[To the United States Plenipotentiary at Mexico]
Port of Sandieg[o] Province New California
16th [December] 1826
Dear Sir
being Detained by the Governor Gen of this place and thinking it verry probable that I Should be detained for 2 or three months & that perhaps I Should then be under the necessity of comeing to Mexico—I thought proper to inform you of my Situation—having left St. Louis, in the state of Missouri, on the first of N°. 1825 as a partner of Gen Wm H Ashley’s in the Fur trade and Trapping Business-with 60 men & an equipment for prosecuting our business Wt of the Rocky Mount we arrived at the place of destination in June-here we reed of men which had remained in the coutry for the purpose [of] Traping-a quantity of Ber Fur with which the Gen Started for St Louis Messrs Jackson, Sublet & my self remained in the country having Bought the Gen. interest to prosecute the business Messrs Jackson and Sublet went to the N I with thirteen men went to the S W for the purpose of hunting Ber but not finding them plenty enough to justify me in Stopping I pushed on through a Country of Starvation—Sandy plains and Rocky hills once in 20 30 or 40 m a little pond or Spring of water with a little grass after traveling 8 or 9 day in this way & turning my course from S W to S I fell on to a Riv 30 yds or more in width running S W by this time my [crossed out: dryed meat of which I had provided my self before our companies separated] provision were exhausted (dried meat, of which I had provided my self with 700 weight, before I left the Cou of Buf—I went down this river,—which after changing its course several times fell into the Colorado (or as it is called by the hunters in the mou Seetskeedee) in coming down this riv (which is a little Brackish) I found (by the Information of the In a cave which I examined-I entered by a mouth (at the foot of a hill) the entrance 6 or 7 feet wide 12 or 10 in heighth after descending 18 or 20 feet a room opens 25 or 30 feet in length and 14 or 15 in width the Roof Sides and floor of this room are solid Rock-Salt mostly pure some of it is a litle mixed with sand this river & cave I call Adams’s river & Adams cave in honor of our President—I then followed down this Colorado untill I fell in with a Nation of In which call them selves Amuchabas from the time I first struck Adams Riv untill I fell in with the Amuchbas our living very hard some times 2 or 3 day without half a meal 2 [3?] times we fell in with In of whoom I got a litle corn & pompkins in coming through this coun of Starvation (for both men & Horses) I had lost so many Horses that we were all on foot—my men & the remainder of my Horses were worn out with fatigue & hardships & emaciated with hunger—there hapened to be at this place an In which could Speak Spanish & one of my men Spoke a little-by this means I found that it was not far to some of the Missions of California & I detirmined (as this was the only resort) to go to that place as soon as my men & horses should be able to travel in the mean time I exchanged some of my Horses for better ones & on the 10th of Nov Started for California (having engaged 2 guids) on the 27th I arrived at Sta Gabriel here the Commandant of the place required me to let him have my Arms which I did & an express was started immediately to San Diego to acquaint the Gov Gen of my arrival. I wrote liquise, stating to the Gov Gen my situation and requesting of him some Horses & permission to pass through this coun to the Bay of St Franciscc-I wished to follow up one of the largest Riv that emptied into the Bay cross the mou at its head and from thence to our Deposit on the waters of the Salt Lake—After waiting for an answer 9 days (during which time my self & men were verry hospitably treated by the R ev Father and obliging little Commandant) I received an order to go to the Gov at Sandigo-on the 10th I Started in Company with Capt Cunningham of the Ship Courier from Boston which was lieing in the habor of San Diego-having Horses & a Soldier for a guide or guard (furnished by the Gov) 12th at 2oc we arrived at Sandiego a distance of 50 Leagues here I have been questioned & crossquestioned three different times by the Gov (who appears to be very much of a Gentleman but very Suspicious) I have applied to him for Horses & endeavored to convince him of the truth that I was only a hunter & that Dire necessity had driven me here I am to call next tuesday [December 19] for to know whether I can pass, or be detained here 3 months, for an answer from Mexico—the Gun is so kind as to say if he detains me I Shall want for nothing/I have found in Capt Cunningham of the Courier a friend which I stand much in need of as I am destitute of almost every thing, with the exception of my Traps (guns which I can not now call mine) Ammunition & [crossed out: 18 horses which I have left] the Gov requested my Journal my Licence & my Ideas of the Cou which I gave him-but instead of thanking me for the information which I have given him & assisting me to pass on about my business he seems to be for detain[in]g me untill h ascertains that I am no Spy-which will deprive me of making a valuable Spring hunt
