, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755–1816 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 124–125. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, unnumbered documents, both the printed court records in Latin and a shorter description of the execution in Polish; it also includes a Latin translation of the Polish sections of the printed materials (descriptions of the wounds on the child’s body and the execution). See also ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 35r–36r (summary of points made by Szloma Pliskowski, one of the implicated Jews), 40r–41r (Latin translations of the material printed in Polish), and 48r–57r (the Latin and Polish printed materials).
4. See Chapter 9.
5. ASV Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 65r–v and 67r–v (Polish), and 66 r–v (Latin translation).
6. Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 77.
7. Gaudenty Pikulski (?), Błędy talmutowe od samychże żydow uznane. Y przez nową sektę siapwscieciuchow, czyli contra talmudystow wyiawione (Lwów: Jan Szlichtyn, 1758).
8. See the published texts of rabbis’ responses to Frankists in part I, ch. X of Gaudenty Pikulski, Złość żydowska przeciwko bogu i bliźniemu prawdzie y sumieniu na obwinienie talmudystow na dowód ich zaślepienia y religii dalekiey od prawa bożego przez Moyżesza danego (Lwów: Jan Szlichtyn, 1760). For examples of direct parallels and verbatim phrases in Pikulski’s Złość żydowska and Błędy Talmutowe, see Pikulski, Złość żydowska, part III, ch. IX, esp. 759 and Pikulski (?), Błędy Talmutowe, “MARZEC po hebraysku nazywa sie OODER.”
9. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, part III, especially chs. VIII–X.
10. Processus judiciarius in causa patrati cruenti infanticidii per infideles judaeos (1761). The printed material was included by Nuncio Visconti in his letter from August 26, 1762, to Cardinal Corsini at the Holy Office, ACDF St. St. TT-2-D; a draft of the letter can also be found in ASV Segr. Stato Polonia 388, “Sant’Offizio.” The Wojsławice material was then republished in Polish translation in a work attributed to Kajetan Sołtyk and titled Złość żydowska in 1761 and in 1774, and, most recently, in Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII Wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995), 146–151.
11. Złosc żydowska w zamęczeniu dzieci katolickich przez list nastepuiący y dekreta grodzkie wydana. List J. O. Xcia Jmci Kaietana Sołtyka Biskupa Krakowskiego, Na Ten Czas Biskupa Emuaseńskiego, Koadjutora Kijowskiego, Do J. W. Jmci X. Biskupa Lwowskiego z Żytomierza pisany (after 1761); Złosc żydowska w zamęczeniu dzieci katolickich przez list nastepuiący y dekreta grodzkie wydana. list J. O. Xcia Jmci Kaietana Sołtyka Biskupa Krakowskiego (Lublin: Drukarnia J. K. M. y Rzeczypospolitey, 1774). Some scholars have attributed the publication of these documents to Bishop Kajetan Sołtyk. Yet the only evidence in support of that contention is that the booklet includes Sołtyk’s decree of 1753. The booklet was first published in the aftermath of the trial in Wojsławice in 1761.
12. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 35r–36r, 40r–41r. See also Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 124–125 and literature cited there.
13. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 35v.
14. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 61r.
15. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 61r.
16. For the letter in French, see ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 388, fascicolo C, 20. For the Italian version, ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, letter from Visconti to Corsini dated April 9, 1761.
17. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, letter from Visconti to Corsini, April 9, 1761.
18. ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 388, fasc. C, 31–32.
19. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, document A, dated May 16, 1761. A copy is also in ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 80r–v.
20. ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 388, fasc. C, 63–64.
21. ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 388, fasc. C, 64–65.
22. The letter of the “syndic” of the Council of Four Lands (Syndicus Generalis Synagogae Totius Regni Poloniae) to Nuncio Visconti, ASV, Segr. Stato, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 43r–v (copy), 44r (original).
23. ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 388, fasc. E, 88; fasc. F, 12; also fasc. G.
