APPENDIX 2

A DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE OF THE HOLY GRAIL
IN CHAPTER III of THE
HEROIC POEM TITUREL291

Sulpiz Boisserée

Translated by Melanie Kinghan

Authors’ note: Boisserée’s essay was intended as an introduction to his own edition of the section of The Later Titurel describing the Grail Temple. As this has remained untranslated until now, we decided to include it here as a point of reference to our own work. It is at times complex and almost as impenetrable as the original poem, but Boisserée’s skill and his wide reading—as well as a unique access to many of the then-existing manuscripts of the work (further copies have come to light since), make this an important document for our understanding of Albrecht’s work. (The footnotes alone, in which Boisserée explores much little-known material, is alone worth a great deal to anyone seeking to understand the origins of the Grail.) The author’s notes in general, however, are problematical in that he uses shorthand terminology no longer current. We have not attempted to update these, as this would alter the structure of the essay. Many of the original documents referenced are either outdated or exist in more modern editions. We offer this text here as a key document that casts light on both the original work of The Later Titurel and the nineteenth-century understanding of its meaning. Boisserée’s suggestion that the home of the Grail must be Salvaterra in Biscay, not far from Vittoria, on the grounds that Albrecht says, “If you go to Galicia, you will know Salvaterre,” is somewhat far fetched, though the route to Galicia was well known because of pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostella.

Some spellings, particularly of personal names and places, may differ from those found elsewhere in the book. This is due to the older forms of German in the original text, which we preferred to leave untouched. Words in square brackets have been added by the editors for the sake of clarity.

A description of the temple
of the holy grail
Sulpis Boisserée, translated by Melanie Kinghan292

The description of the Temple of the Holy Grail is the only significant writing about the art of architecture found in German poetry to date; it is also of great importance for the history of German architecture and even German poetry. Once I discovered this material, I set myself the task of critically analysing and editing it.

Following the description of the temple, it becomes apparent that the author must have seen selected works concerning German architecture in its golden age. However, careful researches of monuments and historical facts have proven that the golden age of German architecture did not begin until the second half of the thirteenth century. Moreover, there was no mention of the significant work composed in the second half of the thirteenth century, which would have given the author reason for his views on the Temple of the Holy Grail.293

By contrast, research suggests that Wolfram von Eschenbach, who was named as the author of Titurel, created his poetic works roughly between 1190 and 1230. Heinrich von Ofterdingen, Hartmann von der Ouwe, and others who he named as friends lived around this time. In 1207 Wolfram took part in the poetic competition held at the Wartburg, alongside many rulers from the same era with who he seemed to be in close affiliation.

The discrepancy between the author’s lifetime and the era of the buildings that were the basis of his description is only possible if we assume that we do not have the original text but an adaptation of it. To gain certainty, it was necessary to look at all different handwritten texts and examine them. I obtained a first confirmation in 1810 when I commissioned a transcription of the chapter in question from one of the “Heidelberg manuscripts” (handwritten), which was still in Rome at the time. My assumption was confirmed by looking at an older Titurel fragment, published by Docen in the same year, and kept in His Majesty’s Library in Munich, in which A. W. Schlegel recognized the original work of Wolfram von Eschenbach. Schlegel’s detailed evaluation in the Heidelberg Yearbooks for 1811 finally gave proof for this opinion.294 Schlegel compared the philological, metrical and poetic value of both the older and newer version [of the work] and ever since it is assumed that the younger version must be an adaptation/new edition of the Titurel.

Unfortunately, the fragment that has been investigated did not contain the chapter about the Holy Grail and only six of the nine remaining handwritten manuscripts295 contain that chapter. This means we only possess seven copies of it including the old print of 1477. Of these seven, I either took copies myself or had the kind help of people who have knowledge of our language and poetry. A comparison of all seven showed that they are all a version of the second edition of the poem. There are great differences amongst them, as already mentioned by Pueterich von Reicherzhausen in the fifteenth century; he knew of thirty different ones, which did not all show strict conformity.296

The old print edition (1477) might have the least significance and with it the richly decorated and detailed manuscript from St. Peter in the Black Forest which is now in Carlsruhe (Karlsruhe). It is very similar to the print edition and was only completed in 1431.297

The Regensburg fragment, the Berlin manuscript, Vienna manuscript of His Majesty’s Library and the younger Heidelberg manuscript follow these. All of the handwritten manuscripts are relatively identical, though none as much as the first two; the closest are the Vienna and Berlin manuscripts. On the other hand, we have the older Heidelberg handwritten manuscript, which stands alone, as it seems to have the purest second version of the poem. It is also the oldest one amongst the above-mentioned manuscripts according to language and writing, and can probably be dated in the first half of the fourteenth century.

Because of this, and the fact that it contains the chapter about the temple of the Grail in full, I took the reading of the older Heidelberg manuscript as a basis, even though it is incomplete in other respects. From that basis and the other texts, I tried to create a revised text.

This older Heidelberg manuscript also had the added value of giving me more information about the author of the second edition. In 1817, when I worked with it, I found two pages glued to the top of the manuscript. I found twenty-three verses written there, partly incomplete, written by the same hand that had written the whole codex. In these verses, the author is talking about his relationship to the original poet, the author of Titurel. He is also talking about the reasons why there was a need for a new edition. Today, those two pages are missing—no one knows how—but thankfully I made a detailed copy of both.

