(I) pp. 49–52
Administrative Measures of ‘Shāh Abbās
FIRST then after his arrival in Casbin [Qazvīn] having heard from his Vizir and the relation of Xa-Hammadaga [Shāh Ahmad Agha] who had not only spoiled his subjects in their substances, but also of all orders and just form of government which it now hath, and given them by that means more matter of disunion than union, insomuch that they were full of thieves, of vagabonds, of factions, and such like insolencies: he judged it fit to reduce it to the more peaceable and obedient to give it in those cases a good condition of government; whereupon he presently dispatched that Xa-Hammadaga—a terrible and resolute person—with full power and authority, for the reformation of those disorders; who, in a short time, though with more terrible examples, reduced all the provinces to a united tranquillity with mighty reputation.
Whilst he was busied in that administration, the King, to show that it was necessity that counselled to give him that excessive authority, and to preserve it from being odious to himself, appointed in the chief city of every province a governor elected of those of most valour. To him he joined two judges of criminal and civil causes, a treasurer, two secretaries, with an excellent president, and two advocates general for the causes both particular and general of the whole province besides the particular advocate of every city, which should be resident in that metropolis.
These determined all causes within themselves of those provinces in which they had the administration; and because they should neither be burdensome to the provinces, nor corrupt in partializing, the King paid them their stipend, enjoining them upon pain of life, to take no other sort of reward.
And because such things and causes might fall out as by reason of the importance of them, or appellations of the parties, might be brought before himself; because he would ever know what he did and be continually informed not only of the general state of the provinces but of their particular administration, he ordained posts once every week from all parts to bring all sort of relations to the court; for which cause also he willed that one of the two general advocates should ever be resident there; who, receiving those relations, presenteth them to the Vizir, and he to the King.
The Vizir sitteth every morning in council about the general state of all the King’s provinces, accompanied with the King’s Counsel, Advocates resident, and Secretaries of State. There are all matters heard, and the opinions of the council written by the Secretaries of State; then after dinner the council—or such a part of them as the King will admit—present those papers, of which the King pricketh those he will have proceed, and the rest are cancelled; which being done, the council retire them again to the Vizir, and then determine of the particular business of the King’s house.
The King himself every Wednesday sitteth in the council publicly, accompanied with all those of his council and the aforesaid Advocates. Thither come a flood of all sorts of people, rich and poor, and of all nations without distinction; and speak freely to the King in their own cases, and deliver every one his own several bill which the King receiveth; pricketh some and rejecteth others to be better informed of. The Secretaries of State presently record in the King’s book those which he hath pricked, with all other acts then by him enacted; the which book is carried by a Gentleman of the Chamber into his chamber where it ever remaineth; and woe be to his Vizir if after the King hath pricked bill or supplication it be again brought the second time.
When he goeth abroad to take the air or to pass the time in any exercise, the poorest creature in the world may give him his supplication, which he receiveth, readeth, and causeth to be registered; and one request or complaint is not ordinarily brought to him twice.
Though these be great ways, wise ways, and just ways to tie unto him the hearts of any people; yet the nature of those is so vile in themselves that they are no more nor longer good than they are by a strong and wisely tempered hand made so: the country not being inhabited by those nobly disposed Persians of which there are but a few—and those few are as they ever were—but being mightily wasted by the inundation of Tamberlaine; and Ismael afterwards making himself the head of a faction against the Ottoman’s, and by that reason forced to re-people his country to give himself strength of men against so potent an adversary, calling in Tartars, Turcomans, Courdines [Kurds], and of all scum of nations, which though they now live in a better country, yet have not changed their bad natures; though, as I said, so careful and truly princely a regard of the King for the establishment of good and just orders for the government of this country in equity, general security, and tranquillity had been of sufficient ability to have bound the hearts of people unto him: yet knowing what his were, and to leave no means unacted which might both assure them more, and himself with them (because he knew that their own dispositions, which were evil, would never rightly judge of the cause of many rigorous examples that had passed; which, by that fault in them, had engendered him hatred amongst them); to purge their minds from that sickness and gain them the more confidently, he determined to shew that if there were any cruel act brought forth it did not grow from himself but from necessity; wherefore he displaced by little—finding particular occasions daily against some or other—all the whole Tymarri [Timariots]1 of his estate, as though from them had grown all such disorders as had corrupted the whole government; sending new ones—and a great part of them Gheytaners [gypsies]—to their possessions, with more limited authority, and more favourable to the people.