24. See, for example, ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 237, where among many dispatches regarding Frank, the majority deal with other matters; for letters about war activities and international relations, see the ciphered dispatches, Segr. Stato, Polonia 238 (1759–1768); see also Segr Stato, Polonia 385, “Minute delle lettere della Segretaria 1760–1763”; Segr. Stato, Polonia add 9, “Varia 1734–35, 1760–1761.” On the preoccupation with “heretics,” see, for example, ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 273.
25. ASV, Segr. Stato, Polonia 388, fasc. C, 68.
26. ACDF, St. St. T-2-R, “Polonia 1762.”
27. I want to thank my colleague and friend, Federica Francesconi, for disentangling this sentence.
28. Letters dated April 16, 1761, from Bishop Wężyk of Chełm and Felix Potocki to Visconti, ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 68r and 69r.
29. ACDF, St. St. T-2-R, “Polonia 1762.”
30. ACDF, St. St. T-2-R, “Polonia 1762.” Processus judiciarius in causa patrati cruenti infanticidii per infideles judaeos (1761), last page. For the text in Polish, see Złość żydowska (1774), page preceeding C.
31. Irene Fosi, Papal Justice: Subjects and Courts in the Papal State, 1500–1750 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), ch. 10, esp. 178–183.
32. ACDF, St. St. T-2-R, “Polonia 1762.”
33. ACDF, St. St. T-2-R, “Polonia 1762.”
34. See ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, section 3; and ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 4r–16v.
35. On this, see also Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 119–121. Jean-Baptiste de Ladvocat, a known Hebraist and author of books on Hebrew and biblical criticism, was also an author of a celebrated Dictionnaire geographique; see also Andrew S. Curran, The Anatomy of Blackness: Science & Slavery in an Age of Enlightenment (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 152.
36. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 4r–v.
37. ACDF, St. St. TT-2-D, report dated “Feria 2^a die 20 Septembris, 1762,” signed by Benedetto Veterani, the assessor of the Holy Office, and, on the same page, votum dated September 22, also signed by Veterani.
38. The draft, ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, document “AA” following the above votum. A clean copy can be found in ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 81r–v.
39. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 84r–v, letter from Count Heinrich von Brühl to Nuncio Visconti dated March 18, 1763.
40. Paweł Maciejko, “Baruch Yavan and the Frankist Movement: Intercession in an Age of Upheaval,” Yearbook of the Simon Dubnow Institute 4 (2005): 337.
41. The text of the apparent response, dated March 21, 1763, is preserved in ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 388, fasc. G, 36. The notarized Polish translation was published in 1763, Documenta judaeos in Polonia concernentia, 41–42.
42. Documenta judaeos in Polonia concernentia. ASV Archivio Nunziatura di Varsovia 94, 86r–92.
43. Israel Halpern, ed., Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1945), 438 no. 820, 445 no. 837. See also Majer Bałaban, “Studien und Quellen zur Frankistichen Bewegung in Polen,” in Livre d’hommage a la memoire du Dr. Samuel Poznański (1864–1921) (Warsaw: Otto Harrassowitz, 1927), 45–47; Majer Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit (Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1934–1935), 290–292.
44. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 94r. Also, ACDF, St. St. T-2-D.
45. ACDF, St. St. T-2-D, unnumbered, copy of Kleczewski’s letter and the votum of the Congregation. For the letter sent to Visconti, see ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 85r.
46. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 97r.
47. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 85r–98v.
48. Maciejko, Mixed Multitude, 125.
49. See, for example, ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 275 and 277.
50. See, especially, ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 238, for late 1763 and 1764, esp. 58v.
51. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 99r–103v, images on 100v and 101r, text of the postmortem examination on 102r.
52. On the trial in Zasław, see Magda Teter, Sinners on Trial: Sacrilege after the Reformation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 211–213, also 300 n. 243; I. Galant, “Zhertvy ritualnogo obvinenya be Zaslave v 1747 g,” Evreiskaia starina 5, no. 2 (1912). On Żytomierz, see Chapter 8 and records published in Zenon Guldon and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o Mordy Rytualne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII Wieku (Kielce: DCF, 1995), 141–146.