P S Der Sir excuse my Scrawl, the Brig is now ready to Sail & I have no time to Coppy
J. S. Smith
[To Father Narciso Durán at Mission San Jose, May 19, 1827]
Reverend Father:—1 understand, through the medium of one of your Christian Indians, that you are anxious to know who we are, as some of the Indians have been at the Mission and informed you that there were certain white people in the country. We are Americans, on our journey to the River Columbia; we were in at the Mission San Gabriel in January last; I went to San Diego and saw the General, and got a passport from him to pass on to that place. I have made several efforts to cross the mountains, but the snow being so deep I could not succeed in getting over. I returned to this place (it being the only point to kill meat) to wait a few weeks until the snow melts so that I can go on; the Indians here also being friendly, I consider it the most safe point for me to remain, until such time as I can cross the mountains with my horses, having lost a great many in attempting to cross ten or fifteen days since. I am a long ways from home, and am anxious to get there as soon as the nature of the case will admit. Our situation is quite unpleasant, being destitute of clothing and most necessities of life, wild meat being our principal subsistence. I am, Reverend Father, your strange, but real friend and Christian brother,
J. S. Smith
May 19,1827.
[To General William Clark]
Little Lake of Bear River,
July 12th 1827
Gen1 Wm. Clark,
Supt. of Indian Affairs
Sir,
My situation in this country has enabled me to collect information respecting a section of the country which has hitherto been measurably veiled in obscurity to the citizens of the United States—I allude to the country S. W. of the Great Salt Lake west of the Rocky mountains.
I started about the 22d of August 1826, from the Great Salt Lake, with a party of fifteen men, for the purpose of exploring the country S. W. which was entirely unknown to me, and of which I could collect no satisfactory information from the Indians who inhabit this country on its N. E. borders.
My general course on leaving the Salt Lake was S. W & W, Passing the Little Uta Lake and ascending Ashley’s river, which Empties into the Little Uta Lake.—From the lake I found no more signs of buffalo; there are a few antelope and mountain sheep, and an abundance of black tailed hares. On Ashley’s river, I found a nation of Indians who call themselves Sampatch; they were friendly disposed towards us. I passed over a range of mountains running S. E. & N. W. and struck a river running S. W. which I called Adams River, in compliment to our President.—The water is of a muddy cast, and is a little brackish. The country is mountainous to the East; towards the West there are sandy plains and detached rocky hills.
Passing down this river some distance, I fell in with a nation of Indians who call themselves Pa Ulches* (those Indians, as well as those last mentioned, wear rabbit skin robes) who raise some little corn and pumkins.—the country is nearly destitute of game of any description, except a few hares. Here, (about 10 days march down it) the river turns to the South East. On the S. W. side of the river there is a cave, the Entrance of which is about 10 or 15 feet high, and 5 or 6 feet in width;—After descending about 15 feet, a room opens out from 25 to 30 feet in length and 15 to 20 feet in width;-the roof, sides and floor are solid Rock Salt, a sample of which I send you, with some other articles, which will be hereafter described. I here found a Kind of plant of the prickly pear kind, which I called the cabbage pear, the largest of which grows about two feet and a half high and 1½ feet in diameter; upon examination I found it to be nearly of the substance of a turnip, altho’ by no means palateable; its form was similar to that of an Egg, being smaller at the ground and top than in the middle; it is covered with pricks similar to the prickly pear with which you are acquainted.
There are here also a number of shrubs and small trees with which I was not acquainted previous to my route there, and which I cannot at present describe satisfactorily, as it would take more space than I can here allot.
The Pa Ulches have a number of marble pipes, one of which I obtained and send you, altho’ it has been broken since I have had it in my possession; they told me there was a quantity of the same material in their country. I also obtained of them a Knife of flint, which I send you, but it has likewise been broken by accident.
