, stands for the fifth lunar month.Heaven brought about both the Restoration [in 1592] and an era of peace with lords and sages.41 We esteem only the imperial majesty, who was born to receive the will of Heaven, who inherited the task of protecting the great undertaking, and who honors the worthy, esteems the meritorious, is determined to carry out his will, and strives to rule. Truly we recall the Great and Sagacious Ancestor king [Trinh Tung (r. 1570–1623)], who continued the great undertaking of the Great Generation Ancestor king [Trinh Kiem (r. 1545–1579)] and was the first to establish institutions and regulations, put laws into order, make standards appropriate, and desire to gather all the world’s worthy and talented men. For this reason, at the doctoral examinations of the qui hoi year in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor [Le] Vinh To [1623], there was a special command to Le Nganh, the Minor Protector Eastern Prefecture duke, to serve as the supervisor, and to Nguyen Danh The, the Auspicious Yang marquis and imperial censor at the capital, to serve as the administrator of the recruitment section. He also appointed his subjects Nguyen Duy Thi, the Phuong Tuyen marquis and Ministry of Rites left-hand waiting gentleman, and Luu Dinh Chat, the Nhan Linh marquis and Ministry of Civil Service right-hand waiting gentleman, to proctor the metropolitan examinations. Out of all the scholarly men under Heaven, there were more than three thousand candidates, and from their ranks seven outstanding men were chosen.
In the summer, on the eighth day of the fourth month, the exalted emperor stood at the gate of the Respecting Heaven Palace and sent down the essay topics into the imperial courtyards. While the scholars were composing their essays, Nguyen Trat suddenly wrote an essay that substantially violated the required form, so he was prevented from completing the pretest. Thus only six examinations were graded. The officials collected the examination books, waited to present them, and then entered and read them aloud for the exalted emperor’s inspection. The emperor selected Phung The Trung to pass at the highest position, while each of the other five was declared as a coequal Advanced Scholar Outstanding Subject. Moreover, in examining the test books according to the old standards, those who had prepared for the examinations beforehand were not disqualified, and so Nguyen Trat was permitted to pass in the auxiliary and lowest-ranking position, yielding seven men in total. There was, consequently, some delay in posting the list of names of the successful examination candidates. Also, the awarding of their gowns and caps and the congratulatory feasts for those who were returning in glory did not conform to the old traditions. During this time, all scholarly men under Heaven carried resentment and depression in their hearts.
Reaching summer, in the sixth month, just at the season for clouds and thunder, all the military and civil officials wisely assisted in the return of his majesty’s carriage, in order to make secure the foundations and pacify the hearts of the people so that the kingdom might be made stronger and more radiantly brilliant.42 Then, on reaching the Midautumn Festival, the emperor truly relied on the generalissimo, the head of the country’s government, the supreme teacher, the Exalted and Meritorious, Humane and Sagely king to look to and rely on the awesomeness of Heaven and to put in order the righteous troops, including the infantry, the elephants, and the horses. All made a great noise like thunder, while on the water small vessels followed along. The might of the infantry was thus augmented, and it was able to eradicate the Mac rebels, regain the capital city, and clean and settle the forbidden palace. All under Heaven returned to unity, and the four seas became tranquil. All power was then entrusted to the generalissimo, the administrator of the national government, the Western Pacifying prince, to completely oversee and manage the hundred officials and to make plans for returning to the affairs of state.
During this period, in which all under Heaven experienced great peace, the exalted emperor placed his confidence in the Confucianist officials, and he sought out men of talent and virtue, knowing that the list of laureates should be valued and that the “advanced men” should be encouraged. Thus, he thought deeply about the time that had passed since the reigning dynasty had been restored and of the examinations for “advanced men” for which a great many suitable men had been selected, thinking that if their names were not set forth and engraved in the great books describing their merits and accomplishments and lofty, enduring monuments were not erected, how then would it be possible to stimulate and encourage future generations? For this reason, in the tenth month of the first year of the Thinh Duc reign era [1653], all the literature-specialist officials were ordered to busy themselves with composing for the steles, carving them from emerald-green alabaster. These would be used to list the examination scholars’ great accomplishments and to serve as a laudable deed of this prosperous reign. Although the many officials were clumsy and of limited talent, they still dared to offer congratulations to the refined scholars, sincerely bringing their hands together and bowing their heads in order to offer the following words:
The examinations were frequently held through successive dynasties and continue to be held. It was in the time of the Zhou dynasty that the selection of “advanced scholars” began. Until the Tang and Song dynasties, they used either the subject examinations or the “advanced men” [examination], but in each case they relied on the examinations to select suitable men. This had benefits for governance and teaching, as can clearly be seen in the ancient texts. We respectfully reflect that in our current dynasty, when the Great Ancestral emperor [Le Thai To] had just regained control of the kingdom, he established education and sent for men of virtue, and he protected and preserved the system of the Way in order to open and further expand the great peace through the ten thousand generations.
During the periods in which [the subsequent] ranks of sagely emperors preserved the accomplishments of their predecessors, they also set examinations to select men of talent, to put in order a time of great peace so as to make grand the fine patterns of the hundred generations. From this time forth, the emperors maintained the transmission of the spirits and continued to abide by the old traditions. And we respectfully think:
With respect to his restoration of the great undertaking, the virtuous emperor has had great successes in human affairs, has gathered the sages’ great accomplishments, and has complied with the previous emperors’ established laws and the various things that were set in motion by earlier generations, and he has followed and preserved them. He has increased and expanded those tasks that earlier rulers had not yet completed. Furthermore, we will post a list of names of those who have passed examinations up to the present time but whose names have not yet been set forth on the gilded roll so that they might be recorded and hung in the Quang Van pavilion. Now is ordered the engraving in stone of the examination topic and their names, so that this might be erected at the Gate of Virtue to glorify the morals of our generation. Oh! Those scholars whose names are recorded on these stones, how can they not be glorified and made fortunate?
Now I would like to speak directly about this particular examination: All those who came forth from the royal compound were men of great talent as well as superb and extraordinary scholars. Some have the responsibility to speak out and inspire the court; some occupy the positions of supervising secretaries and secretariat drafters and maintain the correct treatises; some take part in military duty and praise strategies; some esteem the bridle and whip and deal with those in the hunt. Their writings have been transmitted everywhere under Heaven, and their undertakings are brilliant in their age, so how can they not serve as a standard that might be recorded and recalled for a long time to come?
If these were names only, without any realities, there first would be loyalty but later would come wantonness, which would give rise to pedantic scholars, which would in turn give rise to petty Confucianists. Those under Heaven would merely catalog them, and the people of that generation would despise them and consider them blemishes on the examinations. For this reason, these steles are chiefly the pillars of the names of the enlightened and the foundations of the Way of constant obligations of morality, and those who contemplate them will have some standards and also know what they must guard against. Truly this has benefits for the emperor’s system of governance for a hundred million years, and it will mean that our country will be eternally stable and secure like the great stones of Mount Tai.43
[Le trieu lich khoa tien si de danh bi ky, 136–37; Do Van Ninh, Van bia Quoc Tu Giam Ha Noi, 251–55; trans. George Dutton, with Matthew Cochran]
EDICT DECLARING AUTONOMY (1744)
The “Edict Declaring Autonomy” marked a crucial turning point in the political orientation of the Nguyen state. Before this date, the Nguyen rulers had maintained a stated allegiance to the Le court and had continued to style themselves as subjects of and officials serving the Le emperors. With this decree, however, the powerful mid-eighteenth-century lord Nguyen Phuc Khoat (r. 1737–1765) effectively declared an end to this subservience and announced the Nguyen rulers’ autonomy. The edict formalized what had long been practice, and it also gave the Nguyen rulers new scope for their own ambitions, particularly as reflected in their changes to titles and nomenclature. It also definitively marked a shift in the Nguyen gaze from north to south, away from their roots and toward the new frontiers into which their armies had already long been marching. At the same time, however, it also marked the Nguyen move toward the literati model, long in force in the north but largely absent in the more militarized and personal rule in the south. As with all such foundational edicts, this one contains a significant genealogical summary at the outset, followed by a justification for the actions being taken to assert a new political state. Similarly, like many edicts declaring the creation of new dynasties,44 this one emphasizes the ruler’s reluctance to take this step, which was taken only after considerable urging from the people.
Heaven and Earth extend benevolence, which brings relief to the people, spreading it to the farthest reaches where it creates great harmony. The king ascends the throne, beautifying the myriad things and bringing about renewal. [Let] the precious words of this royal decree be disseminated.
Our kingdom began its rise in O Chau, and by the great appointment the domain was established. Hoang To glared like a tiger over the region, a perfect crescent of mountains and rivers. Than Tong raised his power over the seven districts and brought in this territory of tremendous wealth. As the grand plan for hegemonic power was carried out, Heaven assisted, supplemented, and expanded. Minh Mieu displayed his military prowess and put fear into the Dong Phu rogues. Khao Vuong, so magnificent in favoring civility, roused the people of the south to great happiness.45 The people of the four directions all admired his glorious rule. The richness of the successive generations of benevolence can be [recorded and] encased in a jade envelope, greatly enhancing the hope of these mountains and rivers. The huan-wood ceremonial tablet has never been changed, and our loyalty [to the Le monarch] remains constant.
I have been granted the task of carrying on this great enterprise. I have governed for only seven years and have yet to disseminate sixth-month awe.46 I think deeply about the fact that the land has still not been unified and the bandits have not yet been pacified. I have exerted myself in the hopes of continuing in my ancestor’s footsteps. Yet unexpectedly, the people, having consulted with the spirits and accorded with the auspicious, repeatedly requested that I take the glorious title [of king]. According to astrologists, the great and minor all are in accord, and everything has its correct and proper place. The dragon hesitates to leap when in the fourth line of qian, and one still flies the banner of modesty. The fitness of the mare is her constancy, and the meaning of kun follows the third [line].47 [But] together, people urged me to take power. I searched my moral virtue and repeatedly declined. Yet the united intent of three thousand people is difficult to hold back. Although this did not stem from my own desires, I agreed for the time being to follow the wishes of the people. Thereupon, on the twelfth day of the fourth lunar month of this year, I ascended to the position of king and granted amnesty to all within the realm, to propagate the joy of eight generations of accumulated moral virtue and to fulfill the desire of the people from the four directions to benefit from the sight [of a king on the throne].
[DNTL (1961–), 1:136–37; DNTL (2004–2007), 1:150–51; trans. Liam Kelley]
PROCLAMATION TO RALLY TROOPS (1740)
The “Proclamation to Rally Troops” was issued by Le Duy Mat (d. 1769), the eleventh son of Emperor Le Du Tong (r. 1704–1728), when he sought support for his effort to overthrow the Trinh lords, who for a century and a half had been the power behind the throne. Le Duy Mat’s uprising was just one of several very large-scale, and often long-lived, challenges to Trinh authority in northern Dai Viet during the mid-eighteenth century. Le Duy Mat managed to sustain his resistance for nearly three decades, from 1738 until his death in 1769, making it the longest lasting of these uprisings. It also was the most serious, periodically threatening the capital and controlling substantial amounts of territory. This proclamation was among numerous such appeals issued by rebel leaders looking for supporters. Like many such documents from the eighteenth century, it was issued in the demotic script, chu nom, which made its oral transmission easier. The proclamation explicitly recalls the heroic feats of Le Loi (Le Thai To [r. 1428–1433]), the founder of the Le dynasty who had driven out the Ming in the early fifteenth century. It also condemns the Trinh manipulation of the Le house and the injustices they are said to have visited on the Vietnamese population. Although rich in classical and historical allusions, some of which are quite obscure, the text’s essential message is clear—it is a call to arms to defend the Le rulers against the Trinh.
We, the sons of the emperor, bearing resentment on behalf of our fathers, have been forced to go about with Heaven as our head covering. We are subjects of the emperor, dwelling on the soil of the emperor. Our hearts are loyal and righteous and must be so because of the country. We remember the beginnings of the Lam Son righteous uprising [1418–1427], during which the Great Ancestral Emperor set out with majesty, drawing his magical sword to cut off the head of Lieu Thang,48 after which he ascended the precious throne to establish the matters of Nam Viet. Shaven hair once again grew long, and people were grateful for the endless and virtuous labors; white teeth once again were blackened, and mouths spoke words of great peace and generous circumstances. [The people] sang to welcome the Le and joined hands in happy spirits, [their songs recalling] the Yao era [third millennium B.C.E.] during which people patted their bellies with contentment and Tran Cao turned his face and departed, causing the people to turn their benevolent hearts toward thoughts of the Han.49 The Mac had evil intentions, but even they found it difficult to prevent people from venerating the Zhou [dynasty]. In the South, Heaven’s fate commenced the Restoration, and in the Tong [Son] territory, it borrowed the hand of the Nguyen general. And this Nguyen Cong was like the little crab that floats across the sand, and in all their work the Trinh were [like] black cuckoos bringing dependence. Earlier, they gave the appearance of seeking and then invading the branch, moving slowly like a mouse that has fallen into a container of rice. Later, they forgot the practice of pigeons fighting one another and instead acted belligerently like a water buffalo crashing into a spirit house. The eye of the mang xa [snake] spied on the western capital.50 The salivating Thao demon coveted the throne of the Eastern Han.51 The traces of the snake’s belly revealed words of servile flattery, while heroes’ mouths chanted about the soapberry. The growing hair of the eel bred worrisome troubles, while under Heaven people scratched their heads as disorder and chaos sprang up in their hearts.