The author begins with the lament that the (first) poet didn’t live long enough to complete the work. Furthermore, he says that the Venetians have built a very rich temple that came with many losses of workers such as stonemasons and sculptors. New workers followed, so that the work can go on—if you cannot have the best you will have to make do with the lesser. How would the world pay tribute to von Pleinfelden (a known pseudonym of von Eschenbach), Sir Wolfram, if he were long dead! The author then sang von Eschenbach’s praises and, as much as the fragmentary text can tell us, seems to take on the task of completing the poem and writing a new version. By doing so, he then talks about the false and true arts of poetry, similar to the start of the 10th chapter (of the printed version) and then calls himself Albrecht. This name is known from other places in the print edition as well as the handwritten manuscripts, as listed below. “I, Albrecht, no weakling, I never belittle anyone” etc., he says in verse 13, and a little later in verse 15 he speaks of the fact that he does not want to take away from the praise that he (Wolfram) rightly deserves.298 Following that, he brings in another metaphor, no less significant than the first one: If someone would only see one cheek of a beautiful Lady and she was known in all kingdoms for her worthiness, it must hurt the heart of an honest man quite a lot if he never saw her again in full.

After a gap, the author then changes to a chorus of praises for his ruler. “The Prince of Bavaria he may be named, Duc Lois et Palatinus, my praise may bring him (princely) honors tenfold.” The following verses suggest that he is talking about Emperor Ludwig from Bavaria (Kaiser Ludwig der Bayer) “So many Roman roads you have!” he calls out, and finally hints at those who carry the emperor’s coat of arms, the eagle. He talks about the eagles that are fed and clothed by his emperor, and who fly far, and by that he glorifies other birds of prey such as falcons, hawks, and sparrow hawks (Dukes and Lords) in Swabia, Bavaria, and Franconia. From Austria to Flanders you can see his banners, and the author gives the eagle a twofold praise so that knights and ladies alike can look up to him even more.

Presumably the poet wrote these verses at the beginning of his work as part of an introduction, since we [only] find the mention of the name Albrecht in the younger Heidelberg manuscript from the Vienna and Hanoverian Library, towards the end. The author calls himself Albrecht and bemoans the loss of his princely ruler.299 This verse is missing in the print edition and cannot be found in the older Heidelberg manuscript, as this abruptly stops half a page short. This shows that this version was never completed. Therefore, Albrecht only finished his poem after the death of Emperor Ludwig—that is, after 1347. This also explains the last two verses of chapter 39 in the print edition, in which he bitterly bemoans the stinginess of the lords who commissioned his work.300 Following these thoughts it seems possible that he is talking about the three sons of Emperor Ludwig. It is known that they divided their inherited land into three parts. It cannot be decided whether it is the same three Lords he describes in the 64th verse of the introduction, or whether those are some other Lords entirely—but this is of no importance here.

Now we have removed all ambiguity about the first and the second author of the Titurel, the earlier contradiction regarding the history of architecture is also solved. The early fourteenth- century architecture explains the knowledge of the temple of the Grail in the Jüngerer Titurel perfectly. Also, with the newly discovered verses in mind, we have lifted the veil of doubt of those sequences where Albrecht talks about his relationship to Eschenbach. We now certainly know the meaning of this second last verse in the print:

Kyot Flegetaneise der war Herrn Wolfram gebende

Die Aventüre zu Preise, die bin ich Albrecht hier nach

Ihm aufhebende.301

(Kyot Fleganteneise was a given name of Master Wolfram, to praise the adventures that, I, Albrecht, will continue after him.)

We can also now explain the 2nd verse of the 10th chapter in the print version, which has troubled the friends of old German literature for some time:

Reime 302 die Zwiefalten dem Brakenseil hier waren

Viel ferne dann gespalten; danach die Laenge wohl von

Fünfzig Jahren

Zwiefalter Rede war diese Mare gesümet. (gesaeumet,

versaeumet.)

Ein Meister ist aufnehmende, swenn es mit Tode ein
anderer hier gerûmet. (geräumet, d.h. verlassen.)303

(Verses that had two different leaders, with a rift of fifty years. Two different authors have there been, and one master will take over from the death of another.)

It is important to know that the period of fifty years from the death of the first poet until the start of the adaption by the second poet is not to be taken literally but is only a phrase. It is assumed that it is only a shadowy figure following the description of Albrecht’s life above. According to that he will have started the adaption not earlier than 1310 or 1320, 80 or 90 years after Eschenbach’s death. It is doubtful that this verse (fifty years etc.) was inserted by Albrecht himself, but rather later on, when the specifics of both poets’ lifetimes are no longer known. It is certainly of notice that this verse is only found in the print edition, but that the four verses that follow on from it are found in the handwritten scripts that are dated much earlier. Those verses contain the poet’s defense against critics of his work.304

But who was this Albrecht? It seems to me that we have to recognize Albrecht von Scharfenberg here, who is named in the Manessian collection of Minnesingers and is highly praised by the Munich poet Ulrich Fürterer. He named him more than once in his cyclic poem about Titurel and the knights of the Round Table.305 Amongst other mentions we find the following: (Munich Codex Sheet 2, verse 17):

Albrecht von Scharffenberge,

Wäre ich mit Kunst dein Genoss!

Als ein Ries gen dem Zwerge

Also ist mein Kunst gen dir eben gross.

(Albrecht von Scharffenberge, if only I was your companion in art; like a dwarf facing a giant is my art next to yours.)