I followed Adams river two days further to where it empties into the Seedskeeder a South East course. I crossed the Seedskeeder, and went down it four days* a South East course; I here found the country remarkably barren, rocky, and mountainous; there are a good many rapids in the river, but at this place a valley opens out about 5 to 15 miles in width, which on the river banks is timbered and fertile. I here found a nation of Indians who call themselves Ammuchábas; they cultivate the soil, and raise corn, beans, pumkins, water melons and musk melons in abundance, and also a little wheat and cotton. I was now nearly destitute of horses, and had learned what it was to do without food; I therefore remained there fifteen days and recruited my men, and I was enabled also to exchange my horses, and purchase a few more of a few runaway Indians who stole some horses of the Spaniards. I here got information of the Spanish country (the Californias) & obtained two guides, recrossed the Seedskeeder, which I afterwards found emptied into the Gulf of California about 80 miles from this place by the name of the Collarado—many render the river Gild from the East.†
I travelled a west course fifteen days over a country of complete barrens, generally travelling from morning until night without water. I crossed a Salt plain about 20 miles long and 8 wide; on the surface was a crust of beautiful white salt, quite thin;—Under the surface there is a layer of salt from a half to one & a half inches in depth;—between this and the upper layer there is about four inches of yellowish sand.
On my arrival in the province of Upper California, I was looked upon with suspicion, and was compelled to appear in presence of the Governor of the Californias residing at St. Diego, where, by the assistance of some American gentlemen (especially Capt. W. H. Cunningham of the ship Courier from Boston) I was enabled to obtain permission to return with my men the route I came, and purchase such supplies as I stood in want of.—The Governor would not allow me to trade up the sea coast towards Bodaga. I returned to my party and purchased such articles as were necessary, and went Eastward of the Spanish settlement on the route I had come in. I then steered my course N. W. keeping from 150 to 200 miles from the sea coast—A very high range of mountains lay on the East. After travelling 300 miles in that direction through a country somewhat fertile, in which there was a great many Indians, mostly naked and destitute of arms with the exception of a few Bows and arrows, and what is very singular amongst Indians, they cut their hair to the length of three inches; they proved to be friendly; their manner of living is on fish, roots, acorns; and grass.*
On my arrival at a river which I called the Wim-mul-che, (named after a tribe of Indians which reside on it, of that name) I found a few beaver, and Elk deer, and antelope in abundance. I here made a small hunt, and attempted to take my party across—the [mountains] which I before mentioned, and which I called Mount Joseph to come on and join my partners at the Great Salt Lake. I found the snow so deep on Mount Joseph that I could not cross my horses, five of which starved to death; I was compelled therefore to return to the valley which I had left, and there leaving my party, I started with two men, seven horses and two mules, which I loaded with hay for horses and provisions for ourselves, and started on the 20th of May, and succeeded in crossing it in Eight days, having lost only two horses and one mule. I found the snow on the top of this mountain from 4 to 8 feet deep, but it was so consolidated by the heat of the sun that my horses only sunk from half a foot to one foot deep.
After travelling twenty days from the East side of Mount Joseph, I struck the S. W. comer of the Great Salt Lake, travelling over a country completely barren and destitute of game. We frequently travelled without water sometimes for two days over sandy deserts where there was no sign of vegetation and when we found water in some of the rocky hills, we most generally found some Indians who appeared the most miserable of the human race having nothing to subsist on, (nor any clothing) except grass seed, grasshoppers, &c. When we arrived at the Salt lake, we had but one horse and one mule remaining, which were so feeble & poor that they could scarce carry the little camp equipage which I had along; the balance of my horses I was compelled to eat as they gave out.
The company are now starting, therefore must close my close my [sic] communication
Yours respectfully,
Jedediah S. Smith of the firm of Smith, Jackson & Sublette
[To General William Clark]
A brief sketch of accidents, misfortunes, and depredations committed by Indians, &c. on the firm of Smith, Jackson & Sublette, Indian traders on the East & west side of the Rocky Mountains, since July 1826 to the present [December?] 24th 1829.