What prolonged disaster! What miserable stinginess! Such lamentable hardships! Encountering flames, our hands are bound. The people and the territory within the former boundaries have fallen into the hands of cruel bandits. The xa tac [spirits] of the motherland are of the old order; how is it that they have fallen into the pockets of adulteresses? Now, though well into this disorder, who knows when these injustices can finally be repaid? Thus, we risk our lives to cross the seas and make great efforts to scale the mountains. The imperial commands will cause the frost to stain our banners; this band of the loyal and righteous will shake their knives with great fierceness. We slowly collect and seize a single citadel, a single brigade, and the ashes from the stoves of the kitchens of the Xia [dynasty] will blow and drift about; we open the hearts of the land and the hearts of the people, and the old sword of Luu will be honed to a fine edge.52 Through nine autumns, Heaven has been longing, and through five changes of the moon, it also has dreamed. The throngs who trampled about during the Qin dynasty in search of the deer with the unbroken antlers are entering the net that was empty of heroic people;53 they are bathing in the So River while the monkey wearing the hat stretches forth its hand, since it lacks heroic people.54
Our ancestors’ public virtue assisted everyone, so how could the loyalty and righteousness of the hearts of the people be denied? People accepted the responsibility of royal favor when they undertook to establish the throne; there was Heaven and there was Earth, and there were the two sons. People relied on the great blessing for the time of the Restoration; there was still the water, and there were still the mountains, and there were still positions and salaries. The people were originally those of the borders of Viet; and any land [within these] was the land of the Le dynasty. With regard to the divine throne, the phoenix’s feathers were short, and those who looked could see its falling tears. The enemy soldiers were on the opposite side; in their mouths, silkworms chewed on leaves, but when looking inside them, no flaming liver was found. Just as a small snake sheds its skin to become a dragon, so too the lightning bug makes its way toward the sun. Transplanted paddy rice cannot tolerate nourishing a different mother; so when one eats its fruits, one must remember those who plowed the fields. That La Chicken is stubborn and cannot be stirred by anyone, and the blood of La San brings disgrace to the markets of the Han.55 Those dogs of the Ho, wrinkled and with canine teeth, bite their master, and the stomach of [An] Lushan adds to the misfortunes of the Tang sword.56
I ask that we not rely on the power of the snowy mountains, that we make preparations together with the hearts of the truly righteous. The house of the “great below” has crumbled and collapsed, and we try to support its pillars and beams; the lineage of the loyal flows along carried by the rolling [waves], and we reach out a hand to grab the tiller and steer. The purse on the horse does not covet the possessions of Thao; the Peach Garden gathering is not ungrateful for the righteousness of Luu.57 Gathering together the kilns, the countries of Chuan and Qin encountered times of adversity and cuts to the abdomen.58 The people of Feng and Deng lit their stoves while hurrying with their golden bile.59 Sometimes we advance our troops and followers; sometimes we send [only] news and envoys. Ban and Dang point to the Hoang River and the Thai Mountains,60 so everyone helps everyone else, casting darkness on the demons and giving light to the spirits; pacifying and restoring order while transmitting regulations of iron and documents in vermilion script, virtue announcing virtue but setting it forth so that Heaven and Earth would know of it. With these loyal words, my saliva is at an end, and I ask that superior men reflect on them together.61
[“Tai lieu tham khao: Hich cua Le Duy Mat ke toi ho Trinh,” 58–59; trans. George Dutton]
THE UNIFICATION RECORDS OF THE IMPERIAL LE (1780S–1800S)
The Unification Records of the Imperial Le is a major late-eighteenth-century prose work recounting the political developments and intrigues of that era. In particular, it describes the events leading to the fall of the Trinh rulers and the eventual demise of the Le emperors. Even though it usually is classified as historical fiction, much of its content can be confirmed by other sources, suggesting that it was based substantially on fact. The Unification Records is invaluable as a near-contemporary northern account of the arrival and impact of the Tay Son armies, which had overthrown the Nguyen lords in the southern regions in the early 1770s. There is considerable debate about the work’s author(s). It was probably written by at least two men from the Ngo clan, one of whom was almost certainly Ngo Thi Chi (1753–1788), the younger brother of Ngo Thi Nham. The following lengthy excerpt is from the fourth of seventeen chapters and focuses on the summer of 1786 when a key Trinh defector, Nguyen Huu Chinh, helps the Tay Son brothers in a scheme to attack the Trinh and recapture the former Nguyen capital at Phu Xuan. This chapter depicts the younger Tay Son brother, Nguyen Hue (in the text referred to as Binh), being goaded by Nguyen Huu Chinh into extending his campaign into the heart of Trinh territory and capturing Thang Long itself. This attack works nearly flawlessly, and in short order the Tay Son forces gain control of the entire Trinh-Le realm. This is a key moment in Vietnamese history. Territories stretching from China to the Gulf of Siam were broadly integrated for the first time. More immediately for the Tay Son leaders, it meant a dramatic increase in the territory under their control, thereby complicating their political position. The northern campaign was followed by conflict between the Tay Son brothers, eventually creating a rift that resulted in their dividing the enlarged territories between themselves.
Taking Revenge for His Master, Nguyen Chinh Leads His Army
FOR PROCEEDING INTO NATIONAL CALAMITY, DUKE LY DIES FOR HIS LORD
It is said that starting in the giap ngo year [1774] when Thuan Hoa was returned to our territory, the court designated Phu Xuan as the area of the main outpost for the extreme frontier and established a garrison of three thousand troops to be camped there, plus a rotating guard of thirty thousand troops. A general in chief and a vice general were appointed there, along with an inspector of the armies and a vice inspector of the armies. Encampments were placed in all the strategic areas from Hai Van pass northward, and the people of those areas were registered in order to boost troop numbers. The land was cultivated to increase provisions, trading in goods was commenced, and the benefits of the mountains and seas were exploited. Examinations were held to select men of talent, and titles were given to gain the people’s hearts. Absolutely everything was properly controlled and regulated. The only problem was the general in chief, Duke of Tao Quan. By nature he was an easygoing person and would just give verbal orders to people, but being adaptable with strategy when facing battle was not his forte. Before this, the inspector of the armies, Nguyen Linh Tan, had often said that the possibility of quickly suppressing the Tay Son rebels had been lost because of Tao Quan. Linh Tan addressed the court saying, “Because of his cowardice, Tao Quan has thwarted the national plan, and Thuan Hoa will surely fall if left in Tao Quan’s hands. Please dismiss him and promote the vice general to general in chief. If we do so, then we will probably be able to hold Thuan Hoa.” But the king took into account the fact that Thuan Hoa had just been pacified and was happy with the way that Tao Quan was keeping the peace in such a strategic area, so instead he removed Inspector of the Armies Linh Tan and replaced him with another official.
The second graduate in the palace examination, Le Quy Don, investigated the prophecies concerning the area where the Tay Son rebellion had begun and addressed the king, saying, “In Tay Son there is a place, which by virtue of its geomancy can create a Son of Heaven. In twelve years no one will be able to resist this land’s power, and I fear that Thuan Hoa’s general in chief is no match for it. I beg Your Majesty to consider this.” The king thought that he was overreacting and did not pay much attention to him.
Thereafter, there were no troubles in the border areas, and both north and south were at peace. Thuan Hoa was a tranquil and happy place. But then in the fourth lunar month of the binh ngo year [1786], a Chinese trading ship unexpectedly arrived, and its captain went to have an audience with Tao Quan. Using various techniques, he predicted that His Excellency would enjoy unbelievable prosperity and fortune in his latter years and, because he was facing some difficulties, should be careful to ward off illness. The Chinese also told him that at the height of summer, everything would become auspicious if he performed the proper rituals and prayed. Tao Quan believed all this and then arranged to sponsor a huge vegetarian feast and to pray for seven days and nights.
For days, all the soldiers served at this feast day and night, until suddenly they heard that the rebels’ infantry had taken Hai Van, that the general protecting it, the Quyen Trung marquis, had died in battle, and that all the enemy sailors had gone to sea and were expected to arrive in the evening. Tao Quan returned to his citadel in distress, with no idea of what he should do. All the troops had been working at the feast for a long time, and when they suddenly heard this news about the enemy, they were disheartened and demoralized. Tao Quan sent someone to look for the Chinese merchant, but no one knew where he had gone, and it was only then that Tao Quan realized that the man had been a spy who had come to deceive him.
While Nguyen [Huu] Chinh was with the Tay Son, he learned that Tao Quan was cowardly and very sneaky and that an announcement of surrender [by Tao Quan] could not necessarily be believed. So he secretly sent a man with a sealed letter to Vice General The Quan, saying that the Tay Son troops were very skillful and that their advance could not be stopped. It also said that since The Quan and [Nguyen Huu] Chinh had once served together as retainers of Huy Quan, if the city were surrendered, its noble and rich inhabitants could be protected. He also secretly instructed the bearer of the letter to deliberately deliver it to the area controlled by Tao Quan. [Accordingly,] Tao Quan got hold of the letter but did not show it to anyone, as he was secretly harboring thoughts of surrender. Shortly after this, enemy troops arrived in great numbers, and the general in chief and vice general met to discuss how to resist them. The citadel of Phu Xuan was on the river; from the middle of the river, the base of the city wall was more than two truong [twenty-four feet] above it. The naval forces of the enemy arrived from downriver and fired [their guns] upward but could not reach the citadel. Inside the city, the gates were shut and the walls fortified, and all its forces resisted the enemy. The enemy infantry retreated to their ships and were chased by arrows. One ship was sunk, which boosted the spirits of the troops [in the citadel]. That evening the tide suddenly rose, and the water in the river reached up to and surrounded the base of the city wall. The enemy sent its naval forces to go and fire directly at the citadel and sent its infantry to besiege the city gates.
The general in chief sent the vice general and his subordinate, the Kien Kim marquis, and others to leave the citadel and face the enemy. The vice general had two sons who were commandants, and they both followed their father into battle. In formation behind the ramparts, the soldiers fought a defensive battle for more than two hours. When they used up all their poisoned arrows, the vice general sent a man into the citadel to ask for more. Sitting up in the citadel tower, the general in chief ordered people to close the doors and refused their request, saying: “Besides salaries and provisions, each of my companies has already received its poisoned projectiles, so who are you to ask for more?” The vice general was enraged and announced to all his troops: “Tao Quan has rebelled. I’m going to break down the gate and go in to cut off that blackguard’s head, then I will come back out to fight!” Then he turned to his two sons and said, “You two hold them off at the front, and I will come out shortly.”
He turned around his elephant’s head and went in. As the elephant retreated, it disturbed the troops’ formation, which the enemy troops used to advantage and advanced. The vice general’s two sons galloped ahead of the rest of the formation brandishing their swords and managing to kill hundreds of men. Then more enemy troops came and hacked at their horses’ legs. The horses fell to the ground, and the two brothers fought on foot still killing dozens of men. Heavily wounded and losing strength, they called out to their father to save them. The vice general turned his elephant around to rescue them, but they already had been cut down at the front line. The Kien Kim marquis also had been killed in the battle on the front line. The vice general collected his troops and prepared to deploy them in another formation, but looking back he saw that a white flag had already been hoisted over the citadel. His elephant boy dismounted and fled. The rebel troops pursued the elephant and fired, and the vice general died in his saddle.
The general in chief opened the citadel gate and came out in a carriage with a coffin.62 Binh [that is, Nguyen Hue] then led his troops into the citadel, where they went on a rampage of slaughter. Superintendent Inspector of the Armies Nguyen Trong Dang died during this. The defending troops fled from the citadel, and the locals killed all of them. After this battle, out of the tens of thousands of people of Phu Xuan there was not a sole survivor.
Now that Phu Xuan had been taken, Binh extended his victory by sending some troops to capture the Dong Hai garrison. The commanding officer of the garrison, Vice Commandant Ninh Thon, the Vi Phai marquis, considered the situation and then fled. Thuan Hoa was entirely lost. That was on the fourteenth day of the fifth lunar month of the Canh Hung reign, a binh ngo year [1786].
Having taken Thuan Hoa, Binh then met with all his generals to discuss restoring the old border along the La River and sent a proclamation of his victory to the Tay Son king [his brother, Nguyen Nhac]. [Nguyen Huu] Chinh said, “Your Honor, you were commanded to take Thuan Hoa, and you did it in a single campaign. Your magnificence has impressed all under Heaven. Commanding troops entails timing, position, and opportunity. If one can take advantage of these three, one will always be victorious. Now in Bac Ha, the generals are lazy, the soldiers are overly proud, and the court has not had firm control for a long time.63 We should take advantage of our position of strength. This is what is meant by the saying ‘Annex the weak and attack the blind; take [kingdoms] in chaos and deal summarily with those going to ruin.’ This opportunity and this timing must not be lost.”
Binh replied, “Bac Ha is a large country, and many talented people live there. There is an old proverb that says, ‘Bees have poison, so one should never treat them lightly.’” [Nguyen Huu] Chinh said, “Only one person in Bac Ha had talent, and that was I. Now that I have left, it is an empty country, so I urge you not to worry.” Binh had always been good at speaking eloquently to humble himself, so he answered in jest: “My doubts aren’t about the people there but about myself.” [Nguyen Huu] Chinh’s face lost a little of its color, and he apologized, saying, “If you think of yourself as mediocre and dim-witted, that means this country truly has no men of talent!” Binh then calmed him down again by saying, “If I can take on and conquer a four-hundred-year-old country in one morning, what will its people call me?” [Nguyen Huu] Chinh replied, “The country has an emperor and a king, and this is the result of the insurrections of the past and the present. Although the Trinh lords have always said they support the Le, the reality is that they have control over the emperor by coercion. What really makes the people of this land unhappy is that in the past whenever a strongman has wanted to make trouble, he has always done it in the name of respect for the Le. But the fate of the Trinh clan is still not at an end, and thus all the undertakings of these people have failed. Now, Trung’s Local Records say that if one does not make kings or earls and a single ruler controls all the land for two centuries, it will lead to conflict in the imperial house. In calculating the length of time from King Thai to King Tinh,64 it is already more than two hundred years. So if you take as your justification [the slogan] “Eradicate the Trinh, and support the Le,” there would be no one under Heaven who would not respond to this. This would be a great achievement unparalleled in this age.” Binh replied, “This would truly be a great thing, but I have received orders to take Thuan Hoa, not to attack other provinces. What would happen if I were to violate my orders?” [Nguyen Huu] Chinh replied, “The Spring and Autumn Annals say, ‘If one oversteps in a small way but has great success, it will be considered a success,’ how then could it be considered a transgression?’ Moreover, you must have heard the expression ‘when a general is out on campaign he cannot receive orders from his lord,’ haven’t you?”
Binh had a bold and determined temperament, and he accepted [Nguyen Huu] Chinh’s words, which were precisely in keeping with his own ideas. He sent off [Nguyen Huu] Chinh to choose his vanguard troops and then set out for the port of Dai An, where he was first to capture the grain yard at Vi Hoang. After that Binh would lead out his naval forces. They had agreed that [Nguyen Huu] Chinh would light the beacon at Vi Hoang first as a signal. All the arrangements had been made, and [Nguyen Huu] Chinh commanded his troops to go out first. They sailed past Nghe An and Thanh Hoa, each commanding a naval force of hundreds. Their majesty raced ahead of them, and both the guards of Nghe An and Thanh Hoa, the Dang Trung marquis and the Thuy Trung marquis, had abandoned their citadels and fled. On the sixth day of the sixth month, [Nguyen Huu] Chinh reached Vi Hoang; the general of the encampment there considered the situation and then fled, so [Nguyen Huu] Chinh took all the millions of pecks of grain stored there. He then lit the beacon as a signal. Binh saw this and led his thousand ships out over the sea. The common folk of Nghe An climbed up the hills to look out on the sea at the turreted ships with their flags and pennants. They sighed, saying, “There’s a proverb about ‘a lying snake biting a chicken.’ They really are guilty of a crime, but these are deeds unrivaled by their contemporaries.” [Nguyen Huu] Chinh joined forces with Binh at Vi Hoang, and their magnificence shook the land.
At the royal court, advisers were continually reporting to the throne about [Nguyen Huu] Chinh’s army, but they always spoke of the affairs of state in a way to make it seem as if the enemy had been defeated, so the court was confused and ignorant of the true situation. Before this, when Phu Xuan had fallen and the report from the border had reached the capital, many councillors said that Thuan Hoa was not originally a part of the realm to begin with and that its conquest by a previous dynasty was an extravagance far too costly for the central provinces. Moreover, it had taken a great deal of military power to hold but was not of any genuine benefit to the country, so losing it now was actually a blessing. They said that the only important endeavor was to make encampments at Nghe An and to extend and secure the old border. They also said that if their side considered losing Thuan Hoa to be a blessing, then the enemy would certainly consider attacking their side as a warning to them.
Having thus fixed a general plan, the minds of all the people were at rest. Then came the sudden news of the fall of the Nghe An regiment and the imminent arrival of the enemy troops, and at this the people were stricken with panic. So the Thai Dinh marquis was sent as a commandant to lead the twenty-seven special regiments to resist the enemy at Nghe An. Ten days after he had received the order to go, Thai Dinh still had not finished organizing and packing his equipment. By the time he left the city, the enemy troops had already reached Vi Hoang, so Thai Dinh was commanded to lead his soldiers to hold them off at Son Nam, and in addition the Lien Trung marquis, Dinh Tich Nhuong, was sent to oversee the naval route, along with the left- and right-hand guards, the five marquises, the five experts, the five middle selected cavalry divisions, and others. With the dispatch of the Thai Dinh marquis’s forces, both the land and sea forces were sent at the same time. At this time, [Nguyen Huu] Chinh’s forces had been fighting pirates at Hai Duong, which led the pirates to ally with the southern troops; thus, the court selected Nhuong Hoi to defend the southern front. Nhuong [Hoi], who was from Ham Giang, was a famous general with an illustrious reputation; the court had given him the responsibility for naval warfare. Nhuong [Hoi]’s force arrived at Luc Mon to deal with the enemy there.