53. Mariani, Michelangelo. Il glorioso infante S. Simone: historia panegirica (Trent: Zanetti Stampator Episcopale, 1668), 72–73.
54. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 238, 96r.
55. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 238, 97r–v, letter from Cardinal Torrigiani to Nuncio Visconti, October 25, 1766.
56. ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 238, 99r, letter from Cardinal Torrigiani to Nuncio Visconti, November 22, 1766.
57. Halpern, Pinkas va`ad arb`a araẓot, expenses, 433–434, no. 793; the commission’s resolution, LXXXV. Bałaban, “Studien und Quellen,” 45–47; Bałaban, Le-toledot ha-tenu`ah ha-frankit, 290–292. In 1760, one red złoty was the equivalent of 18 Polish złoty. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 84. For example, in 1765–1766, one ox cost just over 10 “red złoty,” a gallon of wine cost 3.5, a gallon of vodka cost 0.5, and a gallon of beer cost 0.03.Władysław Adamczyk, Ceny w Lublinie od XVI do końca XVIII wieku. Les prix à Lublin dès le XVIe siècle jusquaa@ la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Lwów: Kasa im. Mianowskiego, 1935), 73, 79–80.
58. See, for example, the instructions prepared for the newly appointed nuncio to Poland, Angelo Maria Durini, who replaced Visconti in 1767, which focused on preventing reforms that would end laws prohibiting mixed marriages, holding offices by non-Catholics, equating conversion from Catholicism to non-Catholic denominations with apostasy, “crimes committed against the Church, the clergy, and the Catholic religion,” and many others, ASV, Segr. Stato Polonia 238, 125v–144v.
59. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 104r–130r. AGAD, Zbiór Popielów 303, 47–71. For the summary of the trial, see Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 87–88. François Guesnet is currently working on a study focusing on this case.
60. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 104r.
61. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 104v, and the Jewish supplication on 108r. AGAD, Zbiór Popielów 303, Jews’ supplication in Warsaw, 50–53.
62. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 104v.
63. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 104v.
64. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 105r.
65. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 105v.
66. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o Mordy Rytualne, 88.
67. AGAD, Zbiór Popielów 303, 50–53; a poetic appeal, 50; a description, dated April 11, of the affair submitted by Jews, 51–53.
68. AGAD, Zbiór Popielów 303, 55–59.
69. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 108r–110v.
70. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 108v.
71. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 109r. On Garampi’s views of Poland, see Larry Wolff, The Vatican and Poland in the Age of the Partitions (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 88–89.
72. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 109r.
73. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 110r.
74. See the excellent study by Wolff, The Vatican and Poland.
75. ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 112r.
76. The Polish original can be found in ASV, Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 126r–130r; Latin translation sent to Rome, 114r–125r. The Polish text has also been published in Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 151–159. More broadly on European debates about torture and the move away from its use, see John H. Langbein, Torture and the Law of Proof: Europe in the Ancien Régime (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).
77. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 151.
78. “Żadną miarą naturalnie być nie mogło.” Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 152.
79. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 152.
80. Żuchowski, Process kryminalny, 199.
81. Pikulski, Złość żydowska, 773.
82. Israel Jacob Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 236–239.
83. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 153. On Serafinowicz, see Paweł Maciejko, “Christian Accusations of Jewish Human Sacrifice in Early Modern Poland: The Case of Jan Serafinowicz,” Gal-Ed 23 (2010): 15–66.
84. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 153.
85. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 155.
86. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 155.
87. “To zdanie Ojca świętego i Stolicy Apostolskiej moc stałego wyroku mające.”
88. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 156.
89. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 88.
90. Article IV in Bartłomiej Groicki, Ten postępek wybran iest z praw cesarskich który Karolus V Cesarz wydać po wszystkich swoich państwiech, ktorym się nauka daie, iako w tych sądziech a sprawach około karania na gardle abo na zdrowiu sędziowie y każdy rząd ma sie zachować y postępować wedle boiaźni bożey sprawiedliwie, pobożnie, roztropnie y nieskwapliwie (Cracow, 1559 [1954]). See also Groicki, Porządek Sądow i Spraw Miejskich Prawa Majdeburskiego w Koronie Polskiej (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Prawnicze, 1953 [1559]), 191.