Mr. Smith one of said firm, departed on the 13th July 1827, with a party of Eighteen men and two Indian women, completely equipped for two years, and bound for the relief of a party which had been left by him near the bay of St. Francisco; after which it was his intention to continue the business of the firm more northwardly so far as he supposed to be the U. States territory. He proceeded on S & S E. until he passed the Utaw Indians with whom he had concluded a treaty the year before; he also passed the Sampatch and Piules [Paiutes], living on the west border of the sand plains and in the vicinity of the Collerodo. His course was S. & S. W. leading down the Colleredo until he came to the Muchabes Indians, whom he found apparently friendly as usual;—he remained with them three days, trading of them occasionally some articles of their country produce such as beans, wheat, corn, dried pumkins and melons. After the trade and intercourse with those Indians was over, Mr. Smith and his party in attempting to cross the river on rafts, was attacked by those Indians and completely defeated with a loss of 10 men and 2 women (taken prisoners) the property all taken or destroyed.
The loss of all papers and journals prevents Mr. Smith from giving precise dates; it happened in August 1827.—Then as no other alternative was left, and in a country destitute of provisions and water, he was obliged to make for the first Spanish settlements (California,) in the vicinity of St. Gabriel, which he accomplished in 9½ days including nights, across the sand plains, and destitute of almost every necessary of life. Here he procured some few necessaries to enable him to proceed to his party before mentioned, made his reports by letter to the nearest place of civil intercourse; left two men, one by his request, and the other on account of a wound which he received in the attack; then with the remaining 7 he pushed on northwardly, joined his party, but in a very unpleasant situation, their supplies were almost entirely exhausted and he without any to assist them. Then as it was his last and only resource to try once more the hospitality of the Californias, he remained with his party two days, procured two Indian guides, and arrived at the mission of St. Joseph in three days. He then made known his situation and wants, requested permission to pass through the province to the Governor’s residence (then in Montera) which is 100 miles distant; but instead of complying with his request, he was immediately conveyed to a dirty hovel which they called a guard house, his horses seized and taken away, and only allowed the privilege of writing to the Captain of the Upper Province.
Several days elapsed before any provisions were made for his living, except occasional invitations from an old overseer, when a Lieutenant arrived. After conversing with him, he soon found he was to be tried as an intruder on their rights. This news confounded Mr. Smith very considerably, as he had entered their province the first time in distress also and without molestation; the Lieutenant told him he must be under the necessity of seeing the Governor, but before he left him his situation was much altered for the better.
After the Lieutenant’s departure, he was detained 10 or 12 days longer, when he received a polite note from the Governor to pay him a visit. Then he was stript of his arms, and accordingly complied and started well guarded by four soldiers. The third day at 11 o’clock at night, he arrived in Montera, where the Governor lived, and was immediately conveyed to the Callibozo without any refreshment whatever, where he remained until 11 o’clock next day, when a messenger arrived stating the Governor was then ready to receive him. He was conveyed to his dwelling, and met at the door by the Governor who invited him to partake of some refreshment, which he readily accepted. Mr. Smith soon found he could not have a perfect understanding with the Governor for want of a proper interpreter. However, he obtained liberty of the limits of the town, and harbor and of boarding with an American gentleman (Capt Cooper) from Boston. Next day an interpreter was found by the name of Mr. Hartwell [Hartnell] an English gentleman, to whom Mr. Smith is under many obligations for his kindness and liberality towards him. But yet he could not find out what his future fate was to be; the Governor would sometimes say Mr. Smith must go to Mexico,—at other times Mr. S. & party must be sent off by water—again he would say send fetch in the party here, and continued in this Equivocating manner for several days.—then about the 3rd or 4thNovr. when four American gentlemen masters of vessels took the responsibility on themselves, and appointed Capt. Cooper Agent for the U. States, in order to settle this matter in some shape or manner. Then Capt. Cooper became accountable for the conduct of Mr. S. & party. The treaty was finally concluded on—the party sent for and brought in. Mr S. was then allowed the privilege of purchasing such articles as he stood in need of, to further his Expedition; he also learned while at this place, that after his first excursion through that country, that the Governor had instructed the Muchaba Indians not to let any more Americans pass through the country on any conditions whatever;—to this advice, Mr. S. leaves the entire cause of his defeat,—it undoubtedly was, for any man acquainted with the savage and hostile habits of Indians, cannot judge the matter otherwise. Mr. S. well knows the two Indian guides which led him first to St Gabriel were immediately, imprisoned, but luckily for one he died in prison and escaped Spanish cruelty; the other was sentenced to death, but reprieved by the priest. Thos. Virgin, one of the party which was left on acct of his wound, was taken to St. Diego, about 250 miles south of St. Gabriel, and there imprisoned and without half sustenance. Mr. S. by frequent application to the Governor had him released and sent on to join the party.