Soon a strong wind blew in from the southwest, and the rebels sent five ships up the river as a vanguard. They went against the current of the river at full sail, and the royal fleet advanced slowly on them from behind. Nhuong Hoi saw that the rebels had sent a vanguard of ships, so he organized his boats across the river to line up in a formation shaped like the character “one” and ordered the loading of the precious unicorn cannon, aiming it toward the rebels and firing. After one shot had been fired, the rebels did not move, so Nhuong Hoi ordered a second shot, at which the rebels furled their sails. All in the fleet were very pleased at what they thought was the enemy’s fear. After Nhuong Hoi had ordered a third shot, the rebels replied with a thunderlike shot from a huge gun. Its projectile flew into the crown of an old tree, splitting it in two. By this time the Truong Trong marquis had led his troops out onto both banks of the river, but when they saw the shot coming, they all wanted to flee, and the enemy seized the advantage, leaving their ships and climbing onto the riverbanks. All of Truong Trong’s troops ran away, and the enemy advanced directly to Hien Doanh. Truong Trong and the joint commander [doc dong], Nguyen Huy Binh, were able to escape by hiding in the water. The Thai Dinh marquis advanced to the mouth of the Kim Dong River, but his troops, too, were routed.
The reports from the front spoke of an emergency, but the military and civil officials in the capital were making plans only for keeping their wives and children safe and hiding their goods and riches, and no one dared to take on the task of fighting the rebels. The king had decided that his official Bui Huy Bich had been prime minister for too long and thought him very ill-mannered. Furthermore, at this time [Bui Huy Bich] had not come up with a policy for defending against the rebels, and in his heart the king detested him. Those around Bui [Huy Bich] stepped up their attacks on his character, so he was dismissed as prime minister and demoted to the position of military supervisor. With the prime minister gone, the people’s minds were even more uneasy, so the king summoned Cong Xan to discuss in secret whether it would be better to run from the enemy or to fight them. Cong Xan said, “If the rebel army is deep in our territory and cut off from outside assistance, then there is nothing to fear. We should lead them into an area close by and destroy them in a single battle. In the deployment of soldiers, this is a very good strategy. Moreover, the capital is the center of all under Heaven, and if you were to leave it, where would you go? If you leave the capital in distress in a sedan chair, the people’s hearts will be lost, and this would be just like offering up the country to the enemy. For now, you should just temporarily send the imperial concubines and the six palace authorities out of the city.” The king followed this advice.
[Ngo Gia Van Phai, Hoang Le nhat thong chi, 5:61–71; trans. Catherine Churchman, with Liam Kelley]
LETTER TO NGO TUONG DAO (CA. 1788)
The letter to Ngo Tuong Dao was one in a series written around 1788 by Ngo Thi Nham after he decided to serve the new Tay Son dynasty. These letters were addressed to friends and family members who were actively resisting the Tay Son regime or who had simply chosen to retire after the fall of the Le dynasty. The Tay Son era was one of considerable interfamilial tension among northern literati, as clans disagreed over whether to serve or resist the Tay Son. Indeed, Ngo Thi Nham may have written these letters to justify his own difficult decision to transfer his loyalty from the Le. Written to an uncle, the letter explores the issue of acting versus temporizing under certain circumstances. Ngo Thi Nham argues along Neo-Confucian lines that it is better to act according to principle than it is to hesitate and ponder issues of gaining fortune or consequence. Put another way, he suggests that appropriate change sometimes may be a better course of action than continued advocacy for established patterns.
In late autumn and early winter I received two letters in succession from you. The first discussed the two-character expression “state of affairs” and referred to the fact that in military matters, the sage took direct responsibility with regard to the Lai [people] and [the men of] Bi but that he exhausted his provisions in the Kingdom of Chen and had to proceed again for a while to the Kingdom of Song.65 You noted thus that truly nothing is impossible and that this must be considered. Your point is very clear and logical, and I take it to heart.
The second letter discussed the two-character expression “calamity and [good] fortune.” I have gone over this back and forth in my mind. The basic point is that scholars use calamity and fortune to appraise others, and in the process there is much room for error. I have seen Master Zhu’s discussion of the Zuo Commentary. He said that [Zuo] was a person who knew how to recognize benefit and harm and that he generally just talked about the difference between calamity and fortune, and benefit and harm.66 He also said [Zuo] liked to use success and failure to judge people. If he saw that someone did something well, he would say that this person was good. If someone did not do something well, he would say that this person was not good. He never judged people based on what was right or wrong on principle. This was his great defect.
[Zhu Xi] also discussed the “bend an inch and extend a foot” passage in the Mencius and said that whenever a person does something, he inclines toward benefit and avoids harm but that he does not understand that whenever there is benefit, there is also harm. Although I might be in a position in which I gain plenty of benefit, harm will follow. It is thus better to proceed according to principle. This is why the sages put aside [the issue of] the calamity and fortune of calamity and fortune and looked at calamity and fortune only from the perspective of principle. Sovereigns who are benevolent, officials who are loyal, the three relationships in correct form, and the nine categories in order—these constitute the good fortune of a kingdom. Fathers who are compassionate, sons who are filial, elder brothers who are friendly, younger brothers who are reverent, husbands who are righteous, and wives who comply—this is the good fortune of a family. To oppose this is calamity. We scholars must embody this [principle], and then what it means to avoid calamity and seek fortune will be completely clear. The illusoriness of gain and loss, the illusoriness of mundane matters, the inevitability of life and death, and the inevitability of day and night—all this is completely clear. It is only recently that I have come out of the darkness to understand this principle.
Our family has encountered misfortune, a terrible time when uncles and nephews and older and younger brothers are contending with one another. The Classic of Poetry states: “In seeking fortune do not defy.” This is profound. Your letter stated that “the establishment of a family tradition of cultivation should serve as a foundation.” To expand on this, to be sincere and just is what you are teaching now. There is nothing precious about losing someone, whereas being benevolent to kin is precious. That is what I am now learning. To love one’s kin, to respect one’s elders, to reverently study, to manifest goodness in keeping one’s promises—these are the activities that we brothers are now engaged in. If members of a family encourage one another in these ways, then amidst this there is good fortune.
In the Classic of Changes, the “not yet across” [hexagram] comes after the “already across” [hexagram].67 Its judgment states: “Not yet across, prevalence [may be had].” The meaning of prevalence is broad. One should not privilege the prevalence of “already across” over the prevalence of “not yet across.” Here I humbly offer my ignorant views for your correction.
[Ngo Thi Nham, Ngo Thi Nham toan tap, 1:810–11; trans. Liam Kelley]
EDICT ON ASCENDING THE THRONE (1788)
In the summer of 1788, the Le emperor had fled his capital, taken refuge with the Qing governor-general in southern China, and successfully appealed for assistance in recapturing his kingdom from the Tay Son. At the urging of his ambitious governor-general, Sun Shi Yi (Ton Si Nghi), the Chinese emperor, Qianlong, agreed to provide an army to oust the Tay Son and restore Emperor Le Chieu Thong to his throne. As the Qing armies—numbering anywhere between 50,000 and 200,000 soldiers—advanced, the Tay Son troops undertook a strategic retreat. At this juncture, Nguyen Hue still claimed only the title of lord in Phu Xuan but decided that laying claim to the imperial throne abandoned by the Le would be the most effective way to unite his followers in advance of a campaign to drive out the Qing. Thus in late 1788, Ngo Thi Nham drafted the “Edict on Ascending the Throne.” In it, Nguyen Hue describes his reluctance to name himself emperor, explaining that his final decision was prompted by a combination of fate and the desperate straits of the people who had suffered chaos and warfare for too many years. Like previous public statements by founders of new dynasties, this edict is concerned with laying out a genealogy of dynasties and the failings of the new rulers’ immediate predecessors. Also echoing earlier foundation edicts, such as that by Nguyen Phuc Khoat in 1744,68 this edict emphasizes the emperor’s reluctance to take the throne, doing so only at the repeated urging of the people. Although the form of the edict is quite conventional, it is significant as marking the first successful claim to the Vietnamese imperial throne since Mac Dang Dung (r. 1527–1541) more than two and a half centuries earlier.
I have considered how the Five Emperors received the Mandate of Heaven and replaced the existing dynastic house, and how the Three Kings began their destinies by taking advantage of unstable times.69 When there are changes in the Way, the times must adjust. These sage rulers respected the Way of Heaven; they considered the acts of ruling over their domain and treating the people as their children as the same kind of duty.
From the time that our country of Viet was founded by the Dinh, through the Le, Ly, and Tran families up to the present, sagely rulers have produced bright good fortune, and they did not have the same surname. Moreover, a country’s prosperity, duration, and destiny are truly conferred by Heaven; they are not something that can be accomplished by man.
In the past, the Le house lost control of governing the country, and the land was divided between the Trinh clan and the former Nguyen. For more than two hundred years, the people’s livelihoods were in disarray; rulers could only cling to false authority, while private families granted themselves fiefs. The pillars connecting Heaven and Earth fell and were not raised; never before had there been such a time. Furthermore, for these past few years, north and south have been at war and have sunk into a morass. I am a cotton-cloth [ordinary] person from Tay Son, without an inch of land to rely on and initially did not have imperial ambitions. Since in their hearts, the people abhor disorder, they longed for an enlightened ruler to benefit the age and settle the people. Therefore, I gathered together a righteous force. We assiduously cleared mountain and forest to aid my elder brother the king, and we rushed forward with our war horses, setting up our base on western ground. In the south, we pacified land belonging to Siam and Cambodia, and then we captured Phu Xuan and took Thang Long. Initially, I wanted to stamp out the rebellion, save the people from the midst of their distress, and then restore the country to the Le clan and return the land to my elder brother. I then could have roamed about in court robes and red slippers, only looking after the joys of the two territories.
But because of the vicissitudes of the times, it could not be as I wished.
No matter how I supported the Le family, the Le heir failed to take care of the gods of land and grain;70 he abandoned the country and fled. The people of Bac Ha did not see the Le ancestral lineage as worthy of allegiance; the one they rely on is me. My elder brother Nhac was weary of hard toil, so he was willing to maintain the one prefecture of Qui Nhon and consented to be called the western king. The thousands of li of land that we had subdued in the south belonged entirely to me. I thought to myself: my talent and virtue are paltry, as they cannot approach that of the ancients. Moreover, the land is vast and the people numerous. I quietly reflected on how to govern and, in trepidation, likened it to driving a carriage of six horses with rotted reins.71 Previously, civil officials and military officers inside and outside the court all wanted me to take the throne even earlier. In order to comply with the people’s aspirations, they sent up a memorial urging me forward; in fact, they repeatedly sent up memorials. Their precious memorials—without having planned it—even wrote the same words!
Alas! Regarding imperial power to be the most grave, and the heavenly throne to be arduous, I truly fear that I am not worthy. However, the countless people within the four seas flock to me alone. This is the will of Heaven; how could it be an affair of man? I assent to Heaven and submit to man, I cannot stubbornly decline. Therefore, this year, on the twenty-second day of the eleventh month, I ascend the throne, and mark it as the first year of the Quang Trung reign.
For all of you common people, I think that of the rules disseminated by the throne for your observance; those concerning morality and law, humaneness, justice, equilibrium, and correctness are the main aspects of humanity. Today, the people and I start anew, respecting the enlightened methods of the sages of the past in order to govern and civilize all under Heaven.
In every place in the thirteen circuits, the winter’s ordinary labor and tax obligations shall be reduced 50 percent this year. For those affected by the ravages of war, I will listen to the reports of the local administrator and waive all taxes.
Some officials of the old dynasty have been implicated in wrongdoing, and many have been reported several times. Except for those who committed serious crimes, the rest shall be pardoned.
[Ngo Thi Nham, Ngo Thi Nham toan tap, 2:648–50; trans. Kate Baldanza]
TREATY OF VERSAILLES BETWEEN NGUYEN ANH AND KING LOUIS XVI (1787)
In 1785, Nguyen Anh entrusted his young son Prince Canh (1780–1801) to the care of a missionary, Pierre Pigneau de Béhaine, for an embassy to the French court of Louis XVI. The mission was intended to conclude an agreement with the French court that would trade Nguyen territorial and commercial concessions for French military support in the ongoing Nguyen battles with the Tay Son. But the treaty was never implemented, because the French official in Pondicherry (India) charged with seeing to its completion decided not to pursue the matter, and the French Revolution soon rendered French aid moot. Despite its never having been carried out, the treaty is of considerable significance because it became one of the touchstones of France’s popular legitimation of its nineteenth-century colonial conquest. It was periodically cited as one of the bases of French territorial claims, conveniently overlooking France’s failure to fulfill its own obligations under the terms of the treaty. It nonetheless foreshadowed the types of concessions that the Vietnamese courts would eventually make in the second half of the nineteenth century under French military pressure. The treaty was originally written in French.
Nguyen-Anh, the king of Cochinchina, having been dispossessed of his states and needing to employ an armed force to recover them, has sent to France Seigneur Pierre-Joseph-Georges Pigneau de Béhaine, the bishop of Adran, with a view to calling for the support and assistance of His Majesty, the Most Christian King. This said majesty, convinced of the justice of this prince’s cause and wishing to give him a sign to indicate his friendship as well as his love of justice, is determined to respond favorably to this request made in his name. Consequently, he has authorized Count Émile de Montmorin, the marshal of his camps and armies, chevalier of his orders and that of the Golden Fleece, his counselor and all his counsels, minister and secretary of state of his commandments and finances, including the Department of Foreign Affairs, to discuss and settle, with the said bishop of Adran, the nature, scope, and conditions of the assistance he will provide. And the two recognized plenipotentiaries make it known that in communicating his complete authority, the count of Montmorin, and in producing the grand seal of the Kingdom of Cochinchina, the bishop of Adran, as well as a resolution of the grand council of said kingdom, have agreed on these points and the following articles.
Article 1
The Very Christian King promises and engages to second in the most efficacious manner the efforts that the king of Cochinchina is resolved to make in order to reenter into the possession and enjoyment of his states.
Article 2
To this effect, His Very Christian Majesty himself will immediately send to the coasts of Cochinchina and, at his own expense, four frigates, along with a body of troops of 1,200 infantrymen, 200 artillerymen, and 250 kafirs [non-European soldiers]. These troops will be supplied with all their articles of war, particularly artillery appropriate to these campaigns.
Article 3
In awaiting the important service that the Very Christian King has dispatched and sent to him, the king of Cochinchina will eventually cede to him and to the crown of France, the absolute control of and sovereignty over the island that forms the principal port of Cochinchina called Hoi Nan [Hoi An] and, by the Europeans, Touron.
Article 4
It is further agreed that the Very Christian King also will, in conjunction with that of Cochinchina, ensure the suitability of the above-named port and that the French will be permitted to make on the mainland all the establishments that they judge to be necessary….72
Article 5
The Very Christian King furthermore also takes control of and sovereignty over the island of Poulo Condore.