Later (sheet 44) he makes “Frau Aventüre” address him in the following way:

Ulrich so fang an,

Wie du es von Herrn Albrecht hast vernommen,

Den man nennt den von Scharfenberg;

Der Ding wahrlich ist er zu Ende gekommen.

(Ulrich, so start now, as you have heard from Master Albrecht, the one whom they call von Scharfenberg; who truly finished his thing.)

Ulrich Fürterer wrote his poem for Duke Albrecht IV around 1478306 and therefore was in the position to know details about the work of our Albrecht, who also belonged to the Bavarian dynasty one hundred and thirty years before. If those details, found on the book covers of the older Heidelberg manuscript, were known to Docen and A. W. Schlegel, they surely would have recognized the Albrecht [of der Jüngerer Titurel] as Albrecht von Scharfenberg.

So, Titurel is a Bavarian creation in every respect, just as Wolfram von Eschenbach was a Bavarian. This view does not result from the many mentions of Bavaria in the Titurel because those could be related to Albrecht von Scharfenberg, but from a specific quote in Parzival, which undoubtedly is Eschenbach’s own creation. He says there:307

Einen Preis den wir Beyern tragen,

Muss ich von Waleisen sagen

Die sind thörscher denn Beyersche Herr;

Und doch, bei mannlicher Wehr,

Wer in den zwein Landen wird

Gefuoge, ein Wunder an dem birt.

(Who works hard in both lands, will experience a wonder, he will be an amazing man.)

Pleinsfelden is located in the Upper Palatinate, right at the border of Eichstädt and Nuremberg; and the little town Eschenbach is roughly five hours away from it, in the region of Ansbach.308 Püterich von Reicherzhausen still found the poet’s grave in 1450 at the latter location in the graveyard of the church “Unserer Frauen Münster,” 309 showing his cote of arms with the harbour on the shield and on the helmet. It might be worth checking if this gravestone is still there.

Regarding the Temple of the Holy Grail (des heiligen Grales310), there is an understanding that the “Holy Grail” was the very bowl from which Christ offered his disciples the last supper—and that Joseph of Arimathea kept it hidden311 and brought it to Europe.312 After Joseph’s death no one seemed to be worthy to posses this holy vessel. Angels held it high above the earth, hovering in the air until Titurel, the son of one of the first Christian kings of France, was selected by an angel to become the Lord and King of the Grail due to his many virtues. He therefore left his homeland with a handful of devout knights, and angels brought him to Salvaterre to the mountain Montsalvatsch (Mons salvatus), which was in the middle of a great forest. Titurel built a castle on the mountain because the Grail was hovering above it.313 No doubt that this place must be Salvaterra in Biscay not far from Vittoria, since the author says: If you go to Galicia, you will know Salvaterre.314 The way to Galicia was well known because of the pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostella. Titurel also wished to build a temple for the Grail—and to enable this the Grail provided all instructions and resources. To understand this, one needs to know that the Grail, other than an oracle or the sacrament of the Holy Communion, is not just a spiritual holy object (Heiligthum) but also holds materials and producing powers. Through this, the young king was given everything that he asked for with a pure Christian sense—meat and drink, gold, gemstones, construction materials etc.315 There hung a Christian Enchantment on this vessel, so to say: it was made of Jasper exillis, and through the power of this jewel the Phoenix could burn to ashes and be reborn.316 The Grail’s greatest power however was received annually when a white dove would come down from heaven on Good Friday to put a white, round wafer on its top.317 Görres, who writes about the Grail in his introduction to the [story of] Lohengrin, therefore saw the Grail as a Christianized spiritual version of the Ethiopian Sun Table318 the Hermes Cup, of the Dschemschids [Cup of Jamshid ] and the Dionysus Cup, and of the oriental philosopher’s stone etc.319 It cannot be denied that Oriental ideas have contributed to the idea of the Holy Grail, and that they had a large influence on the Titurel and Parzival. Many legends from the Orient, and oriental names in both poems, suggest that. Further investigations would probably show that both the Kaaba in Mekka (known as the right hand of God on Earth by the Mohammedans320) and the Shahnameh by Fedusi influenced both poems a great deal.321 The poet himself says that Kyot the Provençal—by whom he got inspired—was skillful in pagan language and that parts of the Legend of Toledo was taken from some work by the pagan master Flegetaneis, who had Israeli origins. Other parts were taken from British, French and Irish chronicles.322 Since many names in both poems seem to be Arabic or have derived from the Arabic, amongst others the names of the seven planets, Görres rightly suspects that the work of Flegetaneis has been written in this language.323 The use of Arabic was also quite common in Europe in Kyot’s times (twelfth century).

Two other elements cannot be overlooked in relation to our poems: the military-religious orders, specifically the Order of the Temple, founded in 1118, and the different sects of the Oriental Christians, especially the Nestorians with their Priest-King Johann, who features towards the end in the Titurel.324 [There, we read that] due to the unworthiness of the Christians in the Occident, the Grail does not want to remain there. It is therefore brought to the Indian Christians by the Templeisen, and where Parzival later succeeds the Priest-King Johann [John ] to become the Master of the Grail.325 After the Grail’s arrival the devoted crowd desired that both the castle and the temple of Montsalvatsch should be reunited with the Grail. The wish was answered promptly, and the Indian sun was shining on those buildings the very next morning. This miracle should not appear strange: did not the Mussulmen believe that the Kaaba and Adam fell to Earth from Paradise? The stone [of the Kaaba] got lost during the great deluge and was brought back to Abraham by the Angel Gabriel.326 The same way, it was assumed possible to move a castle and a temple to India. The legend of a similar wondrous transfer of the holy house of Nazareth to Dalmatia does not seem to have had any influence on the author. Even if the miracle was believed to have happened in 1291, when the last Christian stronghold at Ptolomais got lost, word about it and its further transfer to Loretto hardly came to Europe before the fifteenth century.327

