David B. Hollander
The undeniably poor reputation of Roman tax collectors might seem to suggest that Roman taxes were rather high, but recent history has shown that even relatively low taxes can generate considerable resistance and a substantial volume of complaints.1 In fact, strong arguments have been marshaled in favor of the proposition that Roman taxes were fairly low at least in the Early Imperial period,2 though, as with other critical questions concerning the ancient economy, the evidence is so poor and ambiguous as to support wildly divergent hypotheses. In what follows I will briefly review the case both for and against the proposition that Roman taxes were low, note what we can say with confidence about Roman taxation, and, finally, suggest how a different perspective can help us better assess the impact of taxation on Rome’s subjects.
Probably the most well-known case for low Roman tax levels appeared as part of Keith Hopkins’s highly influential 1980 article on “Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire.” His “proposition 7” was that Roman taxes were low. That is, “the effective tax rate was significantly less than 10 per cent of gross product” (Hopkins, 1980: 119–20). Hopkins arrived at this conclusion by working from estimates of Roman GDP and the imperial budget. Assuming that the largest single expense was the military—“the anchor of our calculations”—and that this expense could be estimated, he suggested a total annual budget “probably not much larger than 800 million HS in the early first century A.D.” (Hopkins, 1980: 119). He came up with an estimate for GDP by combining population estimates with a guess about the extent to which production exceeded subsistence needs.3 Hopkins did not claim that his numbers were highly accurate. Indeed, he called his conclusions “speculative and tentative” (1980: 119). He did, however, insist on their plausibility because “if either population or gross product had been much larger than these estimates, then effective tax-rates were unbelievably low compared with declared tax-rates” (Hopkins, 1980: 120). He further argued that the great wealth of provincial elites in the early empire constituted evidence for low Roman taxes (Hopkins, 1980: 122).
Most aspects of Hopkins’s taxes-and-trade model have been the subject of lively debate in the intervening years, and Hopkins himself published several follow-ups,4 but here I will skip ahead to the much more recent arguments of Walter Scheidel (2015). Scheidel refined and expanded upon Hopkins’s arguments about Roman taxation. He estimated annual Roman state expenses of around one billion sesterces and an imperial GDP of nearly 20 billion sesterces in the mid-second century CE.5 If the Romans rarely had large surpluses, the annual budget would have to be close to annual tax revenue, suggesting net imperial tax revenue was 5 to 7 percent of Roman GDP.6 At first sight, this is a remarkable claim, but there are several qualifications that have to be kept in mind. First, Scheidel was only talking about net revenue, the “income that was actually put at the disposal of the central authorities,” not the nominal tax rates nor the gross revenue (2015: 230). Second, he was focused on the Early Imperial period in contrast to the civil wars of the late republic and the period of crisis that began in the late second century CE.7 Third, and perhaps most importantly, Scheidel was concerned only with imperial tax revenue, not local or municipal taxation, which, along with rent-taking by agents, “would have raised the share of gross revenue extraction … by a non-trivial margin” (2015: 244). So this is a narrower claim than it at first appears to be. Scheidel was looking at Roman taxation from the perspective of the imperial bureaucracy, not that of a provincial taxpayer.
Before I discuss the arguments for higher levels of Roman taxation, let me note three additional points Scheidel made in support of low taxes. First, there are signs that Augustus lowered some rates in Egypt after annexation.8 Second, he argued that emperors “lacked a strong incentive to maximize (net) revenue” in the period from 30 BCE to 160 CE since there was an “absence of intense interstate competition” (Scheidel, 2015: 230). Third and finally, Scheidel echoed Hopkins in connecting “the conspicuous flourishing of cities … to the successful retention of local surpluses” (2015: 251).
Though other scholars have made a case for oppressively high Roman taxation,9 here I will review Alan Bowman’s recent critique of Scheidel’s arguments. Bowman argues for a “higher taxation model” (2018: 30), questioning the plausibility of an imperial budget under one billion sesterces, which he calls “unrealistically low” (Bowman, 2018: 30). For starters, he contends that the estimated cost of maintaining the Roman army does not fully account for the extent to which the army levied goods and services (Bowman, 2018: 37). He also argues that the “proponents of the ‘low-tax economy’” have overlooked “several significant categories of revenue” (Bowman, 2018: 47): military requisitions/impositions and munera. Most importantly, however, Bowman points to the evidence from Egypt, which supports an “average per capita tax burden” of more than 20 percent (2018: 35).