Article 6
The subjects of the Very Christian King will enjoy complete liberty to engage in commerce in all the lands of the king of Cochinchina, to the exclusion of all other European nations. To this effect, they will be allowed to come and go and travel freely, without any obstacles and without paying for any rights of any sort for their persons, on the condition that they are always provided with a passport by the commander of the island of Hoi Nan. They will be permitted to import all kinds of merchandise from Europe and other parts of the world, with the exception of what is prohibited by the laws of the land. They will be permitted as well to export all the resources and merchandise of the country and of the neighboring countries, without exception; they will not be required to pay any import or export duties except for those normally assessed on local persons, and these rights shall not be increased in any case or under any different designation that exists under this power. It is agreed, furthermore, that any foreign ship, whether commercial or military, shall not be admitted into the states of the king of Cochinchina, except under the umbrella of the French and with a French passport.
Article 7
The government of Cochinchina accords to the subjects of the Very Christian King the most efficacious protection for the liberty and security of all their persons and effects and, in case of difficulty or conflict, will render them the most precise and prompt justice.
Article 8
If the Very Christian King is attacked or threatened by any power, regardless of what this power might be, relative to his possession of the islands of Hoi Nan and Poulo Condore, and if His Very Christian Majesty is engaged in a conflict with some power, whether it be European or Asian, the king of Cochinchina commits to send him aid in the form of soldiers, sailors, supplies, vessels, and galleys. This assistance shall be furnished three months after being requested, but it shall not be employed beyond the islands of the Moluccas or the Straits of Sunda or Malacca. Their upkeep will fall on the sovereign who has furnished them.
Article 9
The Very Christian King is obliged to assist the king of Cochinchina when he has trouble with respect to the possession of his states. This assistance will be proportionate to the necessity of the circumstances; however, it will in no case exceed those statements in the second article of the present treaty.
Article 10
The present treaty will be ratified by the two contracting sovereigns, and their ratifications will be exchanged within the space of one year, or sooner if possible. In the faith of which we, the plenipotentiaries, have signed the present treaty and have affixed the seal of our arms.
Made at Versailles, the twenty-eighth of November 1787
Separate Article
With a view to preventing all difficulties and misunderstandings relative to the establishments that the Very Christian King has authorized to be carried out on the Continent for the utility of navigation and commerce, he has agreed with the king of Cochinchina that the same establishments will appertain in all properness to His Very Christian Majesty and that the jurisdiction, the police, and the guard, and all the acts of authority, without exception, are exercised privately in his name. In order to prevent the abuses that the aforementioned cases might cause, it is agreed that he will not take any Cochinchinese being pursued for a crime and that those who are there will be extradited at the first request of the government. It also is agreed that any French fugitives will be extradited at the first request of the commander of Hoi Nan or that of Poulo Condore.
Made at Versailles, the twenty-eighth of November 1787
[Taboulet, La geste française en Indochine, 1:186–88; trans. George Dutton]
This excerpt from “History of the Country of Annam” belongs to the small but significant body of writings in the romanized script (quoc ngu) produced by Vietnamese Catholics in the early modern period. Quoc ngu was developed by early European missionaries as a means to facilitate the transmission of their religious message, and it was soon taken up by their literate converts. Indeed, from its inception until the late nineteenth century, the romanized script was used almost exclusively by Vietnamese Catholics. Although much of the early quoc ngu literature is religious in nature—prayers, sermons, rituals, confessions of faith, hagiographies—there are some notable secular writings. The following excerpt comes from a brief history of Vietnam written by a man named Bento Thien. We know little about him and not much about the background to this text, except that it was written in 1659. It is a description of Vietnamese ritual practices as they were carried out throughout the year, starting with the New Year ceremonies. It details the practices of every level of society, from elite rituals like the Nam Giao ceremony73 to more popular events. It is a rare and quite early account of such events, offering insights into Vietnamese social structures, the expectations of rulers, and the origins of these rituals.
The custom of the country of Annam is that the first day of the first month of the new year is called Tet. Everyone goes to bow before the king, and then they bow before the lord,74 and then they bow before their grandparents and their ancestors, and finally their parents and anyone else who ranks above them. All the officials in power go to bow before the king and the lord, while the ranks of ordinary people go, first of all, to bow before the Buddha. The feasting for Tet lasts three days; there is the first day, which is followed by a second and a third, and all of them are auspicious days. Then the king and the lord go to the giao, which is known as the Temple of Heaven and also as the realm of the Supreme Heavenly Emperor. There both the king and the lord bow down and ask that all under Heaven will have rain and that the people will have peace. Then, by the seventh or eighth day, the festival is over, and feasts also are set out for everyone to eat for ten days. Once an auspicious day is identified, arrangements are made so that everyone may go to the feast and also to visit government officials and to ask about all matters; this is done as it was in former times when the country was first established, when anyone could have an audience with the king. It was at that time that the notion of going into a royal audience first appeared. Whether at the interior tower, the exterior office, or among officials of the prefectures and districts, people could come forward to present their lawsuits. Then, in the middle of the week, there was the birthday celebration and the informing of the spirits so that all under Heaven might offer their congratulations to the king. Anyone who practiced any type of profession would then demonstrate it for the king to observe. Then, during the last week of the first month, the Virtuous Lord [the Trinh ruler] would again offer sacrifices to the “Ky Dao” down by the sandbanks and would build a sacrificial altar.75 First there would be an altar for the Heavenly Lord Supreme Emperor, then an altar for all the kings from Le Thai To to the present, and finally one altar to worship the Ky Dao spirit. Then the Virtuous Lord would bow at these three altars. Next the Virtuous Lord would go to the altar of the Ky Dao spirit and bow there, after which he would pull out his sword and swing it and then take his bow and shoot it. Then he would again strike the gong and take out the sword as a signal for everyone to fire their guns, and then he would turn and go, and this was called examining the troops. Then he would go directly to drilling the elephants and horses, and this would mark the end of the new year [ceremonies]. There would then be another Tet feast on the second day of the second month…. Then on the third day of the third month there would be yet another Tet feast, and this was called the an uoi.
In the past it was said that a respectful court official sought to dissuade the king from doing one or two things; the king, however, did not listen to him, so the official fled into the forest. The king then summoned the man, and when he did not return, the king burned down the forest in an effort to force him to come back. The official did not come out, however, but remained there and the fire burned until he died.76 All the people admired him and so they established a death anniversary on that day, and this was called the Tet of the third month, and they ate marble [rock sugar–filled] dumplings until they were full. Then there was the festival of the fifth day of the fifth month, and this was also a Tet and it was called the “Double Five Tet,” and there are numerous ideas concerning this festival. One is that everyone should go to bow before the king and the lord and then also bow to the ancestors of their lineage, and the king and the lord would give out fans to everyone, and these were to be white and inscribed with characters.
Also, [there is a story] that in ancient times, a person in the king’s palace offered advice, but because he was not given an official position, he threw himself into the ocean and died. This person’s name was Quat Nguyen, and when everyone celebrates this Tet, they go to sail boats, and this is called going to look for this person under the seas, and it included the singing of hat boi.77
The third tale tells of a person who made bronze pillars, and the diviners and all the sorcerers taught that anyone who had any kind of problem should go to celebrate this Tet, and they would trap fairies on that day. In the sixth month, everyone, including the various ranks of people who worked in the fields, would hold a feast to honor the death anniversary of the Agricultural Spirit King, the one who had created all the types of rice found in the world. On the day of the highest tide, the Virtuous Lord would row a boat and also fire a large gun to mark it, and this would be called competing with the water.
Then, in the seventh month, there was the autumn Tet, and anyone who had parents or siblings or a wife or children who had recently died would, in this seventh month, hold a feast for the village. If it was a wealthy family, they would also arrange a reading of the sutras for many days and then would be satisfied, and they would [also] pray to the Dia Tang buddha, Muc Lien, that their souls might have a safe journey to the Buddha paradise land, and they would also burn a mandarin’s gown and hat along with all types of other items for their father and mother.78 Then, on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, they would hold a ritual burning of their grandparents’ clothing. The Virtuous Lord would also distribute money to the sons and nephews of various people who had provided service to the king and had died; then every year on that day, ritual money would be burned for the spirits. On that day, called All Souls Day [Trung Nguyen] transgressions are forgiven, and no one goes to the market on that day, so that the ghosts and spirits can come together. On that day, all who have committed any small transgression for which they have been detained in prison will be set free to return to their homes. Then in the eighth month there is the autumn Tet, and everyone eats, sings, and plays together. Then, on the festival of the tenth day of the tenth month, no one celebrates a Tet festival. On that day, there are instead a sorcerer and a witch who celebrate that Tet together.
Then, in the last month of the year, everyone plants more grass on the grave of a father or mother, a brother or a spouse, repairs it, and then also cleans it; he or she also sets out a complete feast. Then, as the Tet day approaches, the king and the lord issue a calendar for everyone to see. On the thirtieth day, the Virtuous Lord goes to pour out water, and this is called discarding old things and taking on new things. Then, on the first day [of the feast], a New Year’s pole is erected in front of each house to prevent mischievous spirits from stealing things. Thus, the home of anyone who has a New Year’s pole belongs to the land of the Buddha, and any house that does not have a New Year’s pole belongs to the land of the spirits. In ancient times, our people told the story of a Buddha and a spirit who fought over the land. The Buddha said: “I have this ‘Casa’ tunic, and I can go where I wish, and that is how far my land stretches.” Saying this, the Buddha took the shirt and went out to claim all the land, so the spirit had to go into the sea. Every time we reach the last day of the year, the spirits return to try to take the land. The house or its land of those who do not have a New Year’s pole will revert to the spirit, and for this reason all under Heaven must have a New Year’s pole. All these things vary widely.
[Bento Thien, “Lich su nuoc Annam,” 119–21; trans. George Dutton]
EDICT REGARDING LOCAL CUSTOMS (1720)
The “Edict Regarding Local Customs,” issued by Trinh Cuong (r. 1709–1729), was part of an attempt by the northern rulers to restore social and cultural propriety. It spells out a range of reforms to be implemented at the village level, from educational practices to sartorial habits to consumption patterns. The regulations elaborated here suggest both the elite concern about harmony deriving from adherence to formal guidelines for behavior, as well as what amounted to a substantial gulf between official regulations and daily practices. The meticulous delineation of dress, expenditure, and sumptuary rights and obligations indicates the importance of hierarchy to Vietnamese courts, a concern found in the records as far back as the early Tran dynasty. Regulations regarding the types of sedan chairs and parasols allotted to various official ranks had already been spelled out in 1254.79 This edict also echoes the regulations issued by Emperor Le Thanh Tong in the latter part of the fifteenth century regarding the proper practices for marriage and mourning, two rituals seen as critical to upholding public morality.80
On the seventh day of the eighth month, the Trinh lord sent down an edict that stated the following:
In order to follow the essentials of governing in accord with enlightened civilization, the rectification of customs, and the provision of good government to the nation, the following clauses supersede all existing provisions, which have long since become degraded and obsolete. As such, this new edict goes beyond and replaces the previous regulations in its comprehensiveness and the extent of its clauses. It is wholly efficacious and correct to act in this manner. Crises commonly arise from abuses, and, having called for deliberation on this, we have put together the following ten clauses that we proclaim and promulgate here and beyond. All should give their utmost respect to them. By thus taking this opportunity for setting out to reform customs and practices, we further increase the people’s morals and return them to what is genuine.
1. Each prefecture shall establish schools, and we authorize education officials to reside in these schools in order that they might carry out their lessons. Whether scholars or commoners, they shall esteem achieving enlightenment and shall be devoted and industrious in their study of the way of propriety, righteousness, modesty, humility, filiality, loyalty, and trustworthiness.
2. In their personal conduct, people shall clearly understand moral principles. Current marriage practices have frequently failed to adhere to the [proper] rites, the practice of marriages between the children of maternal cousins having become a common one. Henceforth, this polluting custom may not be carried out as before. Those who violate these rules will be seized for having committed a crime against ethics and morality. Members of clans of the same lineage, even though they have obeyed to the utmost and have complied with the rituals, are also prohibited from marrying each other.
3. When petty officials, soldiers, common people, servants, and the like encounter an official, they must, if they are sitting, stand up, and, if walking, yield or back up. They must not act in an arrogant, haughty, or impertinent fashion. Transgressors will be seized and taken before the authorities to be punished in accordance with the statutes governing their crimes.
4. Among the ranks of commoners, all garments must be made of silk gauze, cotton, or silk cloth. Food trays and boxes must be of black lacquer. Bowls and porcelain must be of Southern manufacture [that is, Vietnamese]. When people pray for good fortune, make supplications, or present congratulations in village shrines, they are permitted to wear dark blue-green festival clothing and hats, but the garments must not be lined or pleated. They may not transgress restrictions by using the color purple, using expensive items of gold and jade, or wearing festooned sandals, walking shoes, stockings, or slippers. When they go to present incense at large Buddhist assemblies, they also are not allowed to transgress restrictions about the usage of each type of article, including horsetail caps, parasols, umbrellas, sedan chairs, and the wheels of vehicles, as well as swords, guns, and other types of military weapons.
5. When taking a wife, in stretching the cord across the street, one should comply with precedent, paying out one string of cash and one bottle of wine. If a wealthy family wishes to make private gifts of wine or meat, the value of these items may not exceed three strings of cash, and they must not forget to follow village customs or make excessive demands. Ordinary people should hold simple and inexpensive celebrations of scholars’ examination successes. No large festival may expend more than five strings of cash for wine and meat, no small one may expend more than two strings, and they may not fall back on the old ways.
6. Buddhist temples and monasteries henceforth may not, on their own accord, manufacture or cast bells or images. Only those monks and nuns who at childhood left their families to follow their aspirations to observe the Buddhist tenets [at a monastery] shall be permitted to reside there. Only those enrolled villager adult males already fifty years of age or older will be permitted to become monks. Historical vestiges and famous sites should await the receipt of formal documentation. We will permit each of the remaining Buddhist temples to have only one or two monks, and any beyond that number must be eliminated and sent home. Those who had previously followed a vegetarian diet for more than a year and shaved their heads will no longer be investigated. From now into the future, this must be complied with, and those who are in violation will be open to investigation by local officials and can be subjected to labor service among the people, so as to reduce the number of lazy idlers.
7. When prayers are offered, they should accord with the solemnity of the occasion. Only one or two head of sacrificial oxen or cattle should be offered. Discharging firearms or following other such customs, which also are transgressions whose expenses are harmful to the people, is not permitted. In regard to the items used in marriage, good fortune, or commemorative rituals, office-holders of the first rank may have no more than a total of ten head of oxen or cattle and no more than twenty settings of serving vessels. Allotments for those of the second rank and below shall be reduced proportionately: Each rank will have an additional decrease of one head of cattle and two serving vessels. The utilization of cattle by scholars and common people shall be less than that used by those of the ranked officialdom. Furthermore, ritual gifts to bereaved families may not cost more than ten strings of common cash and, for ordinary people, may not cost more than ten strings of old-style cash. Officials may use banners of woven silk or gauze as items to be used in cremations. Those of other ranks, like scholars and common people, may use only paper and are not permitted to use patterned brocade secretly.
8. During the Midautumn Festival, families in bereavement are not permitted to undertake the funerary offerings but must instead exchange chanted respects.
9. Creditors may not seize any debts from families in mourning or make any demands of them, [or] make inquiries that would hinder their filial responsibilities. Only when the mourning period is over may they press claims in accord with clear and sincere customs.
10. When a family in a village community is dealing with death and burial matters, it is not permitted to use the excuse of following local custom to inquire into issues of outstanding debts, to insist on banquets or meals, or to sign contracts requiring the sale of farm fields. Anyone who violates these stipulations will be reported to government authorities for punishment.