Mr. Smith finding his party weak, knowing he had a great many more hostile tribes to pass, endeavoured to strengthen his party by engaging more Men; found several willing to engage, both Americans & English, but would not be allowed permission to Engage them. He then traded for some articles, such as horses, mules, arms, ammunition, and other necessaries, merely to enable him to return back from whence he came. Then Mr. Smith went on to visit his party; found them in St. Francisco in a very deplorable state, and would have suffered immensely for want of victuals and clothing, was it not for the timely assistance of Mr Vermont [Virmond], a German gentleman who happened to be trading on the coast, to whom Mr. Smith is under many obligations.
After the conclusion of the treaty between Capt Cooper and the Governor, Mr. S. was allowed two months time to make all necessary preparations to leave the Spanish provinces,—so by very expeditious movements he had himself prepared at the appointed time and very near the boundary line; but on account of the lack of a boat to cross the Bonadventure (which is very large) and only one particular route destined for him to pass, so he took his own leave and left the province by another route, where he knew he could cross the river without their assistance. Mr. Smith being Experienced and well acquainted with Spanish generosity was unwilling to risque himself and property longer than the limited time for fear of further trouble.
Mr. Smith’s party was then 21 men strong (though soon after two men deserted) with sufficient supplies to have lasted him back to the Little Lake. He moved on slowly up the Bonadventure, which runs generally N. N. W. and passing numerous tribes of Indians some of which were hostile, he continued on this route still moving very slowly, (and at the same time passing the winter) until the 18th April 1828, when by Examination and frequent trials he found it impossible to cross a range of mountains which lay to the East.
We [He] then struck of[f] N. W. leaving the Bonadventure running N. E. and coming out of a large range of mountains impassable until he came to the sea coast, then travelling along the coast crossing many large streams running into the ocean, on all of which were many tribes of Indians, some of which were hostile and many friendly, until he came to the Umpquah river which is a little more than 100 miles south of the mouth of the Columbia.—Here the Indians were in possession of some articles of trade, and appeared acquainted with whites.
On the 14th July, Mr. Smith had left the Encampment in order to search out a road, the country being very swampy in the low lands and woody in the mountains, and on his arrival at or near the Encampment, he and others which were with him, were fired on by a party of Indians, but fortunately made their Escape; the Camp and property was all in possession of the Indians, 15 of the men killed, one only made his Escape, (a black [i. e., A. Black].) The Indians who made the attack were very numerous; they entered the encampment and massacred the men with their knives, axes, &c. Mr. Smith then made his way to Fort Vancouver, one of the Hudson Bay Cos trading posts situated on the N. side of the Columbia river, about 90 miles from the mouth, where he found Mr. Black who had escaped the massacre of the Indians. Mr. Smith acknowledges he has been very kindly and hospitably received by the gentlemen superintending at this post, and by their assistance and Indian influence he recovered the greatest part of the furs, and some horses, mercdze, &c. Mr. Smith remained there untill the 12th March, when he ascended the Columbus [Columbia], and passing several trading posts until he came to the Kettle Falls Fort Caldwell [Colvile]; from there he proceeded on, passing the Flathead trading post on the Flathead river, until he joined one of his partners (D. E. Jackson) in the Colanais [Kutenai] country; from there he proceeded and joined Mr W. L. Sublette, on the 5th August 1829, at the Tetons on Henry’s Fork S. branch Columbia.