91. Article IV, Groicki, Ten postępek. Also see Langbein, Torture and the Law of Proof, 8–10.
92. Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne, 159.
93. ASV Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 133r–135v. Commissions established by the noble courts were routine at the highest level, and many were established during the 1773–1775 Sejm; see, for example, Konstytucye publiczne seymu extraordynaryinego warszawskiego pod węzłem Generalney Konfederacyi Oboyga Narodów, trwaiącego roku 1773, dnia 19. kwietnia zaczętego, a z limity y sześciu prorogacyi w roku 1775 (Warsaw: Drukarnia J. K. Mci Rzeczypospolitey u XX. Scholarum Piarum, 1775), 2: 3–287. On the role of Młodziejowski in suppressing the Jesuit order in Poland, see Wolff, The Vatican and Poland, 90.
94. ASV Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 134v–135r.
95. “Gazeta Warszawska,” no. 55, July 12, 1775, 1–2. A Latin translation of the article was sent to Rome, ASV Nunziatura di Varsavia 94, 132r–v.
96. The importance of the Grabie trial was noted by Stanisław Waltoś in his book discussing the most impactful trials and events on law in Europe. Waltoś, Owoce zatrutego drzewa: procesy i wydarzenia, które wstrząsnęły prawem (Cracow: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1978).
97. Adam Lityński, “Problem kary śmierci w Polsce 1764–1794: Z badań nad historią polskiej myśli prawniczej,” Czasopismo prawno-historyczne 40, no. 2 (1988); Mariusz Affek, “Il pensiero giuridico di Cesare Beccaria e di Giacinto Dragonetti nella Polonia del settecento,” Studi Storici 31, no. 1 (1991); Małgorzata Pilaszek, “W poszukiwaniu prawdy: O działalności sądów w Koronie XVI–XVIII w.,” Przegląd historyczny 89, no. 3 (1998): 366, 372.
98. See, for example, Pilaszek, “W poszukiwaniu prawdy.”
99. Groicki, Porządek sądow, 131.
100. Article IV, Groicki, Ten postępek.
101. Article XVI, Groicki, Ten postępek.
102. Article XVII, Groicki, Ten postępek.
103. Article XVII, Groicki, Ten postępek.
104. Articles XVII–XVIII, Groicki, Ten postępek.
105. Pilaszek, “W poszukiwaniu prawdy,” 374, 379.
106. See these works by Bartłomiej Groicki: Porządek sądów y spraw mieyskich (Przemyśl: Drukarnia Societatis Jesu, 1760); Postępek wybrany iest z praw cesarskich (Przemyśl: Drukarnia Societatis Jesu, 1760); and Tytuły Práwá Maydeburskiego (Przemyśl: Drukarnia Societatis Jesu, 1760).
107. Pilaszek, “W poszukiwaniu prawdy,” 379.
108. Affek, “Il pensiero giuridico,” 111–120.
109. Fosi, Papal Justice, chs. 7 and 10, 180–183.
110. Lityński, “Problem kary śmierci w Polsce.”
111. Wolff, The Vatican and Poland, 23, 64.
112. Stanisław Wodzicki, Wspomnienia z przeszłości od roku 1768 do roku 1840 (Cracow: Drukarnia Leona Paszkowskiego, 1873), 198–204, quote on 203. The cases are briefly discussed in Guldon and Wijaczka, Procesy o mordy rytualne: 40 (Chrzanów), 41 (Olkusz), 79–80, and 159–162 (Izbica Kujawska).
113. For example, Helmut Walser Smith, The Butcher’s Tale: Murder and Anti-Semitism in a German Town (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003), 111.
114. There were a small number in the first half of the nineteenth century, but a resurgence of accusations took place mostly after 1880. For an excellent study of accusations in this period in Poland see Żyndul, Kłamstwo krwi. For Germany, see Smith, The Butcher’s Tale, 112–133.