[Ngo Cao Lang, LTTK, vhv. 1321/1, 59a–61a; LTTK, 286–88; trans. William Pore and George Dutton]
“Lament for the South,” an epic poem of more than 860 lines, was written by the Nguyen loyalist Hoang Quang (d. 1803), a noted scholar from the Nguyen capital region around Phu Xuan. It is a literary response to the chaos surrounding the Tay Son uprising and the overthrow of the Nguyen rulers. The poem surveys the history of the Nguyen family and the evolution of the southern polity under its leadership. It then details the decline of the Nguyen, which Hoang Quang attributes to the machinations of the regent Truong Phuc Loan, who oversaw the transition to a new ruler after 1765 and continued to dominate the state into the early 1770s. The text is titled a lament and as such could be and was recited orally, simplifying its transmission within the Nguyen territories during the Tay Son years. The Nguyen dynasty’s Veritable Records of Dai Nam reports that Nguyen Anh’s sister heard a recitation of this lament and was so moved by it that she told her brother about it. Equally impressed by the poem, Nguyen Anh actively promoted its recitation among his troops. It became something of a rallying cry for the Nguyen thereafter. The excerpts here are a comment on the decline of the Nguyen and then a critique of the Tay Son brothers and their uprising.
As one eats rice, one suddenly thinks of former things,
And reflects on the patrimony of the Nguyen lords with increasing fondness.
One’s feelings are moved, thinking of the virtue of our first king [Nguyen Hoang]
Who labored to open the roads to come down to this place.
He divided the frontier at the place of the Thay ramparts.
North and south shared a mutual boundary, [simply] changing the flag,81
Guarding against even the smallest crack or crevice.82
The warming pond’s heat has already reheated the gold.
On high there are the Dao Duong [Nguyen] lords,
Below their subjects still have the heroes Gao and Gui.83
The ladders in the mountains and the boats at the docks all have been pulled back,
As long as there are people, Heaven and Earth will continue to protect them.
The title “lord” has already been transmitted through seven generations,
Fortunately, we continually wore the Heaven of Tang and Wen.84
The eighth transmission [of leadership] had recently passed to the late king.
Sash and turban had been altered; shirts and trousers also were changed.
One school of ritual music constituted a happy reunion.
People competed to cover the world in embroidered silk and to erect palace walls.
Everywhere there was peace and there was no conflict,
The gates of power were a purple red and the huts, a beautiful satin.
Mouths had rice and people patted their stomachs and all sang.
Looking at the south of Viet, one might have mistaken it for [the era of] Tang [and] Yu.85
After having depicted what he saw as a golden age of harmony and prosperity under the guidance of a succession of Nguyen rulers, Hoang Quang turned to an attack on those who had contributed to undoing this idyllic time, specifically the rebellious Tay Son.
Entering the quy ti year [1774], nine years had already quickly passed.
The rebellious people rose up in the region of Champa.
The lowly Tay Son official Nhac thought to take for himself the position of Tang and Wen.
“Aid the bright, destroy the dark” was their echoing cry.
Recklessly, they gathered iron, hammer, sword, gold, and gun.
From inside the mountains warfare burned black.
For banners they hung out tunics, and as for soldiers they pulled them from the trees.
They urged each other on, like packs of rats and bands of foxes,
With claws and fangs these interlopers labored side by side with the rabble of merchants.86
It was funny to see grasshoppers attacking carriages.
As for those who expected the grasshoppers to fall, who could have foreseen it would be the carriages that were toppled?
The great prestige that followed them was without a capital.
At their head was still a dog, nipping from behind and continually fighting and gobbling up.
Everywhere they went, the precious jade stones disappeared,
Officials reported that in [the prefectures of] Thang and Dien the people had suffered all manner of crimes.
The court was far distant and it was not easy to get news,
Resigned to escape, it departed like a wounded animal in flight.
Why is it that there were no heroes who stepped forth?
It was because mouths were full of steamed rice and because of gluttonous and greedy Buddhist pagodas.
There being no paddy rice to pour out to hinder them, the three armies attacking the rebels had to eat rice from their own homes.
Why is it that there was no order for shields and spears?
Even with shields and spears sharpened, who was there to sue for peace or lead an attack?
Never mind the hundred battles lost, or their capture of storehouses full of silver and gold.
Crack troops, frontier soldiers, coastal patrols,
We brought out but weakened troops along the Tay Son routes.
Beyond the pass, we sent them into great difficulties,
The foundations of houses and military outposts returned to the part of the offspring.
Battles spread in lowlands along the shores and in highlands among the headwaters.
Scooping up people, money, and possessions, they built up ramparts as people’s reluctance grew.
As a result of deviousness, they’d assented to inhumane treatment.
Alone they wished to live, while the myriad peoples were forced to hope in vain.
If it is the case that below there is arrogance and above there is a throne, then there is none who cannot easily achieve fame and fortune.
Recalling more than any, the losses we have seen,
The country has lost half its dukes and marquis and others.
Why is it that there are no lineages of strength who bring out their talents,
Who take their livers to build ramparts and use their shoulders to construct citadels.
Only thus could we render the “hissing rebels” nameless nobodies,87
Spluttering spears, and frogs in wells, who boast of themselves in a deplorable plight?
Heroes have already had to come forth to aid the generation,
How is it that their talents have not yet been able to clean up this rebellion?
Despite their clever military strategies amidst a fate that puts them inside mosquito nettings,
They do not concern themselves with attacking the rebels, instead thoughtlessly attacking the people.
[Nguyen Cam Thuy and Nguyen Pham Hung, Van tho nom thoi Tay Son, 379–80, 386–87; trans. George Dutton]
DISCOURSE ON MEDICAL TRAINING (1783)
Le Huu Trac (1720–1791), whose pen name was Hai Thuong Lan Ong (Lazy Master of Hai Thuong), is among the most celebrated figures in the history of Vietnamese medicine. Family circumstances forced him to abandon the more conventional track of officialdom to return home to care for an ailing mother. During this time, he was tutored by a local doctor, and soon Le Huu Trac had earned a widespread reputation, attracting students of his own. He produced an extensive corpus of medical writings detailing many aspects of the etiology of disease, treatments, medicines, and general medical practices. These, the most important early modern Vietnamese medical texts, reflect a combination of Chinese influences and local healing arts. Le Huu Trac also was well known for his account of Vietnamese urban society and culture written during a visit to Hanoi in 1782 when Trinh Sam summoned him to treat the ruler’s son, the crown prince. The following excerpt is from the introduction to The Medical Practices of the Lazy Master of Hai Thuong, one of his medical compendia. It describes some of the fundamental aspects of practicing the medical profession, particularly the ethics of encounters with patients.
When you study the vocation of medicine, you must adhere to and thoroughly understand Confucianist principles. Once you completely understand these principles, the study of medicine will be much easier. During my leisure time, I take out books by brilliant doctors of past and present, studying them and refusing to put them down. I can find and understand in great detail the parts written brightly and clearly and presented so skillfully and concisely. What I learn I keep in my heart, for if what I understand I have before my eyes, I can respond more naturally with my hands.
When families ask you to examine ill members, you must consider the urgency of each patient’s condition in deciding when you will attend to them. First, you must not consider their wealth or status or their poverty or humble rank. Furthermore, the proper sequence should be followed when examining a patient, and when prescribing medicines, you must not distinguish between the superior and the inferior. If your heart is not entirely sincere, this will cause difficulties, for your emotions will limit the effectiveness of your efforts.
When you attend to a married woman, a widow, or a Buddhist nun, you should have an attendant close at hand; only then should you enter the bed chamber to see the ill person. The reason for this is to avoid raising any suspicions, and the same holds true even for the households of singers and prostitutes. It is essential that you guard your heart and maintain propriety, and you should regard [these people] just as if they were children of respectable and honest families and must not take advantage of them in the slightest way, as this would harm your reputation and surely result in reports of licentiousness on your part.
Once you have become a doctor, your primary concern must be to help people. You cannot pursue amusements on a whim, whether climbing mountains with alcohol in hand or going out for pleasure to see the countryside. Even when you are far from home, if people come to seek your help with a serious illness, you must accept your responsibility and yield to their wishes, and you must not be late in case the patient’s life is in danger. Thus, it is essential that you recognize your responsibilities.
Encountering a critical illness and wanting to devote all your strength to curing it is a worthy intention, but you must fully explain [the situation] to the patient and his family so they understand that they must both pay for the medicine and administer it to the patient. If the medicine helps the patient, then people will realize your good intentions, but if it does not help, then they will be suspicious and resentful of you. In either case, you have nothing to be ashamed of. When preparing medications, you must place great value on selecting and purchasing the best ingredients, and you must carefully observe Lei Gong’s rules88 for pharmaceuticals and follow them correctly with respect to the season, their manufacture, and their storage. Sometimes you should stringently follow the usual methods for preparation, and at other times you must adapt to the circumstances of the illness and make the necessary adjustments. When mixing medicines, you should be careful to adhere to the ancient wisdom and ideas and not combine ingredients and test them on people. Although you should prepare medicinal potions and medical powders in advance, pills and salves are best made fresh. You then can use those that would be the most effective for the particular illness. Avoid finding yourself in a situation in which you need medicines and do not have them at hand.
When you encounter people in the same profession, it is appropriate to be modest and amiable toward them, as well as circumspect, and you must not disparage or insult them. Be respectful of those of advanced years, and treat educated people as you would your teachers. Be modest and yielding toward arrogant people. Recommend and promote your inferiors. Acting in this fashion will permit you to maintain a virtuous and magnanimous heart and enable you to enjoy benefits and blessings.
When you examine a patient from a poor family, or a widow or orphan, or someone living alone, you should pay particular and careful attention. People of wealth and rank do not worry about not having someone to look after them. But what harm would there be in giving those who cannot employ a renowned physician a single dose [of medicine], sincerely hoping that they will enjoy a life of good health? And if poverty has caused the illness of those who are filial sons or virtuous wives, then besides prescribing medicine, you should offer any assistance you can, for if they have medicine but no food or drink, they will die anyway, so you must concern yourself with all aspects of their lives in order to show your benevolent skills. However, you need not pity idle loafers or careless wanderers who are impoverished by illness.
After the ill person recovers, you must not demand generous gifts, because if you accept them, people will fear you; [this is just as true for] wealthy people whose gratitude or anger can be overwhelming. Also, if you seek glory, you are likely to have many problems. Seeking to please people only to gain substantial benefits for yourself can produce many harmful consequences. For this reason, to have the most refined techniques, you must establish for yourself moral integrity of the highest order.
By heeding the wisdom of the great sages of the past, I avail myself of their instructions to keep a heart that is compassionate and helpful, and the virtue that this produces will be sufficient. The path of medicine is a humane calling, and you must concentrate on human life. You must take pleasure from people’s happiness and must accept as your only duty the task of caring for people’s lives and not scheme for personal gain or calculate your achievements. Even though you may receive no worldly recompense, you will still gain the blessings that accrue to good works done in secret. A proverb says: “For three generations there will be physicians, thereafter people will surely serve as officials.” Is it not true that when you do that, this will occur? I have often seen physicians of my generation or that of my parents who blackmailed the relatives of people who were dangerously ill or urgently summoned them for difficult cases in the middle of a rainy night. When the [patient] has a mild illness, they declare it to be a serious one, and when the [patient] has a serious illness, they announce that it is life threatening, and thus they deceive people to obtain benefits for themselves; this is very harmful. These physicians seriously contemplate taking advantage of wealthy people to seek profits, whereas they are completely indifferent to the poor and destitute, insensible to life or death. Alas! We must replace these ruses and deceptions with benevolent practices and must replace hearts that are humane and virtuous for these hearts of commerce. Patients who survive should reproach them, and [the souls of] those who die should be bitter toward them; they cannot be pardoned under any circumstances.
As for the matchless ambition of public recognition, I am happy to feel the clouds and water. The ancients said: “If one cannot be a wise prime minister, one can still be a good physician.” For this reason, it was my intention to put all my energy into worthwhile matters, strongly emphasizing philanthropic matters and taking up medicine to serve as my heart’s aspiration, so that I would not be ashamed when I raised my head [to look at the heavens] or when I bent my head [to look at the earth]. But when I encounter illnesses that lie beyond my power to cure, this is the fate of Heaven. In situations where I can act despite contrary forces but where my hands are tied, I can only watch the patient’s declining strength. If I have not exerted myself with all my heart, I should not receive any reward, and there is nothing else I can do but complain and lament, which achieves nothing whatsoever. Master Yue said: “To regard the body lightly while giving great weight to riches are two incurable matters. Lacking sufficient food and clothing is the third incurable matter.”89 I have met such people; they treat others with scant regard, whereas I regard others as important, and even when I am not capable of acting suitably, I still deal with them. Oh! It is difficult to maintain both one’s prosperity and one’s compassion. Moreover, it is hard to exert one’s strength but not be able to follow one’s heart, for one can give only half of one’s abilities to the medical arts.
[Le Huu Trac, “Y huan cach ngon,” 1a–3b; trans. George Dutton]
INTRODUCTION TO THE COMPLETE ANTHOLOGY OF VIETNAMESE LITERATURE (1770s)
This excerpt is taken from the introductory essay to Le Quy Don’s compilation The Complete Anthology of Vietnamese Literature, a volume that includes nearly 1,800 poems representing 175 poets. This text provides a useful comment on the importance of literature to the Vietnamese elite. In it, Le Quy Don examines the literary pursuits of a range of people in Vietnamese society, from rulers to monks to women. He describes the kinds of poetry being composed and the nature of these different compositions. The larger project to which this text is a preface was one in a long line of literary anthologies created by Vietnamese literati throughout the centuries. Indeed, contemporary Vietnamese scholars continue to compile such volumes. In earlier periods, such compilations were essential to the preservation of a relatively fragile literary heritage whose transmission depended on periodic recompilations. The scholars who created these compendia regularly complained that much had been lost because of Chinese invasions or simply the vicissitudes of time, though much also was destroyed by the Vietnamese themselves through domestic warfare or deliberate action. Several of the poems translated earlier in this volume are included in Le Quy Don’s anthology.90
Emperors’ education concerns the illumination of principles and the establishment of rule. Florid words are not necessary. Yet in moments of leisure, the emperor may express his sentiments by reciting verse to create harmony. Shun thus had the “Clear Cloud” ode and Yu, the lyric of the “Jade Documents.” The ornateness of these works established the tradition of poetic teaching. They were followed by Han Gaozu’s “Great Wind” ode, Han Wudi’s “Autumn Wind” lyric, Tang Taizong’s “Imperial Capital” chapter, and Song Taizong’s “New Moon” verse. Their heroic talent and exceptional thoughts have moved everyone, from the past to the present.
The Viet domain has demonstrated its civility in a manner not inferior to that of the Middle Kingdom [China]. The verse that Le Tien Hoang sent to the Song dynasty’s envoy, Li Jue, has a gentle beauty. Although Ly Thanh Tong and Ly Nhan Tong [apparently] could both write well and were adept at poetry, we cannot verify this at the present time, as the Collection of Outstanding Figures of the Thien Community has only two poems by [Ly] Thai Tong and one by [Ly] Nhan Tong.
The various emperors of the Tran dynasty greatly enjoyed reciting verse. Each had his own poetry collection, but these have scattered and disappeared. The Collection of Viet Verse contains only a few dozen [of their poems]. Nonetheless, the expansiveness and refinement of their verses can still be discerned. Despite the Thien terminology, we still can gain a sense of the government’s standard for a moral education.
The current [Le] dynasty has expanded the empire. While Emperor Cao Hoang [Le Thai To] was working on horseback to do so, the spirit of the three poems that he composed dominated the age, and so he is comparable to Han Gaozu.91 Le Thanh Tong preserved this inheritance; he loved to compose poetry, producing as many as one thousand [poems]. He ordered each to be capped by prominent officials, and today, these works can be found in collections. Heroic and exacting, they exhibit the brilliant spirit of an emperor and are in no way inferior to the poetry of Emperor Wu of the Han.