Names of Men killed at the Muckhabas as follows viz
David Cunningham, Silas Goble, Francois Deromme, Wm. Campbell, Henry Brown, Gregory Ortago, J. B. Ratelle, Potette Labross (mulatto) Robases, a Canadian half breed, John Relle (a Canadian)
Names of Men Killed at Umpquah.
Thos Virgin, Tousant Marreshall, Joseph Palmer, Joseph Lapoint, Marion (an Indian boy) Harrison G. Rodgers, Martin McCoy, Peter Raney, John Gaiter, John Hannah, Abraham Laplant, Manuel Lazares, Peter Raney, Thos. Daw, Char1s. Swift.
Murders committed in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains since July 1826, on men belonging to the firm S. J. S. in 1827:
|
Pierre Irrequois, by the Black feet |
1828. |
Joseph Coty, by the Black feet; Francois Bouldeau, by the Blackfeet; J. Johnson, A. Godair, P. W. Sublette, F. Rashotte, J. B. Joundreau by the Blackfeet. |
1828 |
By the Snakes or Shoshong, Wm. Bell, James Scott. J. O’ Hara, Ephraim Logan |
1829. |
By the Blackfeet—Peter Spoon, Ezekiel Abel, Philip Adam, Luke Lariour |
Horses and Mules taken by force and stolen by different tribes is 480 Value of Merchdz. taken $10000; Beaver fur 1500Ib; Camp Equipage & traps $1000
Now in hope our fellow citizens will take it into consideration after taking a view of the above statement, to assist and more safely protect their fellow citizens in this country than they have done; but until British interlopers are dismissed from off our territory, Americans will never be respected or acknowledged as patrons by Indians on the west side of the Rocky Mountains. Further, the British influence is gaining ground every day, which our losses and sad disasters can easily show and account for. While they pass unmolested throughout all our territories from N. to S. and Even from the Hudson’s bay to the mouth of the Columbia. But we, for no other reasons than because we are Americans, are tormented and annoyed by Every tribes.
Smith, Jackson & Sublette Indian traders on the East & West of the R. Mountains.
[Three supplementary statements follow, evidently furnished in 1830:]
Amount of Property lost by the firm of Smith, Jackson & Soublette, from depredations of different tribes of Indians from July 1826 to July 1830.
480 head of horses, at the lowest mountain price
$60 per head |
$28,000. |
Gross amount of Goods lost |
10,000. |
Traps and Camp Equipage lost |
1,000. |
Beaver furs taken from us by Indians |
4,500. |
|
$43,500. |
This statement will rather fall short than overgo the real amount of our losses from depredations of Indians.
Smith, Jackson & Sublette.
The number of men in our employ for the last four years has varied from to 120 men.
Smith, Jackson & Sublette.
[Memorandum by General Clark:
|
|
Average 100 packs Beaver per ann. 5 years |
|
|
Deaths of men caused by accidents and other causes not chargeable to Indians. |
In |
1825 |
Marshall was lost in the Willow valley near the Salt Lake. |
“ |
“ |
A woman, a half breed died a natural death on Hams fork |
“ |
1823 |
Holly Wheeler died from wounds received from a bear. |
“ |
1822 |
[1823]. Mike Fink shot Carpenter—Talbot soon after shot Fink, and not long after was himself drowned at the Tetons. |
1824 |
Thomas, a half breed, was killed by Williams, on the waters of Bear river, west of the mountains |
|
“ |
1828 |
Bray was killed by a blow from the hand of Mr. Tullock. |
Among our parties in the mountains, sickness and natural deaths are almost unknown.
Smithi, Jackson & Sublette.
[To the Secretary of War]
St. Louis, October 29, 1830.
