We have lost our reason, and our loss is no accident. Gradually, the contemporary West has become more and more dismissive of the power of reason. Caring for it less, we often find we have carelessly left it behind. When we do try to use it, we’re not quite sure how to do so. We have become suspicious of its claims, unwilling to believe that it can lead us to anything worthy of the name ‘truth’.
Once outré dismissals of reason have become the new common sense. Once radical claims like ‘People who lean on logic and philosophy and rational exposition end by starving the best part of the mind’ now feature in many collections of inspirational quotes (attributed to W.B. Yeats). Our image of the typical human being is now like Dr Nathan in J.G. Ballard’s The Atrocity Exhibition, for whom ‘reason rationalizes reality for him as it does for the rest of us, in the Freudian sense of providing a more palatable or convenient explanation’.1
In the popular imagination, reason has ceased to be a universally admired faculty and is portrayed as the enemy of mystery and ambiguity, a cold tool of desiccating logic. It is seen as standing in opposition to emotion, denying the role of feeling and sentiment in daily life. Rationality is dismissed as a tool of hegemonic oppression, a patriarchal construct, a Western imposition or a mistaken privileging of one hemisphere of the brain over the other. The Enlightenment is no longer almost universally revered but often condemned as the birth of the age of dehumanising industrial capitalism, the start of the road that led to Auschwitz. Popular culture has absorbed bastardised versions of many of these ideas, and it is now widely believed that we are guided more by genes, manipulative corporations and unconscious psychological biases than we could ever be by reason.
It was not always thus. For millennia, rationality was held up as the highest human achievement. We once followed Aristotle in maintaining that the capacity to reason is what sets us apart from the other animals. Reason was not the cold hard enemy of warm-blooded virtues like love, faith or aesthetic appreciation. St Augustine, for instance, said ‘we could not even believe if we did not have rational souls’.2
We have always recognised that irrational impulses can take a grip on us, but it was believed that, with effort and application, our better, rational selves could reign sovereign over the soul. Plato, for instance, said that ‘It’s not at all uncommon to find a person’s desires compelling him to go against his reason, and to see him cursing himself and venting his passion on the source of the compulsion within him.’ Yet he insisted, ‘I’m sure you won’t claim that you had ever, in yourself or in anyone else, met a case of passion siding with his desires against the rational mind, when the rational mind prohibits resistance.’3 Aristotle also accepted that there is ‘some element in the soul besides reason, opposing and running counter to it’. But he too believed that this element, ‘in the soul of the self-controlled person, at least, obeys reason and presumably in the temperate and the brave person it is still more ready to listen, since in their case it is in total harmony with reason’.4
It is true that we have in the past often placed too much trust in our capacity to think rationally and that a greater recognition of the limits of reason is necessary and welcome. But it is not for nothing that ‘losing your reason’ means to go mad. Reason needs to be put in its place, and if that place is not close to the centre of human life then our minds are left rudderless to float this way and that on the waters of whim, emotion and the influences of others.
The book is an attempt to help us recover our reason. To do this we have to understand what reason really is. This is a curiously neglected question. There is a great deal written about particular forms of reason, such as deductive logic and inductive inference, but much less on what reason, in the most general sense of the word, involves. This lacuna is reflected in the fact that we have two words – reason and rationality – which lack agreed, precise philosophical definitions and are in practice synonyms. (I will use the two interchangeably.)
The rehabilitation of reason is urgent because it is only through the proper use of reason that we can find our way out of the quagmires in which many big issues of our time have become stuck. Without a clear sense of what it means for one point of view to be more reasonable than another, it seems that the position one adopts is ultimately based on nothing more than personal opinion or preference. People take sides in debates not on the basis of evidence or argument but on the basis of the side where they feel more at home. What is best for the economy? Either what Wall Street wants or what it doesn’t, depending on which faction you belong to. Are human beings responsible for global warming? Just see what big business or progressives are saying and back your horse accordingly. If science appears to challenge your faith, then either reassure yourself that science has nothing to do with religion or take solace from the sizeable minority of scientists who are religious. In all these debates people offer reasons for their positions but, whatever they say, dissenters can tell themselves ‘they would say that’ and ignore them.