Since the Restoration [1592], all the emperors have displayed civil virtue. They have embellished their peaceful rule by composing lines about the landscape and offering verses to departing officials. The valiant tones and harmonious rhymes of their verses are in the same category as the Song [dynasty] master’s verse about appreciating flowers and the Tang emperor’s work about journeying to his residence.
Poetry and odes are composed by sages during their leisure times. I dare not offer my own praise but merely carry out the order to compile this collection. This work is divided into chapters that follow each age in succession. The initial [chapters] contain the poetry of monarchs and officials from the Ly and Tran [dynasties]. The fifth and sixth chapters respectfully record the writings of emperors from the current dynasty, and the poetry of officials and prominent literati from the current dynasty is appended to the seventh chapter onward.
Works from the Han, Wei, Qi, and Liang [dynasties], such as four-, five-, six-, and seven-line verses, odes, and Music Bureau poems all are referred to as [being in the] ancient style. The five-, six-, and seven-character [per line] regulated verse and quatrains dating from the Tang are called the new style. Old-style verse must have movement, while new-style verse must have parallelism. Old-style verse values loftiness and smoothness, while new-style verse values clarity and beauty. Their temperaments are therefore very different. Accordingly, people in the past said, “Regulated verse does not mix with ancient-style verse, and ancient-style verse cannot mix with regulated verse.”
Following the Complete Tang Poetry, this work is divided for ease of reading into two sections, one [made up] of old-style and one of new-style verse. The seven-character regulated poems in the new style are listed first, followed by five-character regulated verses, six-character regulated verses, seven-character quatrains, and five-character quatrains.
Poetry was first collected during the Qi and Liang dynasties. Only [the poet’s] name was appended to the poem. Information about his hometown and official position was not investigated. [In contrast,] the Complete Tang Poetry and the Compiled Poetry of the Song and Yuan provide personal information about each poet, like a small biography, in order to enhance readers’ appreciation. We will respectfully follow this model.
The poetry of emperors comes first, and here is respectfully recorded information about their sagely virtue. The names of officials and Confucian scholars are listed, and information about their families, their villages, and famous sites nearby, as well as their writings, has been researched and included. Information that cannot be verified is omitted. The poetry from the Tran period also is dealt with in this manner.
Lu Donglai’s Mirror of Song Literature categorizes writers in five ways: (1) those whose writings are strong in both form and principle; (2) those whose writings are beautiful in form; (3) those whose writings are acceptable but that people consider beautiful in form; (4) those whose writings are not beautiful in form but who themselves are virtuous in character but not well known, and out of fear that such works will be lost, a few have been included; and (5) those whose writings are not beautiful in form but from which good principles can be learned. In compiling this work, we also have humbly followed this model.
Each poet has his own style. Ministers and those who attend to the emperor write poetry that is gentle and rich. Officers and those guarding the border compose works that are austere and heroic. Poetry about scenery and the seasons favors a pure beauty. Poetry about a life of retreat in the mountains values leisureliness. Declarations of purpose must be solemn. Laments about the past must be moving. Verse offered as a departing gift must be supple and attractive. The intent must be expressed first, with tone following next. It is impossible to use such a poem in other contexts, as it is too precise.
The great poets of the past all excelled at their task, which one can see in their verse. But poetry that deals only with love or curiosities and that dwells on certain words or phrases is vulgar.
During the Hong Duc era [1470–1497], Hoang Duc Luong compiled the fifteen-chapter Selecting the Beautiful Poetry Collection. Its preface states,
There are reasons why not all poetry has been passed on to later generations. Minced and broiled meat is the most delicious object under Heaven, and silk brocade is the most beautiful object under Heaven. Anyone with eyes and a mouth knows that these objects are valuable. Poetry has a beauty beyond other kinds of beauty and has a flavor that surpasses other flavors. You cannot view it with ordinary eyes, nor can you taste it with an ordinary mouth. Only poets can appreciate it. This is the first reason why not all poetry has been passed on to later generations.
Ever since the Ly and the Tran established the kingdom, talents in each age made a name for themselves. Were such people ever lacking? Those in high government positions, however, were all too busy with official matters to take the time to compile anthologies. Meanwhile, those who had retired from office, lower officials, and scholars studying for exams paid no heed. This is a second reason why not all poetry has been passed on to later generations.
Among these people were those who tried to make compilations. But they all eventually gave up when they found how difficult the task was and how insufficient their efforts were. This is a third reason why not all poetry has been passed on to later generations.
During the Tran [dynasty], if poetry and prose did not obtain the royal imprimatur, it could not be published. This is a fourth reason why not all poetry has been passed on to later generations.
These four factors have inhibited the dissemination of poetry for a long period of time, covering three dynasties. This is why even masterpieces that enjoyed the protection of the spirits have ended up piecemeal and scattered. Then some works were recorded on thin parchment and left at the bottom of a chest or case; how can we expect them to have survived intact through times of turmoil?
The preface to Duong Duc Nhan’s fifteen-chapter Essential Poetry Collection states, “Among the materials that I have not found are poems by top officials of the Tran dynasty. We therefore cannot follow their words in order to understand their hearts. [But] we hope that later gentlemen will collect and record them, so that we will not lose these jewels.”
The collections of both these gentlemen were like this, and now we have only half of what they collected. The rest has been scattered and lost. Oh, how regrettable this is!
I have compiled this collection based on what I have seen and heard. This includes material from torn scrolls and abandoned stelae, which I copied and included. When compiling the best writings from a period of more than five hundred years, including the fine lines of several dozen great writers, I used all my energy. But I still am not confident that I found everything, and hope that later generations will be able to fill in what I omitted.
Some Thien monks were good at reciting verse, such as Huizong Tangxiu. Since ancient times, people have spoken highly of them. Buddhist teachings were deeply appreciated during the Ly and Tran [dynasties], and exams often were held to test Buddhist knowledge. As a result, for a time there were quite a few literate Buddhists. Van Chieu Khanh Thien was skilled at composing verse, while both [Masters] Phap Loa and Huyen Quang produced poetry collections.
By the time of the current dynasty, Buddhist ways had dissipated. And while monks like Tung Gian early in the dynasty, or Huong Hai at the time of the Restoration, did not delve deeply into Buddhist teachings, even their writings are hard to find, so I have appended such works at the end of this collection.
While verse is not supposed to be recited in the bedroom, out of the three hundred poems in the Classic of Songs are quite a few by women and girls. Later, women like Yi’an [that is, Li Qingzhao] and Ximeng were praised in poetry collections, so there is no harm in collecting their poetry.
Information about the Front Palace’s Kim Hoa female scholar [Ngo Chi Lan] can be found in recorded tales. Even though she was the most outstanding poet of her age, her poetry was not saved for later ages. More recently, there have been a few women who have been fairly good at composing verse and whose poetry is somewhat readable. It definitely does not have a womanly feel to it. I have appended here three such poems.
During times of peace between the South and North, poetry and prose were exchanged. During the previous dynasty, when envoys arrived, they presented poems, and the emperor responded in verse. When the envoys from this dynasty cross the border on their 10,000-league journey, they often impress scholars in the Middle Kingdom. They also exchange verse with envoys from Chosen [Korea], creating deep and lasting bonds as well as fame for themselves. Therefore, I also have appended here verse from Northerners and foreigners.
[Bui Huy Bich, Hoang Viet van tuyen, 3:246–59; trans. Liam Kelley]
PREFACE TO THE LITERATURE SECTION OF GENERAL HISTORY OF DAI VIET (1749)
To Confucian scholars, the preservation and transmission of ideas by means of the written word was of paramount importance. The General History of Dai Viet was an important historical summary of the early Le dynasty. In it, Le Quy Don comments on both the importance of Vietnam’s literary tradition and the factors that influenced its creation and preservation. He compares the Vietnamese tradition unfavorably with the Chinese, noting that the Vietnamese produced only a fraction of the enormous output of their Northern counterparts. Le Quy Don is particularly interested in the issues related to the preservation and compilation of literary collections and notes the numerous physical and political challenges that make such efforts very difficult. In his view, this preservation is crucial, precisely because future historians and officials need to be able to examine the thoughts and experiences of those who came before them in order to be able to learn from them.
The Classic of Changes states, “By observing the patterns in the heavens, one can discern temporal changes. By observing the patterns in human society, one can transform all under Heaven.” Lu Wen of the Tang dynasty commented on these lines by stating, “Those who wish to observe temporal changes must first establish their moral being in order to be able to discern the [correct] signs. Those who wish to transform all under Heaven must first choose words that will assist in this meritorious enterprise.” How great literature is! The Five Classics and the Four Books all are masterpieces! They complement the five planets and the four celestial houses, serving respectively as the inner and the outer, the beginning and the end.
After this time [of the writing of the Five Classics and Four Books] great ministers and eminent [Confucian] scholars produced works in each age. Although some of them did not achieve complete purity, they all nonetheless resonate with the refined essence of khi/qi and find their source in the virtuous heart of the [correct] Way. Each has based his own teachings on what he knows. The wise and virtuous have given us writings that can broaden our understanding of myriad things, allowing us to better ourselves. Can such works then be disregarded and not read?
I have often examined the bibliographies from the Han, Sui, Tang, and Song dynasties and have seen that the number of books they produced easily exceeded a million volumes. What richness! What abundance! At that time, the palace library was extremely detailed and complete. Scholars also carefully maintained their own private collections, and works were distributed widely. Therefore, even when [the North] endured periods of war and turmoil, not much was lost.
Our kingdom calls itself [a domain of] manifest civility. Above is the emperor and below are his officials. All have engaged in writing. But when we compile their works, [we find that] these number just over one hundred volumes. Compared with writers in the Middle Kingdom, we have not produced even one-tenth of what they did. Not only is the volume of works we produced small, but our preservation efforts also have been haphazard. We do not have a central library to hold works or an official in charge of collection. The collating, copying, sun drying, and storage of books all are done without following any set rules. The scholars of each age have been concerned only with following established standards as a means to examination success. Should they come across a work from an earlier dynasty that is unrelated to their studies for the civil service examination, they put it aside and make no note of it. Or if they do copy it down, they neglect to collate it carefully. Those who are fond of collecting old books keep for themselves the works they possess and do not show them to others. Therefore, it is difficult to obtain old books and when one does, one finds that the errors and lacunae are so numerous that the works are impossible to correct. This is profoundly regrettable!
The Tran dynasty was a time of prosperity; its literature was refined and its institutional records complete. Then at the beginning of the Tran Nghe Tong reign [r. 1370–1372], the Chams invaded, burning and pillaging almost everything. For a time after that, a few works were collected again. Then when the Ho lost power, the Ming general Zhang Fu sent all books, past and present, to Jinling.92
Our dynasty [the Le] dispelled turmoil and established order. The famous [Confucian] scholars Nguyen Trai [1380–1442], Ly Tu Tan [b. 1378], and Phan Phu Tien [fifteenth century] together collected ancient works and lost writings. Given the destruction caused by years of war, they could obtain only four- or five-tenths of what had been written. Le Thanh Tong [r. 1460–1497] was especially fond of the [Confucian] classics and ancient texts. During the beginning of his Quang Thuan reign [1460–1469], he ordered unofficial histories, as well as works in private collections, to be collected. All were to be presented for his perusal. Then in his Hong Duc reign period [1470–1497], he ordered that lost books be found and preserved in the palace library. Those who presented rare works were generously rewarded, so books from the past gradually began to reappear.
When, however, Tran Cao created disorder [1516], and the capital was lost, people raced into the palace in search of valuables. Books and scrolls were left scattered about the streets. The Mac usurpers then collected and recopied some works. However, when our kingdom retook the capital again [1592], all the books were destroyed in the fighting. Only a few scholars who had their own collections were able to preserve them [through these times]. Oh, how unbearably regrettable!
During the more than three hundred years of the Ly and Tran dynasties, how many decrees, orders, elegies, songs, compositions, essays, memorials, regulations, and laws there must have been. Today, however, they all have been lost. The Celestial South’s [Records Made] at Leisure records the laws, regulations, literary works, and administrative orders from our dynasty, much like the Complete [Record of] Institutions or a [compendium of] “important documents.” But it contains only about one- or two-tenths of what there once was. Of the works compiled by erudite gentlemen, like the Selecting the Beautiful Poetry Collection, which was an anthology of the literary output of wise and virtuous men, we have today only the title. Its contents are nowhere to be found.
Oh, my goodness! When our sage [that is, Confucius] wanted to view the teachings of the Xia and Yin dynasties, he lamented that what remained in the kingdoms of Qi and Song was insufficient to verify [his statements]. This is only what happened to very ancient institutional records. But the abundant and flourishing records of the Western Zhou remain brilliant and verifiable. How is it then that the works from before the time of our dynasty’s restoration [1592] and those of the Ly and Tran have all come to naught?
[Le Quy Don, Dai Viet thong su, A.1389, 63a–65a; trans. Liam Kelley]
This poem, “Rhapsody on West Lake,” by Nguyen Huy Luong (1740s–1808), describes a large lake in the western part of the capital, Thang Long. It was written in the vernacular script chu nom around the year 1800 as an ode to the prosperity and harmony said to characterize the northern Vietnamese realm under Tay Son rule. Some sources suggest that the poem was commissioned by the Tay Son emperor, Nguyen Quang Toan, rather than constituting a scholar’s spontaneous reaction to the Tay Son era. Whatever the case, Nguyen Huy Luong’s poem prompted a scathing reply by a fellow scholar, Pham Thai, who in “Against the Phu Poem in Praise of West Lake” mimicked the meter and rhyme of this poem to reverse its imagery and paint a bleak portrait of life under the Tay Son. This confrontation in verse reflects the divisions created by the new Tay Son regime, in which some scholars shifted their allegiance to the new dynasty while many others chose to remain loyal to the toppled Le regime in the hope that it might somehow be restored. The poem’s language echoes earlier works that discuss the beauty of the Vietnamese lands. Its association of particular geographical features with historical figures and mythical spirits recalls Ly Thai To’s 1010 edict regarding the establishment of the new capital at Thang Long.93 It also includes references to the many tales of places and spirits found in Ly Te Xuyen’s compilation Departed Spirits of the Viet Realm (1329).
How beautiful the landscape of the West Lake!
How strange the scenery of the West Lake!
Venturing to recall the time when the earth was divided into nine regions,94
One knows that here existed a stony hill.
Previously a white fox came and dwelled there as its den;
The Dragon King broke out and turned the hill into a large swamp.95
Later, a golden ox ran into it, and it became an abyss,96
Where King Gao Pian disturbed the artery of the royal capital;97
Formerly named Dam Dam [Lake of Heavy Rains] and Lang Bac [Anchoring upon the Waves],98 the lake’s landscape looks as if it were an islet of stars or a bottle of ice.
Deeply dyed in royal blue, it looks like limpid waters emerging from an emerald cave;
Sinuously shaped like a silver hook, it invites an association with a silvery piece dropped from the moon.
More than a thousand hectares of the mixed color of water and sky are surrounded by flowers and grass of all seasons.
As the trace of the phoenix’s beak remains observable on the hillock, one calls it the tower of the rising moon.
An estuary so deep a dragon could not drink it dry, people name it the bowl of milk.