The old ones, part he cashiered, part he distributed in Gheylan [Gīlān] and Mazandran [Māzandarān] which he had new conquered; so that by that art the people began to rest exceeding well satisfied, and himself the more secured; those which succeeded them being bound to his fortune, and those which were removed also: being disposed in the new conquered provinces, which they were bound to maintain in security for their own fortunes which depended only upon their preserving them for the King.
(II) pp. 58–63
The Treachery of Farhād Khān
Thirty thousand men the King took with him for that war: twelve thousand harquebusiers which bare long pieces, half a foot longer than our muskets, slightly made, the bullet of the height of caliver [calibre] which they use well and certainly; and eighteen thousand horse, which may seem a small troop in these places, where the wars are carried with innumerable multitudes.
But the King of Persia’s judgement agreeth with that of the best experienced captains: that multitudes are confusers of orders and devourers of time, and of those means which nourish the wars, and are good for no other use but to make a war soon break off, and to consume the world. This army, being chosen out from all his forces of elected good men, he carried into Corasan [Khurāsān] with wonderful expedition; and had taken it utterly unprovided if Ferrat Can’s [Farhād Khān] advertisement had not prevented his celerity: who had not only given notice to them, but to the Bassa of Tauris [Tabrīz], of the King’s purpose and his own resolution; promising them a certain victory and the delivery of the King’s own person.
A day’s journey the King passed peaceably into the country without the sight only of an enemy; himself with five thousand of the best men, accompanied with diverse of the principallest, was a kind of vanguard to the rest, which followed with Ferrat Can, Zulphir Can [Zu’l-Fiqār Khān], and Oliver-di-Can [Allah Vardi Khān], which marched softly.
The King by that means was far advanced, and being almost assured in himself that through the celerity of his coming he should find yet no enemy sufficiently able to resist him—and more confidently by the persuasion of Ferrat Can—some six hundred horse, under the leading of Useph-Aga [Yūsuf Agha] (which were sent to discover before the King’s troop) fell upon fifty thousand of the enemy, upon which sight he would fain have retired; but being so far engaged that he could not, and unable to resist so great a force: with the loss of almost all his company he was beaten back to the King’s gross, who, by the dust rising afar off, and the great noise following, imagining what it was indeed, with great and ready courage provided himself ready to fight, and dispatched messenger upon messenger to command Ferrat Can to advance unto him.
To the first Ferrat answered that it was but a troop of some few rascals, and desired the King to march on, and not trouble himself nor his army; and to diverse the like. At the last, when young Hassan Can [Hasan Khān] came from the King and told him the King’s danger, and that certainly the whole force of the enemy had charged him; he began to show fear and to call a council of the commanders, then to know what they were best to resolve of for the saving of the army, since the King had so rashly lost himself: which, when Oliver-di-Can heard, upbraiding him of treason, called upon all those which loved the King to follow him; and putting spurs to his horse, being followed by Courtchibassa [Qurchibashi] and most of the King’s guard, and many others, with all possible haste speeded to the King, who by this time was forced to sustain and retire as well as he could without disorder or show of fear. But when this troop of Oliver-di-Can was seen his men received new courage, and the enemy, which depended more upon Ferrat’s treason than their own valour, began to be exceeding amazed, doubting that it had been the whole army and that Ferrat had exchanged his treason from his master to them.
Wherefore, slacking their first fury, and rather standing at a gaze than fighting, the King commanded Useph-Aga to charge them thoroughly afresh, and not to give them time to take new courage: which he did with so good fortune that lighting upon the usurper of Corasan and his son he slew them both with his own hands, from which grew the first main flight of the enemy and the beginning of the victory for the King. The chase was desperately followed, so that in that battle and the chase were slain thirty thousand men, with the usurper king and his son, and diverse of the principal of the country taken.