The crusades helped the poet and his predecessors to get to know the oriental Christians, since all Christians without any exception came together at the Holy Sepulchre. It is the same in our time; six oriental sects—eight even, if we count the Greek and the Latin in as well—eight nations own the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.328 Also, it was suggested recently, the Gnostic sects of the eleventh century in Southern France were seen as successors of the Priscellianitsts in Spain, to have influenced the poems about the Holy Grail.329 Looking at it closely, this presumption deserves to be considered. But I would like to point out that this influence, if it has influenced the Titurel and Parzival, can only be of poetic nature, since we cannot find actual heretical elements in either poem. It is also pointed, out on a regular basis, that the author’s religious and moral way of thinking goes in total accordance with the teachings of the Catholic Church. It is therefore due to either blindness or negligence of the German linguistics if one seeks to find traces of these disgraceful practices and wrong doings in the Titurel. Some masters of the Temple should be blamed for this, but certainly not the whole order.330

On the other hand one cannot fail to recognise that the poet has taken his clues from this chivalric order in some parts. The same way that the Knights of the Temple got their name from the Temple in Jerusalem, so the Knights of the Grail got their name from the temple of the Grail—and were called Templeisen.331 They live in a monastery and lived by the rules of Chivalry in the same way as the Knights of the Temple. But unlike them, the master of the Knights of the Grail can marry.332 Titurel and nearly all his children and grandchildren are married and in fact there are many women at the court of the cleric Knight-King, all disciplined and respectable. One might remember the monastery Ettal, surrounded by deep forests, which Emperor Ludwig the Bavarian founded for twelve married knights, lead by a likewise married master with his wife leading the wives of the knights. Another similarity between the Knights of the Grail and Knights of the Temple can be found in the actual building. Both temples are round, like the mosque that was built by khalifs between 634 and 714 on the spot where once the Temple of Solomon had been.333 Not only did the Knights of the Temple own this building, they also modeled every new church or chapel after it. Where [these were] not built in a round shape, they created a polygonal building on a circle instead. This is a shape that was only used for baptisteries or selected churches such as the Church of the Holy Sepulchre334 and some buildings from pagan times. Most Templar churches are destroyed now. Maybe the slightly different shape was one of the reasons why they were persecuted? However, a few of those buildings are still intact. I will only mention the Templar Church in London335 and a smaller one in Kobern on Mosel 336, but we do not have any pictures of those.

But enough of this—I need to come back to the temple of the Grail. So, King Titurel wanted to build a temple, worthy of the Grail, which was still hovering high up in the air. He therefore ordered to have the surface of a mountain made from pure onyx polished until it was flat and shiny. One morning he found a ground plan drawn on it, given by the wonderous force of the Grail. The stone was over a hundred fathoms wide and the Temple was round like a rotunda, in such a way that seventy-two chapels would fit around it. The chapels were octagonal and projected outward. Each was unique. The work was arched on iron/bronze pillars [ehern = erz can be both iron or bronze]. The diaphragm arches were decorated richly with beautiful artwork, all kinds of illustrations and ingenious decorations of gold and mother of pearl. The vaults were blue from sapphires with an emerald disc in the middle. The disc shows a lamb with a banner of the cross made from enamel. The windows were not made from ordinary glass but filled with beryl, crystals and many other coloured gemstones. To calm the burning radiance they also had paintings created on them.

The king ordered a tower to be built at two corners of each chapel, as they stuck out, making thirty-six towers. They surrounded the Temple, each the same, each made from eight walls and the many corners resulting from the chapel they rested upon. Each tower had six levels with three windows each and a spiral staircase inside that was also visible from the outside. In the middle rose a tower twice the size and height of the others. All the towers were made from precious jewels and gold, and the roofs were made from red-gold decorated with blue enamel. Inside the building, in the centre beneath the big tower, there was a far more splendid work, which represented the Temple in miniature and which served to hold the Grail.

I limit myself to those main outlines and have added the drawings for better understanding, following the exact description. It seems most important to me to give a general and as far as possible a clear picture of the building in order to indicate the main points that led me to the claim that the author must have seen German architectural work in its golden age.

These points are: first and foremost the projecting, octagonal chapels, which can be found a lot in old German churches, but nowhere else. Secondly the cross-ribbed vaults, decorated with a disc or capstone in the middle. Thirdly the painted windows. Fourthly the towers with the walls pierced by many windows and inner spiral staircases. Fifthly the repetition of the whole Temple in miniature, which is obviously the same as in our old German churches with their ornate, tower-like tabernacles. Some more evidence results from looking at the decorations of the chapels, altars, pews, stalls, etc., which are described in detail in the following verses.