The stone stupa is the site where immortals hide their treasures,
The mound is the place where the Chinese alien buried talismans.99
The temple of Gentleman Muc is always filled with burning incenses, commemorating his victory in capturing the tiger with his magic net.100
The shrine of the spirit Tran Vuu remains intact through the rainfall and sunshine of temporal changes, preserving the trace of his divine sword on the turtle.101
Near that wharf scintillates the temple of Thien Nien and, separated from the
lake by forests, heaves the rapid of Van Bao.102
The fragrance from the Kim Lien temple flows on the ripples of the lake; the shadow of the Tran Quoc temple seems to imprint itself on the heavenly realm.
The shadows of the lines of old trees reflected in the water are stirred by winds, and the school of Phung Thien103 intuitively combines the pleasures of the Yi River and rain altars.104
King Bo Cai’s traces on the temple’s foundation are overgrown with moss;105 the landscape of the temple of Ba Danh is adorned with flowers blossoming in front of its entrance gate.106
This place looks dreamily like the Vulture Peak,107 and at the edge of Hoa village, chirping sounds can be heard from magpie nests.108
Those roofs give the impression of being the Peach Blossom valley109 and, from farms, echoes the crowing of a few roosters.
Smokes rise in curls from the Thach Khoi village’s hearths, and waves rise languidly from the rapids of Nhat Chieu.
Coming in flocks to the edge of the riverbank, merchants’ boats are in full sail, jostling like butterflies.
Resting quietly on the shores of the Co Ngua pond, the Cao Tang stupa’s vault windows are still ajar.
The pounding sounds of the Yen Thai ward’s pestles clatter in frosty air,110 and the fishing nets of Nghi Tam village strain the winding stream.
On the other lakeshore willow branches fly idly; darting back and forth like shuttles, orioles flirt with the two brocade-weaving wards.111
In the estuary rise scattered parasol-like lotus leaves; fireflies envy the fires burning in the five villages.112
Cicadas sound shrilly like lutes being played,
Cuckoos’ calls resonate rhythmically like the beating of wooden bells.
As breezes blow past the hill of Chau Long,113 time-keeping drums echo along Truc Bach Lake.
When the half moon peers over Mount Phuc Tuong,114 cold sounds of cloth beating are heard from a distance over the To River.115
Sightseers loiter at several places,
And idle visitors gather in groups here and there.
…
Now Heaven gladly blesses orthodoxy, and the kingdom opens to great examples.
The Creator’s mechanism pervades every movement, and the vital force of Heaven and Earth operates as if in the auspicious time of Yao and Shun.116
The foundation of the royal citadel is established steadily in Long Bien, and everywhere people turn toward the throne.
The altar of Trung Trach laid the groundwork for the temple of Nguu Chu, and now all elements in West Lake’s scene expose their fragrances.
Bushes of decayed grass have not yet transformed into fireflies,117 but pink clouds have already passed the time of “grain in ear.”118
Drawing on monthly divinations and the symbolism of the hexagram cau, starting from its first horizontal line, [one knows that] Heaven is sweeping all dusts away.119
Watching the annual natural principles, and waiting for the seven-decimeter Tuy Tan pipe to be used during the fifth month,120 [people will see] the earth cast off the pipe’s ashes.121
Based on the concepts of reciprocity, when cold ends, warmth will take its place;
According to the principle of fullness and emptiness, when insufficiency is at an end, sufficiency will follow.
When a yin line appears under five lines of yang,122 all beings will have received the favor of having been born.
As the seven rulers of the times and seasons have been settled around the nine-step throne, the four seasons operate in accordance with the Dubhe star of the Big Dipper.123
Reverent incense fragrances fly up to great heaven; ritual wine permeates the responsive earth.
As splendid auspicious five-color clouds expose themselves like two lines of gems and silks, let grass and trees praise the merits of Kings Tang and Wu.124
When panpipes resound from time to time below the nine-step throne, birds and beasts all dance to honor the power of Tang and Yu.125
Flowers are intermingled with five-color flags,126 and the three-pompom spears are mirrored on the water surface.
When southerly breezes blow, one seems to hear harps being played, and species from deep waters appear as if willing to come up to pay respects.127
On the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, we hear resounding good wishes, and images of distant mountains seem to be taking a bow with three cheers.
Such rituals and music have but rarely been experienced for thousands of years,
And very few things in history can compare with this scene.
From both above and below, the leader and people find themselves in appropriate circumstances, just as a dragon flies through the clouds or a fish swims in the stream; officials gather in good order like two ranks of mandarin ducks and egrets watered by congratulatory wine.
All near and remote places are now united within the kingdom’s territory; the [king’s] sincere and devout mind-and-heart makes allowances even for grass cutters and wood collectors.
Demonic air is swept away under blue banners,
Propitious light flows in front of hanging braziers.
Clearing their throats, at the rapids’ end, people borrow the phrase “directing
the rearing of the walls” and send it to wild geese.128
Singing at the end of the estuary, one chants the phrase “being on the islets” and leaves the words to wild ducks and wigeons.129
Similar praises seem to be found in the “Greater Odes of the Kingdom,”130
And the chanting tunes we hear appear as if coming from Yao’s thoroughfare.131
We reflect on people enjoying the happiness of digging wells and plowing fields; everywhere, the young sing and the elderly dance.
We observe that animals and plants have been pacified; nowhere do we see pilfering, as by rats or foxes.
Gladly time now appears with peaceful omens; we would like the sage king to be more cautious during entertaining periods.
The streams overflow at the other side of the rapids; the water-illuminating lantern distinguishes the Jing from the Wei waters.132
Bushes of grass overgrow beside that temple; every sound of the drum beating that speeds up the full bloom of flowers separates fragrant grass from stinking weeds.
Surveying the scenery of the open country, one can examine the diligence or laziness of people’s practices;
Looking at the water’s brightness, one can scrutinize the purity or filthiness of the nature of things. By observing swimming fish and flying birds at the fishpond and on the tower terrace, [the king] can understand the circulation and stagnation along the path of the literati.
Listening to singing birds and crowing roosters in villages, [the king] can tell which places are becoming crowded, and which deserted.
All hidden emotions have been displayed visibly and audibly;
Peaceful efficacy must start from the regulation of the family and self-cultivation.
When people plant rice in these paddy fields and regard them as heavenly sources, they should be cautious with mouse holes covered by grass;
As people have built up dikes planted with willows and solidified their foundation, they must be careful about ants’ cracks in the dikes during times of high tides.
Although beautiful landscapes gather around the lake as a small complex, the merit of spreading out peace from here to all corners of the world is truly great.
I now feel shame for the shallowness of my knowledge and for the vulgarity of my premature nature;
I see myself as useless wood like timber of ailanthus or chestnut-leafed oak, and in my fifties I feel ashamed when facing the dying rays of the sun lighting upon the mulberry and elm.
In front of the fragrant altar, I dare not stand in the same rank with mandarin officials, but admiring the stunning scenery of the lake, I venture to submit a rhapsody in national language.
Standing by the imperial path, I face the sun, and following the rustic sounds of folk songs, I celebrate the long life of the precious kingly way.
[Nguyen Cam Thuy and Nguyen Pham Hung, Van tho nom thoi Tay Son, 125–47; trans. Nam Nguyen]
ON MARRIAGE (LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY)
Pham Dinh Ho was a noted scholar and a prolific author whose life spanned the Le, Tay Son, and early Nguyen regimes. He wrote several historical works and some geographical texts but is best known for his two compendia of stories, myths, and comments on various popular practices: Following the Brush Amid the Rains and Mundane and Random Records, the latter co-written with a friend, Nguyen An. The tuy but genre was a free-form prose style used by both Chinese and Vietnamese literati that allowed them to compile miscellaneous information in a single volume. Pham Dinh Ho’s works are excellent examples of these kinds of freewheeling texts, and they cover a wide range of historical anecdotes and strange tales. This excerpt on marriage rituals from Following the Brush Amid the Rains is representative of Ho’s observations about ideal cultural practices and the realities as they existed in late-eighteenth-century Vietnam. Here and elsewhere, he lamented the cultural decay all around him, contrasting ancient rituals with those he witnessed, in which shortcuts and distortions of ideals had become commonplace. While the Le Code of the fifteenth century had delineated very specific regulations for marriage practices, 133 this commentary suggests that they were frequently ignored and probably not enforced. Indeed, there are faint echoes here of Xue Zong’s third-century criticisms of marriage practices on Hainan Island, which he viewed as reflecting the barbarism of the distant southern lands under Chinese authority.134
The ritual of marriage has been established since the time of Fu Xi, and a succession of sagely officials has fully elaborated its details, which can be seen in the Classic of Rites.135 Later, Wen Gong collected these texts, deemphasizing the exchange of wealth and emphasizing the ritual of betrothal.136 He set forth the “six rituals,” and although the list of requirements was extensive, all people from the middle ranks downward carried out these tasks according to their capabilities.
In our country, those from the ranks of the higher nobility to local notables to the families of scholars performed only the three rituals of asking the bride’s name and horoscope, paying the bride price, and exchanging visits. Broadly speaking, this meant using the dowry as the primary ritual and clothing as the secondary [ritual]. Finally, rarely did people choose a match and discuss the notion of virtue. The Wen Zhong master said: “A marriage that is determined by money is one that follows in the way of the barbarians, and men of refinement do not set foot into that village.”137 Oh, how true that is! In ancient times, the families of boys would send out engagement queries, and the families of girls would send letters of reply. And the only one who went back and forth between them was the matchmaker. But now the custom is no longer like this. From the time that the process begins until the time that the marriage has been completed, the bridegroom’s family usually invites the entire clan to participate, and when the bride returns to her husband’s family, her entire clan also comes along. The rituals concerning money, clothing, and food are carried out only as formalities. Thus, even before the wedding rites have been completed, the family fields have already been mortgaged.
In earlier times, families marrying off daughters to their new husbands would not extinguish the torch for three days while thinking about one another and their separation. Those families to whom the new daughter-in-law was returning, would not play music for three days as they worried about carrying on their family name. The ancients considered this the roots of human relations and the sources of civilization: they worked simply so as not to forget the correct way of [doing] things. How could one perform them only to please the senses?
[In ancient times], the rituals would involve the use of animal hides, and then in the time of the Zhou dynasty, people began to use marriage contracts. Later generations also had rituals for bringing the horoscope card and for exchanging names and ages and letters, all of which increased this event’s cultured nature. In this respect, too, our predecessors’ intentions have begun to decline.
In our kingdom, we do not have the letters of invitation, but we do have the custom of blocking the path with a reed. We have abandoned the ritual of numbers but use money and grains, and in this way [the ritual] has already become quite vulgar, even though people consider it very important. Furthermore, the folk customs are quite varied. In some places, children from neighboring villages block the road and make demands, even to the point that people must stop their carriages and identify themselves. Sometimes they are held hostage and not permitted to continue their journey until they pawn their possessions. This is truly not something that makes for a flourishing age. I often think of the two characters for “orchids and reeds,” which are completely without meaning. I looked for but could not find any written references to them. Then in my readings I came across an imperial edict from the Mac dynasty’s Ming Duc period [1527–1529] and then understood that “orchids and reeds” had mistakenly been rewritten as “block the road.” In recent times, this has been mistakenly passed on, even though it is not true to the original. Local officials continue to circulate and use this edict, but without understanding it. One cannot help but laugh aloud.
In accordance with ritual, maternally related cousins may not marry each other. It also is true, as recorded in the Ngoc Kinh Dai [Terrace of the Jade Mirror] that since the Jin dynasty this ritual instruction has fallen into disuse. This [practice] cannot be very common, because such cousins are, in fact, first cousins on the maternal side of the family. In our kingdom, the offspring of first cousins also may not marry each other; only more distant relations may marry each other, and these customs continue to be upheld through their oral transmission. But this being the case, interactions between in-laws continue to be in dispute. Now, marriage serves as the basis for maintaining human relations, and as long as things continue in this way, it will produce chaos in all the ranks and status of the external lineage. There is no way that civilized men of great refinement in the future will be able to stand to listen to this tale.
Recently, some people have stopped mourning in order to continue with the marriage ritual of betrothal, which is extremely damaging to morality and already has been sternly rejected by the sages. When betrothal dowries are insufficient, a marriage contract is drawn up. Some cases even end up with lawsuits being filed, at which point the discussions about wealth have gone too far. How could we not end up like criminals or barbarians!
In ancient times, there was no ceremony for admitting the woman into the family, and so the jiao sacrifice was performed in the central hall. The family would then say their farewells. After three months, [the new wife] would return [to her family of origin], but afterward, it was improper for her to return again.
According to the Classic of Rites, an adoptee should wear mourning clothing for his father and mother. The ancient worthies’ commentaries interpreted this to refer to males being adopted and females being married off. Thus, when his parents die, [the adopted son] must go into mourning for his adoptive father, just as he also must go into mourning for his mother. This is what this [commentary] is talking about.
[Pham Dinh Ho, Vu trung tuy but (2003), 92–95, 346–49; trans. George Dutton, with Matthew Cochran et al.]
1. Taylor, “Literati Revival”; Whitmore, “Literati Culture in Dai Viet.”
2. Taylor, “Literati Revival,” 15–16.
3. Wheeler, “Buddhism in the Re-ordering of an Early Modern World,” 323.
4. Literally, “the Five Ridges,” referring to the territories below the mountains that constituted the traditional southern boundary of the Chinese realm.
5. Mount Hoanh was the traditional border between the northern and southern parts of Vietnam.
6. See Ngo Family Literary Group, The Unification Records of the Imperial Le (this chap.)
7. This refers to a phrase in the Classic of Poetry (Shijing): “In the fiery flames of Con Son, even jade and stone will burn up.”
8. Trac is a type of hardwood.
9. See Le Thai To and Nguyen Trai, “Edict on Currency” (chap. 3).
10. This note is in the original text.
11. This refers to the widespread circulation of poor-quality coins in the Han, as well as the frequent reduction in the weight of the coins being minted.
12. See “Treaty of Versailles Between Nguyen Anh and King Louis XVI” (this chap.)
13. See Nguyen Binh Khiem, “The Three Teachings” (chap. 3).
14. From, with minor modifications, The Classic of Changes: A New Translation of the “I Ching” as Interpreted by Wang Bi, trans. Richard John Lynn (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 129, 143.
15. Plain Questions, structured as a dialogue between the Yellow Emperor and his ministers and physicians, is an ancient Chinese medical text, considered to be the source for Chinese medicine.
16. “Spirit” refers to a nimble state of mind enabled by the purest material force.
17. The three teachings are Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism.
18. The nine classes of philosophy are Confucian, Daoist, Divination, Law, Logic, Mozi, Politics, Miscellaneous, and Agriculture.
19. The Three Mysteries are the Laozi, Zhuangzi, and Yijing.
20. The three patriarchs of the Truc Lam Thien sect are Emperor Tran Nhan Tong (1258–1308), Phap Loa (1284–1330), and Huyen Quang (1254–1334).
21. Ti and suu (C: zi and chou) are the first two of the twelve “earthly branches,” which, in conjunction with the ten “heavenly stems,” form the sexagenary cycle of time traditionally used in China, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam.
22. Hai Luong is the Buddhist name of Ngo Thi Nham.
23. Monk Hai Hoa is the Buddhist name of Nguyen Dang So (b. 1753).
24. Hai Au is the Buddhist name of Vu Trinh (d. 1828).
25. Zhang Rang of the Eastern Han was a power-abusing eunuch under Emperor Ling. When Zhang’s father died, Chen Shi was the only person from the local gentry class who attended his funeral. Zhang Rang was very grateful, and when Chen Shi was imprisoned, Zhang Rang protected and pardoned him and his family.
26. The dramatist Kang Hai (1475–1540) persuaded the corrupt premier Liu Qin to release the imprisoned talented official Li Mengyang. Thanks to Kang Hai’s persuasion, Li Mengyang was saved from execution.