That night the King pitched his tents in the place of the battle; and being informed by Oliver-di-Can and the whole army which cried out with open mouth, of Ferrat’s treason: tempering the outward show of his indignation with a compassionate feeling of man’s errors and frailty, excused the constraint and necessity of the justice which he was forced to do; protesting that though for his states and his own preservation he was at last compelled to give his justice place above the power of his love and obligation, yet what the father had rent from himself by the violence of his own misdeeds, his son should find ripened for him: who should be heir of what his father had well merited by his former services, as he hoped he would be of his virtue; praying God that his father’s vices only might die with himself.
Which, when he had said, he gave Oliver-di-Can the generalship of his army, and appointed him to do execution upon Ferrat: who, being resolved of that judgement which his double offence had brought upon him, attended ready in his tent, without fear to die or desire to live; and there received that punishment which was unworthy of his excellent parts, if he had made that true use of them which he should.
Zulpher Can, his brother, knowing that he had as highly and as much offended as his brother had, yet wanting the same courage to receive judgement which he had to offend, fled to the port of the King’s tent and there prostrated himself on the ground; whence, being called by Oliver-di-Can he denied to die anywhere but there; that the King when he should come forth might tread upon that blood which had so vilely and undeservedly offended him: which, being brought to the King by a page that wished well to Zulpher, and had some good hope of the King’s nature, that he might do the poor prince some good; after a little pause the King came forth, and beholding Zulpher lying grovelling on the ground pitied him; and despising withal his little valour: “Behold!” said he to those which stood by, “how weak a foundation reputation hath, which is not erected from a man’s own virtue!
“This man was so great yesterday that you all honoured him, and now lyeth despised before you all through his own wickedness. He hath been advanced by me for his brother’s virtues; and with the death of his brother he doth show you all that no worthiness of his own, but that which abounded in his brother (if he could have made good use of it), gave him courage also to seem capable of those honours which I bestowed on him.
“Zulpher, God forgiveth me as great sins hourly which I commit against Him, as thy fault can be to me; and since it hath pleased Him that I hold so great a place by Him here, I will also use the example of His infinite goodness for the pattern of this mercy, and refer my vengeance to Him, and give thee time to repent; and the rather because thy abjectness taketh all apprehension from me of cause to doubt thee. He never dareth hurt a King, which feareth to die.
“And remember that this is the first day of thy life in which thou must take more virtuous ways than thou hast hitherto walked in, that I may have honour by the mercy which I have showed thee, and profit by thy good services; and thyself mayest cast away far from thee by honest and good deeds, the shameful memory which men will have of thy past wicked treason.”
This was the end of that great and foul conspiracy, which gave great hope to the King’s enemies, and ending by such a providence, was the means of the King’s greater and better security; which could never have been perfect so long as so great a man had lived: both having cause to fear, and by that giving continual cause to be feared.
Next day the King marched farther into the country, and so daily advanced on without obstacle, the keys of all their towns meeting him by the way; and at last an embassage from the whole state, with a general submission: which, when he had received, having spent some time in the settling of such a government as was securest for himself, and having received the young prince, son to the first king, and diverse others of the principal of the country; having left order with Xa-Endibeague1 whom he left there with the best part of his army, which he increased afterwards to thirty thousand men—to extirpate all those which were likeliest, either through their obligation to the usurper, or through their own particular interest, to make innovation; he returned with that young prince and those prisoners into Persia.
NOTE. From Anthony’s account it would appear that Farhād did all he could to drive ‛Abbās to certain disaster on the day of this battle, by making him attack superior numbers of the enemy to whom he had privily sent information; and that the situation was only finally saved by the discovery of his treachery. Though the Persian historians relate that Farhād at the head of 5,000 men was routed by the Uzbegs (‛Alam-ārāyi- ‛Abbāsi) Teheran lith. A.H. 1314, p. 393) and himself wounded, they do not speak of his treachery but only of his cowardice and they are apparently at a loss to explain why he was handed over to Allah Vardi Khān for execution. Possibly Anthony Sherley has in this passage provided us with new and reliable data on a subject which needed further explanation. Don Juan, who was present at this battle, says that Farhād fled from the field.
1 A tīmārī was the holder of a tīmār or hereditary fief.
1 I have not been able to identify this name, which begins with Shāh and ends with beg.