Görres thought to have found the model church for the Temple of the Holy Grail in the Church of Sophia (Sophienkirche) in Constantinople.337 It is built in a square shape with a dome, with pillars made from the most beautiful stones. All walls and vaults show mosaic pictures and decorations on golden ground and it has a splendid inlaid floor. But firstly, the shape of this building only partly corresponds with the Temple described [by Albrecht] since the latter is round like the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Arabic temple building in Jerusalem, and not a rotunda on a square. Secondly, the Church of Sophia as well as the similarly decorated Church of St. Marcus in Venice are both missing the projecting, octagonal chapels, the ribbed vaults with capstones, the painted windows, the towers and the tabernacle-like building in the middle—whereas all these things can be found in our cathedral churches with their pointed arches from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. So, there is no doubt that the poet Albrecht had those as an example when he described his temple. But because the description of the temple features very early in the Titurel, it is very likely that it featured already in Wolfram von Eschenbach’s part of the work. In this case the author will have modeled his description mainly after the two churches in Jerusalem, as well as the Church of Sophia in Constantinople; as mentioned previously, in his day there were no significant buildings in the old German style. Therefore, it might be that those parts that remind one of an oriental church in the [Later] Titurel are parts that have been retained from the older version. The significant change in description however can be totally explained by the author’s sheer admiration for the amazing old German architecture in its golden age, a time in which Albrecht lived. Be that as it may, and let us assume that the description that lies before us has been written by the later author, it becomes then evident, that the author was mindful of the three famous churches of the Orient when he wrote his description of his building—the three churches of the Orient were well known in his time due to the crusades and pilgrimages to the holy land.

The fantastic pomposity of the material and the embellishment of the story appears to have been taken from Oriental fairy tales and poems, the description of priest Johann’s palace,338 and initially the apocalyptic description of the heavenly Jerusalem, which was stated as the perfect example whenever a new church was inaugurated.339 The heavenly Jerusalem is also clearly stated as the example of the temple in the Titurel.340

It is worth mentioning that this fairy-tale splendour of the temple of the Grail was manifested on a smaller scale in the chapel of the Holy Cross (heilige Kreuzkapelle) in the castle of Karlstein in Prague, built not long after the poem was finished. Emperor Karl IV ordered its creation within his castle to contain the Bohemian imperial insignia. It still exits, and its walls and vaults are indeed richly decorated with gold, paintings, cut agate, amethyst, chrysoprase and other colorful gemstones. And, oh the windows—of which I saw only fragments in 1811—were made from beryl and amethyst leaded with golden lead. The vaults with their ribs and capstones richly decorated with gemstones and mother of pearl show the firmament. A dainty gold-plated lattice with little bows and hooks from which pear-shaped chrysoprase and other gemstones hang freely, separates the chapel in two halves. On it and on the walls, there are more than six hundred gold-plated candelabrums, in which you can light waxen lights; these are mirrored in the big cut gemstones and richly decorated golden floors.341 Even nowadays the whole thing appears like splendour created by magic. It is even more surprising that this chapel is not recognized in our time, as it contains a rare treasure, the fourteenth-century work of two German artists: Theoderich of Prague and Nicolas Wurmser of Strassburg; and furthermore by an Italian artist Thomas de Mulina and probably also by the lesser known Johann de Marignola of Florence. The latter was a Franciscan monk who travelled to East India in service of Karl IV where, according to his own account, he decorated a church of the Saint Thomas Christians.342

Before I get to the poet’s own description of the Temple, I need to mention one or two things regarding my adaptation of it: The six handwritten manuscripts and the old print that I have used are named as followed:

The older handwritten Heidelberg manuscript	H I
The newer handwritten Heidelberg manuscript	H II
The Vienna manuscript of his Majesty’s library	W
The Berlin manuscript	B
The Regensburg manuscript	R
The Carlsruhe manuscript	C
The old print (Druck)	D

The handwritten manuscripts of the [Later] Titurel are too fragmented to be considered a consistent literary piece of work. I have therefore used the new spelling rules throughout the document to enable not only the adepts of our old German language but also the friends of German literature and art in general to read the description of the temple of the Grail; only with those words not in use anymore have I used the older spelling.

Within the verses I followed the older handwritten Heidelberg manuscript, using four lines in each verse, as this manuscript formed the basis of my research.

So, I close with grateful thoughts and appreciation to J. Grimm, registrar Dümge and Dr. E Braun for transcribing the handwritten manuscripts and to Professor Schmeller for helping me with explanations of the language.

[contents]

291. Originally published as Ueber die Beschreibung des Tempels des heiligen Grales in dem Heldengedicht: Titurel Kap III by Druck von G. Jaquet in 1834. See plate 2 for a projection of the Grail Temple ground plan after Sulpiz Boisserée.

292. Footnotes 293–342 are from the original Boisseree text.

293. See Buesching Museeum for old German literature I 27 ff.

294. P. 1086 and 1099.

295. These are:
1. The second fragment of the older Titurel from the Ambrasser collection in Vienna, published by Schottky in the Vienna Yearbooks of Literature, 8th volume 1819 Anzeigeblatt p. 28–35, print edition.
2. the older Heidelberger Handschrift (manuscript) no. 141, fragment, handwritten.
3. the younger Heidelberger Handschrift (manuscript), no. 383, handwritten.
4. the Vienna manuscript of His Majesty’s Library no. 40, handwritten.
5. the Ferstlich Dietrichsteinsche (Prince of Dietrichstein) of Vienna, fragment, handwritten.
6. the Hannover manuscript of His Majesty’s Library, fragment, handwritten.
7. the Berlin manuscript of His Majesty’s Library, formerly von der Hagen, handwritten.
8. the Regensburg manuscript of His Majesty’s Library in Munich, fragment, handwritten.
9. the Karsruhe (Carlsruhe) manuscript of the Grand Duke’s Library, formerly St. Peter monastery in the Black Forest, handwritten.