Most worryingly, a lack of faith in the power of reason makes good international relations seemingly impossible. When we give up on reason, the only tool we have left is coercion. For instance, ‘The brutality of terrorists in Syria and Iraq forces us to look into the heart of darkness,’ said one senior American politician. ‘The only language understood by killers like this is the language of force.’ That politician was not a notorious hawk but President Barack Obama, often criticised for not being forceful enough in exerting American power in the world. Obama saw a role for reasoned diplomacy in the Middle East and even in Afghanistan, but that did not make him popular. Since reason has become a debased currency, it is no surprise that fewer and fewer believe it has any value when dealing with threatening foreign powers.
Obama made his remarks in a speech to the 69th assembly of world leaders at the UN headquarters in 2014. It is telling that the headlines focused on the suggestion of Manichean conflict beyond the scope of reason. ‘In UN Speech, Obama Vows to Fight ISIS “Network of Death”’ proclaimed the New York Times. ‘Obama Addresses Islamic State Threat in United Nations Speech’, said the Wall Street Journal. And yet the bulk of his address was actually about the necessity for world powers to work together peacefully. ‘The ideology of ISIL or al Qaeda or Boko Haram will wilt and die if it is consistently exposed and confronted and refuted in the light of day,’ he said.5 This message of the potential of reason to defeat terrorism was lost, in part at least because fewer and fewer of us believe it.
Plato, Aristotle and their heirs may well have taken an overly optimistic view of the power of reason. But they were right to think that our capacity to resolve our differences and arrive at conclusions in the shared space of public reason is one of our most precious human capabilities. To restore proper esteem for this, we need to understand how the embrace of rationality does not require a retreat into a heartless, sterile, scientistic world-view, but simply involves the application of critical thinking wherever thinking is needed.
Reason as a concept comes in a variety of thinner and thicker forms. At its thinnest it is merely an appeal to the use of the intellect to think through issues. At its thickest it specifies the precise methods by which such thinking should be conducted. Such thick conceptions of reason may demand variously that it is deductive, scientific, dialectical. Reason, thinly conceived, has the virtue that most people find themselves able to endorse its value, but this agreement comes at the cost of defining ‘reason’ so vaguely that it does not provide us with any real information on what it practically means to use it. Thicker conceptions get over this problem but at the price of consensus. People simply do not agree on which thick conception of reason we should employ.
What we therefore need is a conception of reason which is thin enough for there to be mutually comprehensible reasoning between individuals and cultures in a shared discursive space, without it being so thin as to enable anything to count as reasoning, from nuanced step-by-step argument to thumping the table and insisting on the correctness of your position. The project of this book is to develop a notion of reason which is both sufficiently thin and sufficiently substantive to enable this kind of public dialogue, one which allows for a wide variety of opinions on what is in fact reasonable but is not so permissive as to allow any sincerely held opinion. It is thus an attempt to try to bring as many people as possible together into a single ‘community of reason’ in order to protect and strengthen the domain of public reason.
This thin conception sees rational argument not as a formal, mechanistic, rigid method but simply as the process of giving and assessing objective reasons for belief. These reasons are those which are assessable and comprehensible by any competent thinker, which stand or fall irrespective of our personal values and are compelling yet open to revision if the evidence changes.