Sir: The business commenced by General Ashley some years ago, of taking furs from the United States territory beyond the Rocky mountains, has since been continued by Jedediah S. Smith, David E. Jackson, and William L. Sublette, under the firm of Smith, Jackson, and Sublette. They commenced busines[s] in 1826, and have since continued it; and have made observations and gained information which they think it important to communicate to the Government. The number of men they have employed has usually been from eighty to one hundred and eighty; and with these, divided into parties, they have traversed every part of the country west of the Rocky mountains, from the peninsula of California to the mouth of the Columbia river. Pack-horses, or rather mules, were at first used; but in the beginning of the present year, it was determined to try wagons; and in the month of April last, on the 10th day of the month, a caravan of ten wagons, drawn by five mules each, and two dearborns, drawn by one mule each, set out from St. Louis. We have eighty-one men in company, all mounted on mules; and these were exclusive of a party left in the mountains. Our route from St. Louis was nearly due west to the western limits of the State; and thence along the Santa Fe trail about forty miles; from which the course was some degrees north of west, across the waters of the Kanzas, and up the Great Platte river, to the Rocky mountains, and to the head of Wind river, where it issues from the mountains. This took us until the 16th of July, and was as far as we wished the wagons to go, as the furs to be brought in were to be collected at this place, which is, or was this year, the great rendezvous of the persons engaged in that business. Here the wagons could easily have crossed the Rocky mountains, it being what is called the Southern Pass, had it been desirable for them to do so, which it was not for the reason stated. For our support, at leaving the Missouri settlements, until we should get into the buffalo country, we drove twelve head of cattle, beside a milk cow. Eight of these only being required for use before we got to the buffaloes, the others went on to the head of Wind river. We began to fall in with the buffaloes on the Platte, about three hundred and fifty miles from the white settlements; and from that time lived on buffaloes, the quantity being infinitely beyond what we needed. On the fourth of August, the wagons being in the mean time loaded with the furs which had been previously taken, we set out on the return to St. Louis. All the high points of the mountains then in view were white with snow; but the passes and valleys, and all the level country, were green with grass. Our route back was over the same ground nearly as in going out, and we arrived at St. Louis on the 10th of October, bringing back the ten wagons, the dearborns being left behind; four of the oxen and the milk cow were also brought back to the settlements in Missouri, as we did not need them for provision. Our men were all healthy during the whole time: we suffered nothing by the Indians, and had no accident but the death of one man, being buried under a bank of earth that fell in upon him, and another being crippled at the same time. Of the mules, we lost but one by fatigue, and two horses stolen by the Kanzas Indians; the grass being, along the whole route going and coming, sufficient for the support of the horses and mules. The usual weight in the wagons was about one thousand eight hundred pounds. The usual progress of the wagons was from fifteen to twenty-five miles per day. The country being almost all open, level, and prairie, the chief obstructions were ravines and creeks, the banks of which required cutting down, and for this purpose a few pioneers were generally kept ahead of the caravan. This is the first time that wagons ever went to the Rocky mountains; and the ease and safety with which it was done prove the facility of communicating over land with the Pacific ocean. The route from the Southern Pass, where the wagons stopped, to the Great Falls of the Columbia, being easier and better than on this side of the mountains, with grass enough for horses and mules, but a scarcity of game for the support of men. One of the undersigned, to wit, Jedediah S. Smith, on his excursion west of the mountains, arrived at the post of the Hudson’s Bay Company, called Fort Vancouver, near the mouth of Multnomah river. He arrived there in August, 1828, and left the 12th of March, 1829, and made observations which he deems it material to communicate to the Government. Fort Vancouver is situated on the north side of the Columbia, five miles above the mouth of the Multnomah, in a handsome prairie, and on a second bank about three quarters of a mile from the river. This is the fort as it stood when he arrived there; but a large one, three hundred feet square, about three quarters of a mile lower down, and within two hundred yards of the river, was commenced the spring he came away. Twelve pounders were the heaviest cannon which he saw. The crop of 1828 was seven hundred bushels of wheat; the grain full and plump, and making good flour; fourteen acres of corn, the same number of acres in peas, eight acres of oats, four or five acres of barley, a fine garden, some small apple trees and grape vines. The ensuing spring eighty bushels of seed wheat were sown: about two hundred head of cattle, fifty horses and breeding mares, three hundred head of hogs, fourteen goats, the usual domestic fowls. They have