296. Adelung, Pueterich von Reicherzhausen, p. 30.

297. It finishes with the Amen from the 75th verse, 41st chapter in the old manuscript and instead of the following 13 verses you can read:
Explicit liber Tyturelis de Eschenbach
Hermanus Petri eir Notarii
Anno Dni millesimo quadringestesimo trigesimo pmo.
In die Sancti Achacii mris. Et sociorum ejus martyrum.

298. “Es ward nie bass gesprochen von keines Laien Munde, Das Lob ihm (dem Wolfram) nicht zerbrochen wird von mir Albrecht zu keiner Stunde.”

299. Die Aventüre habende bin ich Albrecht viel ganze,
Von dem Wal al trabende bin ich seit mir zerbrach der Hülfe Lanze
An einem Fürsten, den ich wohl könnte nennen,
In allen Reichen fern, in deutschen Landen möcht‘ man ihn erkennen.
Wal, Schlachtfeld; al, ganz und gar.
See Vienna and Hannover manuscript by Jacob Grimm. There and in the Heidelberg manuscript no. 385 this verse follows verse 115 and 116 in the 40th chapter of the print. Cf. Wilken Geschichte der Heidelberg. Büchersammlung p. 457.

300. Die Aventür ich des viel gern bitte,
Wie Parcifal nun werbe und Ekunat sie beide;
Ob das allhie verderbe, daran geschaerh den edlen Fürsten leide,
Die sich da lassen kosten diese Maehre
Gen mir als rechte kleine, ein Esel davon trüge Distel schwere.
Wer diese Fürsten waeren, das will ich gerne schweigen;
Sie lass’n sich nicht vermeren, wann ich ihr Gabe nimmer darf geneigen.
Sie sind der Mitte wohl auf teutscher Erde Terre,
Sie sind den Bergen nahe, die Milde hat aber ihn Gehauset verre.
Vermeren: to gossip about someone, geneigen: to admire. It doesn’t seem right for me to gossip about them even though I can’t admire their gift. They live in the middle of Germany, near the mountains, but generosity and charity is not known to them.

301. This verse has not been found to date in the handwritten scripts. It talks about Albrecht picking up what Master Wolfram has left and how Albrecht was commissioned by Kyot Flegetaneise.

302. I used here Reime, Rîme instead of Riemen as we find it in the print: following Docen’s suggestion (missive no 6). Lachmann supports this strongly: Wolfram von Eschenbach, mainly page 33.

303. This refers to one author picking up the work following the death of the other, fifty years before.

304. We find these verses in the older Heidelberg script: Hiemit so sind versuchet etc., 6th chapter, after 72nd verse of the print, in the Vienna script those verses follow the verse: Mit Rimen schon zwigenge etc which ends the 4th chapter in the print.

305. See Hagen, Docen, Büsching etc., Old German Museum I, pages 135, 569 and 572.

306. On sheet no 150 verso, first volume of the Munich Codex, you can read:
Dem Durchl. hochb. Fürsten und Herrn
Herrn Albrecht Pfalzgraf pey Rein
Hertzog in Ober und Nieder—Baiern etc.
seine fürstlichen Gnaden tzo willen
hab ich Ulrich Fürterer tzu München
ersamelt mit einer slechten und ainvaltigen
stumpl Teutsch aus etlich puechern
die histori gesta oder getat von Herrn
Lanzelot vom Lack etc. Item von
dem Anfang des heiligen Grales etc.
Item von Claudas und Morderot.
Mit stumpel Teutsch, stümperhaften deutschen Sprache.

307. Müller’s edition 3599, Lachmann loc. cit. page 67. 121. 7–12.

308. Büsching in the Old German Museum I, page 4–14.

309. At the market town Eschenbach, Adelung’s Püterich p. 26, see Old German Museum I, p. 13. There is a slightly smaller town called Eschenbach in the Upper Palatinate, now the place of the regional court. It is not far from the road from Amberg to Kemnat near Grafenwöhr. Because of its distance to Pleinfelden we can assume that this is not the place mentioned by Eschenbach in the poem.