115. For example, Lippmann Hirsch Loewenstein, Damascia die Judenverfolgung zu Damaskus und ihre Wirkung auf die öffentliche Meinung nebst Nnachweisungen über den Ursprung der gegen die Juden wiederholten Beschuldigung, als bedienten sie sich des Menschenblutes bei Rituellen Zeremonien (Frankfurt a.M: Loewenstein, 1841); Corrado Guidetti, Pro Judæis: Riflessioni e Documenti (Roux e Favale, 1884); Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900).
116. Caffiero, Battesimi, 19–20; Caffiero, Forced Baptisms, 7.
117. It was published in German translation in 1888 by A. Berliner as Gutachen Ganganelli’s—Clemens XIV—Angelengenheit der Blutbeschuldigung der Juden (Berlin: Ph. Deutch, 1888); then in the original by Loeb, “Un memoire de Laurent Ganganelli sur la calomnie du meurtre rituel” in Revue des études juives (1889), 179–211; and then with additional materials, by Moritz Stern in his Die Päpstlichen Bullen.

Epilogue

1. Żuchowski, Process Kryminalny (after 1720), 116–117.
2. See Eugene M. Avrutin, The Velizh Affair: Blood Libel in a Russian Town (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018).
3. Hillel J. Kieval, “Representation and Knowledge in Medieval and Modern Accounts of Jewish Ritual Murder,” Jewish Social Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): 52–72. See, for example, Sergei Aleksandrovich Bershadskii, ed., Dokumenty i Regesty K Istorii Litovskikh Evreev (St. Petersburg, 1882); Auguste Molinier, Enquête sur un meurtre imputé aux Juifs de Valréas (Paris: H. Champion, 1883); Corrado Guidetti, Pro Judæis: Riflessioni e documenti (Roux e Favale, 1884); P. Ghinzoni, “Simone di Trento: nuovi documenti,” Archivio Veneto 19, no. 37 (1889); Henri de Grézes, Saint Vernier (Verny, Werner, Garnier), martyr, patron des vignerons en auvergne, en Bourgogne et en Franche-Comte, sa vie, son martyre et son culte (Clermont-Ferrand: L. Brustel, 1889); Adolf Neubauer and Moritz, Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgungen während der Kreuzzüge (Berlin: Simion 1892); “La morale giudaica e il mistero di sangue,” La Civiltà cattolica V (1893); Jacobs, “St. William of Norwich,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, no. 4 (1897): 748–755; Joseph Reinach, Une erreur judiciaire sous Louis XIV: Raphaël Levy (Paris: Delagrave, 1898); Moritz Stern, Die Päpstlichen Bullen über die Blutbeschuldigung (Munich: August Schupp, 1900); Guiseppe Divina, Storia del Beato Simone da Trento (Trent: Artigianelli, 1902.); Menestrina, “Gli ebrei a Trento,” Tridentum (1903); Umberto Cassuto, “Una lettera di racommandazione per un inviato degli ebrei polacchi al papa (1758).” Rivista israelitica (1904): 25–27; Galant, “Ritual’nyi protsess v Dunaigorod’e 1748 godu,” Evreiskaia starina 4 (1911); Galant, “Zhertvy ritualnogo obvinenya,” Evreiskaia starina 5, no. 2 (1912); Kuzmin, Materialy k Voprosu ob obvineniakh evreev (1913); Giorgio Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce: la persecuzione degli ebrei nella storia (Corfu: Tip. Corai, 1891).
4. Grèzes, Saint Vernier.
5. Cecil Roth, The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jew (London: Woburn Press, 1935), 106–109.
6. “Christians and Jews: Towards Better Understanding,” Wiener Library Bulletin 13, no. 3–4 (1959): 60.
7. Roth, Ritual Murder.
8. On the Beilis affair, see Ezekiel Leikin, The Beilis Transcripts : The Anti-Semitic Trial That Shook the World (Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson, 1993); Robert Weinberg, Blood Libel in Late Imperial Russia: The Ritual Murder Trial of Mendel Beilis (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2014).
9. Jill Lepore, “Hard News: The State of Journalism.” New Yorker, January 28, 2019, 24.