mechanics of various kinds, to wit, blacksmiths, gunsmiths, carpenters, coopers, tinner and baker; a good saw mill on the bank of the river five miles above, a grist mill worked by hand, but intended to work by water. They had built two coasting vessels, one of which was then on a voyage to the Sandwich Islands. No English or white woman was at the fort, but a great number of mixed blood Indian extraction, such as belong to the British fur trading establishments, who were treated as wives, and the families of children taken care of accordingly. So that every thing seemed to combine to prove that this fort was to be a permanent establishment At Fort Vancouver the goods for the Indian trade are imported from London, and enter the territories of the United States, paying no duties; and from the same point the furs taken on the other side of the mountains are shipped. The annual quantity of these furs could not be exactly ascertained, but Mr. Smith was informed indirectly that they amounted to about thirty thousand beaver skins, besides otter skins and small furs. The beaver skins alone, at the New York prices, would be worth above two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. To obtain these furs, both trapping and trading are resorted to. Various parties, provided with traps, spread over the country south of the Columbia to the neig[h]borhood of the Mexican territory; and in 1824 and 5, they crossed the Rocky mountains, and trapped on the waters of the Missouri river. They do not trap north of latitude 49 degrees, but confine that business to the territory of the United States. Thus this territory, being trapped by both parties, is nearly exhausted of beavers; and unless the British can be stopped, will soon be entirely exhausted, and no place left within the United States where beaver fur in any quantity can be obtained.
Names of Persons Killed belonging to the parties of Wm. H. Ashley and Smith, Jackson & Sublette, &c. &c.
* The fate of these men is not known, but the conclusion is hardly doubtful. [Footnote in original.]
† Indian report says these (4) men were killed by the Snakes. [Footnote in original.]
The inequality of the convention with Great Britain in 1818 is most glaring and apparent, and its continuance is a great and manifest injury to the United States. The privileges granted by it have enabled the British to take possession of the Columbia river, and spread over the country south of it; while no Americans have ever gone, or can venture to go on the British side. The interest of the United States and her citizens engaged in the fur trade requires that the convention of 1818 should be terminated, and each nation confined to its own territories. By this commercial interest there are other considerations requiring the same result. These are, the influence which the British have already acquired over the Indians in that quarter, and the prospect of a British colony, and a military and naval station on the Columbia. Their influence over the Indians is now decisive. Of this the Americans have constant and striking proofs, in the preference which they give to the British in every particular.
In saying this, it is an act of justice to say, also, that the treatment received by Mr. Smith at Fort Vancouver was kind and hospitable; that, personally, he owes thanks to Governor Simpson and the gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company, for the hospitable entertainment which he received from them, and for the efficient and successful aid which they gave him in recovering from the Umquah Indians a quantity of fur and many horses, of which these Indians had robbed him in 1828.
As to the injury which must happen to the United States from the British getting the control of all the Indians beyond the mountains, building and repairing ships in the tide water region of the Columbia, and having a station there for their privateers and vessels of war, is too obvious to need a recapitulation. The object of this communication being to state facts to the Government, and to show the facility of crossing the continent to the Great Falls of the Columbia with wagons, the ease of supporting any number of men by driving cattle to supply them where there was no buffalo, and also to show the true nature of the British establishments on the Columbia, and the unequal operation of the convention of 1818.
These facts being communicated to the Government, they consider that they have complied with their duty, and rendered an acceptable service to the administration; and respectfully request you, sir, to lay it before President Jackson.
We have the honor to be sir,
Yours, respectfully,
Jedediah S. Smith,
David E. Jackson,
W. L. Sublette.
To the Hon. John H. Eaton, Secretary of War.
* In the original letter, which has disappeared, this was undoubtedly written Pa Utches, as pronounced and as published in the version of the letter which appeared in the Missouri Republican, October 11, 1827.
* Four days being impossible, it is likely the original letter had a numeral 21 which in copying was misread as a numeral 4. This part of the letter was deleted in the Missouri Republican printing.
† The copy of this letter at Washington has a blank where the words “many render” here appear; this passage is omitted in the Missouri Republican version. Presumably the intent was to say that some maps show the river Gila entering the Colorado from the East above its mouth.
* The Missouri Republican version, evidently by misreading, has “grapes,” rather than “grass.”