310. Garalis can be found in the 11th century: in Aelfricus, glossary Anglo Saxon. Edition Somner, p. 80 together with with the word Acetabulum (latin): It is an explanation for the Anglo-Saxon word vinegar-vessel, 12th century in Leo Ostiens in Chronic Casin, lib. I, chapter 24 and 28, listing various vessels, plural Garales. Also, in Helinandus in Chronic. p. 92 (Tissier Bibl. Part. Cisteric T. VII). The latter said in J. 720: Hoc tempore in Britannia cuidam eremitae monstrata est mirabilis quaedam visio per angelum de sancto Joseph decurione, qui corpus Domini deposuit de cruce et de catino illo suo paropside, in quo dominus coenavit cum discipulis suis; de quo ab eodem eremita descripta est historia quae dicitur de Grandali. Grandalis autem sive Gradale gallice dicitur scutella lata,et aliquantulum profundal, in qua pretiosae dapes suo jure divitibus solent apponi gradatim unus morsellus post alium in diversis oridibus, et dicitur vulgari nominee graalz, quia grata et acceptabilis est in ea comedenti: tum propter continues, quia forte argentea est vel de alia pretiosa materia: tum propter contentum, id est ordinem mutiplicem pretiosarum dapum. Hanc historiam latine scriptam invenire non potui, sed tantum gallice scripte habetur a quibusdam proceribus, nec facile, ut ajunt, tota inveniri potest. Hanc autem nondum potui al legerdum sedulo ab aliquo impetrare. Quod mox ut potuero, verisimiliora et utiliora succincte transferam in latinum. (Helindandus was a monk at the Eisterz abby Fremont, diocese Beauvais, he died 1227.) More about the meaning of the word Garalis in latin can be found in the Ducange Glossary—the related French word can be found in the Assises de Jerusalem (12th latest 13th century) in chapter 289 when they talk about serving the seneshall (etc.) on coronation day, where Gréaux (from Gréal) together with the word “escuelles” is used for bowls. Furthermore, it is used in the “Roman du Graal” (13th century) by Robert de [Boron] Bouron, Burons or Boiron, manuscript de l’eglise de Paris no. 7, fol. 4 Vso. Here you can find that Joseph of Arimathia took the vessel (bowl: escuelle) of the last supper with him to collect the blood of the wounds of the Lord: et celle escuelle est appelée le saint Graal (and this bowl is called the Holy Grail); see Roquefort Glossary d.l.l. Romane. An older glossary by Borel: Tresor des Antiquités françaises 1655 tells us that a soup bowl (Terrine) was called un Grasal or une Grasale in Toulouse, Montauban and Castres. It is of notice that both Roquefort and Ducange did not take either the Latin word nor Helinandus’ explanation of the same into consideration. Because the word “Gral” has been given various interpretations—some of them quite odd: see The Hamm treasure trove of the Orient VI, p. 488—none of which are quite satisfying, I took the liberty to address this matter in such detail. The linguists have to look at that further now. Roquefort discards the favorable but quite random connection of “Saint Graal, Saint Gréal” with “Sang real, Sang royal” which was repeated on some occasions. Amongst others it can be found in Jacobus a Voragine (1244–1298) in the Genoese Chronicles (Muratori Thesaur.rer Italiae T.9). He says there: illud vas Angli in libris suis Sangreal appellant. You can see, following the above explanations, that Sangreal here is used for San Gréal and not Sang real. Roquefort also dismisses a connection with the word grès—earthenware, crockery. Quite rightly so, since all quotes talk about valuable, precious vessels and not simple day-to-day bowls even when not related to the Holy Grail. Roquefort does not come up with a new interpretation after dismissing the above.

311. Titurel chapter 41, verse 35–39.

312. The Jews pursued Joseph and put him, Magdalena, Martha, Lazarus and Maxim[us] on a ship without steering wheel or sail. With God’s help he made it to Marseille with his companions. The latter evangelized in France and you can still see a very special relationship and worship for those three saints in monuments and clerical rites all over France. Joseph of Arimathea on the other hand went to England and evangelized there, which is not mentioned in either the Titurel or the Parzival. The most detailed description of his journey one can find in the Chronicles of Pseudo Dexter, which according to Fabricus (Bibl. Latini etc.) have been discovered towards the end of the 14th century, in “Beim Jahr 48” (at the year 48), see Baronius Annal. B. J. 35, in William of Malmesbury. (he lived 1143) “Antiq. Eccles. Glaston. And in the Histor. Britann. Scriptor. XV Vol. I p. 299 by Thom. Gale., as well as my comments to the below listed verses, verse 71. In the 15th century and in the beginning of the 16th century the English still believed that Joseph was the first English apostle; proof of that can be found in the records of the Concilium of Constanz, sess. 30 and the note that was sent to Emperor Max I in 1517 by Robert Wingfeld, King Henry VIII’s messenger. The note was made public by the following title: Disceptatio super dignitate etc. Regnorum Britannici et Gallici in Concillio Constantiensi habita. Another tale, possibly originated in England, says that Joseph of A. and Nicodemus collected the blood of the Lord together in the same vessel that was used in the last supper. It’s not clear to me if the vessel with the holy blood, that was given to King Henry III of England by the patriarch of Jerusalem in 1247, who believed that this once belonged to Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus was the root of this tale (Matheus Paris Histor. Maj. Rer. Anglic.). But I have to note, that to my knowledge the oldest notes about the tale of the holy blood related to the Grail derive from the 13th century. They are found in the already mentioned “Roman du St. Graal” by De Borron and Jacobus a Voraginie loc. cit.—he refers to English books: “in quibusdam liberis Anglorum reperitur etc.” see also Fra Gaetano il Sacro Catino p.138.

313. Titurel chapter 3, verses 2, 9, 16, 18, 31.

314. Titurel chapter 3, verse 28.

315. Titurel chapter 3, verse 16, in the following verses 3, 4, 30, 31, 34 etc., Parzifal by Müller v. 7070 and 13992, by Lachmann, p. 119, verse 238, p. 225, verse 469.