27. These are the spirits of the sun and the moon, respectively.
28. The three realms are Heaven, Earth, and man.
29. See Duong Van An, “Dynastic Change” (chap. 3).
30. Both phrases are references to the Classic of Changes.
31. This point addresses concerns about foreign residents potentially serving as agents for neighboring regimes.
32. This refers to the Qin dynasty (255–209 B.C.E.) and the Viet (Yue) state, which held out against it from a coastal position encompassing Fujian southward to Guangzhou.
33. This refers to the transition from Lord Trinh Cuong (r. 1709–1729) to Lord Trinh Giang (r. 1729–1740).
34. That is, a singular accomplishment.
35. This refers to a phrase in the Analects (1.11): “When his father is alive, you observe a man’s intentions. It is when the father is dead that you observe the man’s actions. If for three years, he makes no change from the ways of his father, he may be called filial.”
36. This phrase refers to too many officials overseeing public matters.
37. “Falling fruit” alludes to Nguyen Thiep’s being advanced in years, while “springtime” refers to Quang Trung’s youthful vitality.
38. Taylor, “Literati Revival,” 19.
39. The “hundred surnames” is a synecdoche for the entire population.
40. These are a variety of lower-level administrative posts, including both aides and commissioners.
41. The Restoration is of the Le dynasty after the Mac had been driven from power.
42. This passage refers to the Le and Trinh retaking Thang Long from the Mac family in 1592.
43. Mount Tai is one of the sacred mountains of China.
44. See Quang Trung Emperor, “Edict on Ascending the Throne” (this chap.).
45. Hoang To, Than Tong, Minh Mieu, and Khao Vuong are the posthumous honorific titles of Nguyen Phuc Khoat’s predecessors as rulers of the Nguyen realm.
46. The “Sixth Month” is an ode in the Classic of Poetry commemorating a successful military campaign. Here, “sixth-month awe” is a reference to military success.
47. Qian and kun are trigrams found in the Classic of Changes, used for divination and prophecy.
48. Lieu Thang was the commanding general of the occupying Ming force.
49. The “Yao era” refers to the time of the legendary Chinese emperor Yao; Tran Cao was a rebel who attacked the capital of Thang Long in 1516; and the reference to the Han dynasty is to suggest that the people are thinking of the Le rulers who had been attacked.
50. A mang xa is a large snake. The reference is to Wang Mang, the official who usurped the Han throne early in the Common Era and briefly established the Xin dynasty.
51. Tao Thao (C: Cao Cao) was a warlord who seized power toward the end of the Eastern Han dynasty in the early third century C.E.
52. This possibly is a reference to Lu Dongbing, a Tang dynasty Daoist figure noted for using his sword to fight for justice and against evil.
53. During the Qin dynasty, tradition had it that whoever succeeded in capturing such a deer would become the new ruler of the state.
54. The phrase was a scoffing one made by an official about the Chu dynasty ruler Xiang Yu (r. 232–202), whom he called “a monkey wearing a hat.”
55. “La Chicken” is a reference to the wife of Emperor Han Gaozu (r. 202–195 B.C.E.), noted for her power-hungry cruelty; “La San” was a relative of the empress, also involved in schemes to seize the Han throne.
56. An Lushan (V: An Loc Son) was a Tang dynasty general who led a rebellion against the Tang in the mid-eighth century.
57. This refers to a brotherhood oath taken in a peach garden by three main characters in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms.
58. Chuan and Qin were two vassal states that helped a ruler regain his throne during the Xia dynasty.
59. Feng and Deng were generals for the Han emperor Guangwu (r. 36–57) who assisted their ruler by lighting fires to dry his drenched clothing after a battle.
60. Ban and Dang are references to hexagrams from the Classic of Changes that indicate times of chaos; the Hoang River and Thai Mountains are synecdoches for all Chinese rivers and mountains.
61. I am indebted to the notes to the translation of this document in the Dai Viet Su Ky Tuc Bien (1991), 280–83, translated by Ngo The Long and Nguyen Kim Hung and edited by Nguyen Dong Chi.
62. This indicates that he was aware of having committed a crime punishable by death.
63. Bac Ha (literally, “north of the river”) refers to the Trinh-governed territory north of the Linh River.
64. This refers to the seigneurial lords Trinh Kiem (r. 1545–1570) and Trinh Sam (r. 1767–1782).
65. In 500B.C.E., Confucius, advising the ruler of the Kingdom of Lu, prevented a rival kingdom, Qi, from arming and using non-Chinese people, the Lai, against Lu. Then in 498 B.C.E., Confucius ordered an attack on a group of men from the town of Bi who were rebelling. But in 493 B.C.E., while working for the Kingdom of Wei, he refused to offer military advice to its ruler and left, nearly starving to death in the Kingdom of Chen, before eventually going to the Kingdom of Song.
66. Master Zhu is the Neo-Confucian philosopher Zhu Xi (1130–1200). The Zuo Commentary (Zuozhuan) is the main commentary for an early historical chronicle known as the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu) and covers the years 805 to 453 B.C.E.
67. The two hexagrams, “already across” and “not yet across,” make their point by reference to the crossing of a river. Ngo Thi Nham appears to be following Zhu Xi’s explanation of these two hexagrams, which argues that if everyone has been ferried across a river, then the action is complete and there is little room for change or for someone to gain prevalence. When a river has not yet been completely crossed, however, someone could try to gain prevalence, if he did so in an appropriate manner. Hence, what Ngo Thi Nham appears to be saying to his uncle is that he should not privilege the set order over the possibility of change, as change can be good at certain times when it is brought about appropriately.
68. See Nguyen Phuc Khoat, “Edict Declaring Autonomy” (this chap.).
69. The Five Emperors are the Yellow Emperor, Emperor Zhuanxu, Emperor Ku, Emperor Yao, and Emperor Shun. The Three Kings are Fuxin, Suiren, and Shennong. All are legendary wise rulers of ancient China.
70. This is a synecdoche for the country.
71. This is a reference to the Classic of Documents (Shujing).
72. The ellipses are in the original text.
73. See Pham Dinh Ho, “Ritual for Venerating Heaven” (this chap.).
74. The “king” is the Le emperor, and the “lord” is the Trinh Chua, the power behind the throne.
75. Ky Dao refers to a military flag, and it is linked to the commemoration of the spirits of semilegendary military leaders.
76. This is a retelling of the tale of Jin Wen Gong, a ruler during the Zhou era, who sought to force state service on every capable man in his realm. One official refused, insisting on remaining at home to care for his mother and thus placing filial duty above state service. The king’s reply was to burn the forest in order to drive the man out.
77. The word quat is homophonous with the Vietnamese word for “fan”—hence the distribution of fans. Hat boi is a Vietnamese sung, staged performance.
78. The Dia Tang buddha is a bodhisattva who protects believers from suffering. The “Buddha paradise land” is a reference to the paradise where practitioners of Pure Land Buddhism believe they will go when they die.
79. See Ngo Si Lien, “Aristocratic Life” (chap. 2).
80. See “Marriage and Mourning” (chap. 3).
81. “North” and “south” refer to the Trinh and Nguyen territories.
82. This is an allusion to the phrase kim thanh thang tri, describing strong and stable moats and walls.
83. Gao and Gui were two loyal officials who served the legendary Chinese emperor Yao.
84. Tang (V: Thang) was the first ruler of the Shang dynasty, and Wen (V: Van) was a ruler in the Zhou dynasty. Here, their names stand in for earlier Nguyen rulers.
85. The names of two legendary Chinese emperors, Tang (V. Duong) and Yu (V: Ngu) (ca. 2300 B.C.E.), allude to the putative “golden age” of ancient China.
86. Ethnic Chinese merchants aided the Tay Son in the early years of their uprising.
87. The Tay Son rebels were sometimes called “hissing armies” because of the loud noises they made to intimidate their enemies as they traveled about the countryside.
88. Lei Gong was the Chinese god of thunder.
89. Master Yue is Tai Yue Ren (Bian Que), a noted Chinese physician in the Zhou dynasty.
90. See Tran Minh Tong, “Royal Poems on the Land”; “A Vietnamese Antiquity”; “The Literati’s New Worldview”; “Literati Poems, Literati Concerns”; and Ho Quy Ly, “Dai Ngu and the Ming Court” (all in chap. 2).
91. Han Gaozu was the founder of the Han dynasty.
92. This occurred around 1406 or 1407. At that time, Jinling (present-day Nanjing) was the capital of the Ming dynasty.
93. See Ly Thai To, “Edict on Moving the Capital” (chap. 2).
94. According to the Classic of Documents, after regulating rivers and watercourses, the legendary Chinese emperor Yu divided the land into nine regions.
95. Tales of the Strange Collected from Linh Nam (fifteenth century) tells the story of a thousand-year-old, nine-tailed white fox living in a cave in the mountain at the present West Lake. When the demon fox harmed local people, the king of the Water Realm dispatched his army to kill it and destroy its den, which was turned into an immense swamp.
96. Tales of the Strange describes a golden ox spirit in the mountains of Tien Du. Since the spirit often appeared at night, a monk exorcised it by pointing his metal staff at its forehead. The golden ox ran wild and butted several places, which created ponds. Finally, it jumped into the swamp, which turned it into an abyss.
97. Gao Pian of the Tang dynasty (618–907) was the governor of the Tang protectorate of An Nam and was well versed in geomancy.
98. The lake was named Dam Dam in the time of the Trung sisters (ca. 40) and Lang Bac during the Ly dynasty (1009–1225).
99. Acknowledging the geomantic royal channels of West Lake, the Chinese general Gao Pian buried talismans there to block them.
100. It is said that during his excursion on West Lake in 1096, King Ly Nhan Tong was suddenly attacked by a tiger. At this threatening moment, the fisherman Muc Than threw his magic net and captured the tiger, which turned out to be Le Van Thinh. Le Van Thinh was an exiled official who had learned black magic and wanted to kill the king.
101. Tran Vuu is a composite Sino-Vietnamese spirit. In China, he is the god of the north. In Vietnam, he helped Thuc Phan (the would-be king An Duong) wipe out evil spirits during the construction of Co Loa citadel. It is said that his metamorphosis took place at West Lake.
102. The temple of Thien Nien is located in the Trich Sai area near West Lake, and the Van Bao rapids are east of the lake.
103. Located in Quang Ba, the school of Phung Thien was where the regional examinations were held.
104. Confucius asked his disciples, “If some ruler were to know you, what would you like to do?” Zeng Xi (Dian) replied, “I would wash in the Yi, enjoy the breeze among the rain altars, and return home singing” (Analects 6:25). The custom of washing one’s hands and clothes at a river during the third month is believed to remove evil influences.
105. King Bo Cai is the popular title of Phung Hung (r. 791–799), who defeated the Chinese Tang army in 791. The term “Bo Cai” can be translated literally as “Father and Mother,” suggesting his originary role.
106. The temple of Ba Danh (Lady Danh) is located in the Thuy Chuong ward. It is said that Lady Danh was a princess of the Ly dynasty and the founder of the ward.
107. Vulture Peak is a small mountain outside the ancient city of Rajgir, India, where the Buddha preached.
108. In the commune An Hoa, north of West Lake, there is a temple surrounded by trees in which magpies build their nests.
109. Tao Yuanming of the Eastern Jin dynasty (317–420) composed The Peach Blossom Spring (Taohuayuan ji), in which a fisherman accidentally discovers a valley completely isolated from the rest of the world whose inhabitants fled the political chaos of the Qin dynasty and led a simple and pastoral life.
110. Early in the morning, residents of Yen Thai village, north of West Lake, often pounded paper powder to produce traditional handicraft paper.
111. The “two brocade-weaving wards” Tich Sai and Bai An are located near West Lake.
112. The five villages (ngu xa) are well known for bronze casting.
113. The hill of Chau Long is located by the Truc Bach pond.
114. Mount Phuc Tuong is on the south side of West Lake.
115. People washed their clothes, beating them with a pestle, on the banks of the To Lich River, which begins at West Lake.
116. Yao and Shun are two legendary emperors of China.
117. According to the Classic of Rites (Liji), decayed grass changes into fireflies from the end of the third month to the beginning of the fourth month of the lunar calendar.
118. The “time of ‘grain in ear’” was from the end of third month to the beginning of the fourth month of the lunar calendar.
119. The hexagram cau (C: gou [coupling]) is the forty-fourth of sixty-four in the Classic of Changes. Here, it refers to the fifth lunar month. See also note 122.
120. In ancient China, the Chinese divided music into twelve tunes, with six yin and six yang, and created a series of standard bamboo pitch pipes used in ancient music. Starting from the time of the Master Lu’s Spring and Autumn Annals (Lushi chunqiu, ca. 239 B.C.E.), these twelve tunes represented the twelve months of the lunar calendar. The pipe Tuy Tan (C: ruibin) belongs to the yang group and stands for the fifth lunar month.
121. According to the “Records on Regulated Calendar” (Luli zhi) in the History of the Han Dynasty (Hanshu), in order to monitor seasonal changes, people filled the pipes with reed ashes. Then, on the day marking one of the twenty-four divisions of the solar year in the traditional Chinese calendar, the ash would fly out of the pipe because of the seasonal change.
122. According to the twelve hexagrams of growth and decay (twelve xiaoxi gua), the hexagram cau, represented by five unbroken yang lines on the top and one broken yin line at the bottom , stands for the fifth lunar month.
123. The sun, moon, and five planets are the seven rulers of times and seasons.
124. In ancient China, Cheng Tang (ca. sixteenth century B.C.E.) defeated the Xia and established the Shang dynasty, and King Wu destroyed the Shang and established the Zhou dynasty (ca. tenth century B.C.E.).
125. Tang and Yu are two prosperous dynasties of ancient China’s two legendary emperors, Yao (ca. 2356B.C.E.) and Shun (2255 B.C.E.), respectively.
126. The five colors of flags are correlated with the five elements and directions: green, wood, east; red, fire, south; yellow, earth, center; white, metal, west; and blue, water, north.
127. It is said that King Shun composed the poem “Southerly Wind,” praising the wind for bringing peace to his people.
128. The phrase “directing the rearing of the walls” (C: vu vien or yuyuan) is from the poem “Wild Geese” (Hongyan) in the Classic of Poetry (“Xiaoya,” II.3.181). The phrase is cited here to indicate people’s return to their hometown after the war’s end.
129. The phrase “being on the islets” (C: tai chu or zaizhu) is from the poem “Fuyi” (Ducks and Wigeons) in the Classic of Poetry (“Daya,” III.2.248). In this context, the phrase describes people’s enjoyment of peace.
130. The “Greater Odes of the Kingdom” (Chu Nha [C: Daya]) is a section in the Classic of Poetry.
131. According to the “Chronicle of the Five Emperors” in Sima Qian’s Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji), during the reign of Emperor Yao, an old man was standing on a street, striking the ground, and singing in praise of the peaceful life of the time.
132. The Jing and Wei rivers in Shanxi Province differ in that the Jing is clear and the Wei is muddy. At the site of their confluence, near Xian, these two streams appear unmixed for a stretch after their junction. Analogously, the author hopes that the king will be able to distinguish the good from the bad.
133. See Le Code, “Marriage” (chap. 3).
134. See Xue Zong, “Customs of the South” (chap. 1).
135. Fu Xi is the legendary Chinese founder of the writing system and other cultural practices.
136. Wen Gong was a ruler in the Zhu era best known for making heavy demands on the people under his control, to the point of setting fire to a forest to force a reluctant official to come into service rather than care for his parents.
137. Wen Zhong was a Sui dynasty ruler in the late sixth and early seventh century noted for his commentaries on the Analects.