This form of rationality takes us to the edge of reason, where it can be hard to keep our balance. First of all, from a psychological perspective it is easy to tip over and end up simply defending prejudices, blinded by unconscious internal biases and externally created distortions of information and argument. Second, away from its solid core of rigorous logic, reason can be thinner ice than optimistic rationalists of the past have believed. Those of us who want to champion reason must be merciless in pointing out its limitations and frailties. Reason is powerful but to use any power to its fullest potential you need to understand its weaknesses even better than your enemy does. When we do this it can induce a sense of trepidation as we realise that the edges of reason on which we are walking are not as solid as we believed. But we have no choice. If we resort to wishful thinking, trusting in faith or instinct, then we allow our feet to leave the ground and we take off into flights of intellectual fantasy. If, on the other hand, we seek to debunk reason, then we are taking a pick to the ice beneath our feet and are left floundering in the freezing waters of irrationality.
Only our most intimate friends know our deepest flaws, and in the same way the greatest skeptics about reason should be those who seek to defend it. If we do not debunk the grandiose myths of reason then its enemies will do so far more destructively. My positive case for rationality therefore requires taking us through four key myths of rationality, all of which can be traced back to Plato. These myths are: that reason is purely objective and requires no subjective judgement; that it can and should take the role of our chief guide, the charioteer of the soul; that it can furnish us with the fundamental reasons for action; and that we can build society on perfectly rational principles.
Behind all four myths is a false principle espoused in some form by almost all reason’s defenders. John Stuart Mill put it most clearly when he wrote, ‘No one can be a great thinker who does not recognise, that as a thinker it is his first duty to follow his intellect to whatever conclusions it may lead.’6 This idea goes back to Plato, who has Socrates say in the Republic, ‘we must let our destination be decided by the winds of the discussion’,7 and in the Euthyphro, ‘the lover of inquiry must follow his beloved wherever it may lead him’.8
The metaphor of following reason is a powerful one which contains an important truth, namely that we should always try to see things as they are, not as we want them to be. But it fundamentally misunderstands how reason actually works. We do not follow it, but nor does it simply follow us. Rather, we take reason with us to help us find the way, as neither its slaves nor its masters.
At this point it is worth saying a little about how these ideas have developed. After completing my PhD in philosophy I pursued a career outside academe, editing a philosophy magazine and writing books and articles. I have at the same time kept one foot in the academic world, writing textbooks, journal articles and book chapters as well as commissioning and editing pieces by academics. One of the greatest benefits of this was that over the years I have had the opportunity to interview many of the world’s leading philosophers. Several of those conversations are directly quoted in this book.
This idiosyncratic career has turned me both by necessity and choice into something of a generalist. I would like to think that this has given me an unusual perspective, one that I think helps me to see the whole forest, which is unfortunately populated mostly by specialists who are transfixed only by certain trees, or even leaves. It has also made me keen to focus my writing on philosophy about what I take to be of enduring interest. This means I am not as eager as some to add a reference to at least one item in the literature for every single point made, as though every footnote adds legitimacy to the argument. I am encouraged in this by the example of a wonderful philosopher, Philippa Foot, who modestly said, ‘I really am terribly ignorant about much philosophy. I have a terrible memory and I don’t do it in quite the way clever people who have very good memories and are splendid scholars do.’9
I hope my writing contrasts with the standard academic style, which ‘seeks precision by total mind control, through issuing continuous and rigid interpretative directions’, as Bernard Williams put it. I have tried to avoid this and instead to fulfil his ‘hope that the objections and possible misunderstandings could be considered and no doubt influence the text, and then, except for the most significant, they could be removed, like the scaffolding that shapes a building but does not require you after the building is finished to climb through it in order to gain access.’10 My hope is that my academic training combined with my broad perspective has enabled me to appreciate facets and virtues of reason that are less evident from other viewpoints.
Reason has only been knocked off its pedestal because it was raised up too high. Paradoxically, a more modest version of rationality will prove to be more powerful and valuable than the almost omnipotent mythological version which preceded it. Reason is, as Michael P. Lynch puts it, ‘marked with frailty, fed by our sentiments and passions, whose pale promethean flame must be cultivated lest it gutter and dim’.11