316. Titurel chapter 41, verse 35, Parzifal by Müller verse 13992 and following, Lachmann p. 225, verse 469. Jaspis (Jasper) exillis in the Titurel, Lapsil exillis or Lapis and Jaspis (Jasper) exillis in the Parzifal. In Albert magn. De Lapidibus nominat. and in the poem about the power and attributes of the gemstone (Gedicht von der Kraft und der Eigenschaft des Edelsteins), Museum for old-German literature II, p. 52 and following we find no mention of Lapis exillis, I therefore think that Jaspis (jasper) is the correct one. Even more so, since we know a strange variation of Jasper known by mineralogists as Silex Niloticus—therefore exillis could have emerged from mixing silex in. The mention of the Phoenix might indicate that it is an Egyptian Jasper. Further to the above-mentioned verse 37 in the Titurel, the poet also mentions another vessel. This one would be a replica of the true one, but it wouldn’t be regarded as holy. He probably hints at a treasure that the Genoese claimed to have taken as loot in 1101 during the taking of Caesarea. The very same is known by the name il Sacro Catino (Bowl, vessel) and this one is too, believed to be the vessel from which Jesus Christ took the last supper. It is of hexagonal shape. Despite its dimensions (roughly 13 French inches wide and 5½ inches tall) it was believed for centuries that this vessel has been made from one single piece of emerald. In more recent times, after the vessel came to Paris, a commission of the French Institute had a close look at it and discovered that it is made from very pretty coloured glass flow, a suspicion that has been around for some time. After comparing it with other similar items from the same material in the royal collection in Paris, Millin believes that the Sacro Catino is made from an oriental glass flow, crafted in Constantinopel. Millin magasin encycloped. Janvier 1807 and Voyage en Savoye etc. II p. 165 ff., see also Bossi sur le vase que l’on conservait à Genes sour le nom du Sacro Catino, Turin 1807 4to. In 1726 the Genoese monk Fra Gaetano wrote a very entertaining book about the origins of this vessel, which is believed a gift from the Queen of Saba to King Solomon: Il Sacro Catino, Genova 4to.

317. Parzival, Mueller v. 14022 and Lachmann, p. 226, verse 470. This reminds us on the miracle in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem. The monk Bernard reports around the year 870, that every year an angel came down to light the new candle above the holy sepulchre on Holy Saturday morning during prayer. (It’s well known that the Catholics light the new Light on Holy Saturday morning in every church), Bernardi Monarch. Itinerar. in Mabillon in Act. Sanct. St. Benedict Saecl. IIIPars II p. 473.

318. Herodot III 18.

319. Görres loc. cit. p. XIV–XVI.

320. G. Sale the Koran. London. 1825 8vo Vol I Prelim. Disc. Sect. 4 p. 161.

321. Görres loc. cit. p. XXVI.

322. Titurel, chapter I, verse 1.

323. Görres loc. cit. p. XLII.

324. Chapter 40, verse 303 ff.

325. Chapter 40, verse 209 ff and chapter 41, verse 64.

326. G. Sale the Koran Prelim. Disc. loc. cit.

327. Tursellinus, Histor. Lauretana; Martorellus Theater. historic S. Dom. Nazar; Benedict XIV. (cardin. Lambertini) de Servor. Dei Benetificat. Lib. IV Pars. 2 cap.7 et 10 p. 34. 53 ff. ; see also Cicognara Storia della Scultura Ed. Fol. I p. 263.

328. Chateaubriand, Itineraisre de Paris à Jerusalem.

329. Leo, Lehrbuch der Geschichte des Mittelalters I (Textbook about mediaeval history I), p. 79.

330. V. Hammer, Mysterium Baphometis in den Fundgruben des Orients VI (The Mystery of the Baphomet in the treasure troves of the Orient VI), p. 24 ff. see further down the comments of verses 15 and 41 of the description of the Temple of the Grail.

331. Derived from the French Templois, like Franzeise from François. Nowadays: Français; Franzeise, Franzeyse and Franzoyse can be found often in the Titurel and Parzival, see also comments about verse 49 and 59.

332. Titurel, chapter 6, verse 44.

333. An illustration of it can be found in Bernardo Amico, Trattato de Sacri edifizi di Terra sancta Firenze 1620. 4to p. 45 pl. 35; It’s also believed that a picture of that mosque can be found in Forbin’s Journey to Jerusalem.

334. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, as Constantine the Great had built it, consisted of many churches connected through cloisters/arcades. Amongst them was the actual round Church of the Sepulchre. The Church of the Holy Cross on the other hand, had the shape of a basilica, elongated with a semi-circular finish. Despite many changes over time, the original complex is still recognizable. Eusebius Pamph. Vita Constantini. m. lib. III. Cap 33–39 Edit Hainichen p. 188 and 190 and 501. Valesius, epistol de Anastesi et Martyrio Hierosol. See also Hieronymus in Chronic et Epistol—Cyrillus Hierosol, Cateches. Adamnanus de loc. sanct. Bei Mabillon acta Sancta ord. St. Bened. Saecl. III Pars II p. 450. Bern Amico Loc. cit. p.31–45 pl. 22–33. Chateaubriand Itineraire etc.

335. John Britton, Essay on round churches in Antiquities of Great Britain Vol I.

336. Wiebeking, Architecture civile Vol 5, p. 14.

337. Lohengrin, introduction XVI ff.

338. See the following verses, verse 3 and the description of the palace in the Titurel chapter 40, verse 381–409 and chapter 41.

339. See also my “History and description of the Cologne Cathedral” (Geschichte und Beschreibung des Doms von Koeln), page 11 and 12.

340. Chapter 5, verse 20.

341. A description of this chapel can be found in F. Schlegel’s German Museum (Deutschem Museum) 1812 II, Volume, page 357 and in the monthly journal of the Bohemiam Museum (Monatsschrift des böhmischen Museums), 1828, a special print of the latter in 1831 by I. M. Schottky.

342. Johann Marignola, Chronic bei Dobner, Monumenta hist. Boem T. II 89.