The question of the typicality of Egypt as a Roman province—for which, of course, we have far more and better evidence than from anywhere else—is all too familiar to ancient historians.10 Scheidel argued that Egypt was rather unusual, at least with respect to taxation. He suggested that its “deeply entrenched institutions of tracking and taxing an ecologically ‘caged’ population and its assets” made it a focus of Roman collection efforts (Scheidel, 2015: 248). Bowman, however, pointed to some statements in literary sources that seem to indicate that high rates were common throughout the empire. Most notably, Hyginus, probably writing in the second century CE and seemingly quite well informed, reports (Const. 205L) that in some provinces, the landowners pay one-fifth of their produce (20 percent); but in others, they pay one-seventh (about 14 percent). Ultimately, Bowman proposed that “the overall burden on the taxpayer in the High Empire was likely to average ±20 per cent and was very unlikely to be less than 15 per cent” (2018: 47). While there is a genuine disagreement here, it is worth noting that Bowman is more concerned with the perspective of the taxpayer, while Scheidel is focused on that of the imperial bureaucracy.
Absent the discovery of major new evidence, the debate over the level of Roman taxation may never be resolved to everyone’s satisfaction. There are simply too many things we don’t know.11 These include:
whether we know of all the taxes Rome imposed;12
the rates of some known taxes;13
when certain taxes were imposed;14
when certain taxes were canceled;15
when certain tax rates changed;16
in what form certain taxes were collected (cash or in kind);17
the extent to which it was possible for taxpayers to employ adaeratio;18
the “success rate” of Roman tax collection efforts;19
the revenue generated by particular taxes;20 and
the extent to which temples paid taxes.21
Aside from Egypt, most scholars would probably concede that our ignorance is vast and that this makes quantification extraordinarily difficult.22 And, whether we want to understand the fiscal capabilities of the emperor or the burdens on the average subject, conventional taxation is only one part of the equation. The Roman state took in a wide variety of revenue. In addition to its various direct and indirect taxes,23 Rome garnered revenue in some form from the following sources:
Fines;24
Fees;25
Confiscated property;26
Sales of imperial property;27
Rents from imperial properties;28
Rents on public land;29
Moneylending;30
Requisitions;31
Liturgies, munera, and corvées;32
State-owned mines and quarries;33
Aurum coronarium;34
Booty;35 and
Legacies.36
As with taxes, it is difficult to come up with estimates for these categories of revenue. Some of them must have been fairly regular, but others would have been quite inconsistent. It was obviously convenient to make the local elites perform important tasks like collecting imperial taxes on behalf of their communities, but how many denarii was that worth to the emperor? For the revenue generated by the emperor’s patrimonium, however, there is hope for greater insight and perhaps even plausible estimates in the near future.37 But there is more to economic history than quantification, and we actually have a (relatively) substantial amount of evidence for Roman taxation. References to tax collectors and discussions of taxation appear frequently in everything from Suetonius’s biographies to the Synoptic Gospels. This evidence prompts me to suggest three nonquantitative propositions about Roman taxation.
Most Roman subjects probably shared our ignorance of the rates and regulations governing imperial taxation. Leaving aside the issue of literacy, sometimes the information was not made publicly available. Suetonius (Cal. 41) reports that Caligula once announced a variety of taxes but did not publish the details. When he finally did publish them, they were very hard to read, having been written in tiny letters and placed in a cramped location (minutissimis litteris et angustissimo loco). When Nero undertook tax reforms, one of his measures was simply to publish the customs regulations (rAnn. 13.51). The publicani had apparently been making up additional charges.38 Peter Brunt (1990: 358) noted a statement by the jurist Paul concerning the importance of custom “in nearly all taxes” (Dig. 39.4.4.2) and speculated that “it may well be that many rules were never defined in either laws or contracts.” This, of course, would have provided tax collectors with many opportunities to take advantage of the ignorant.
The evidence we possess is more than sufficient to demonstrate that variation was the norm.39 Tax rates varied from province to province, and within provinces depending on a number of factors. In Pannonia, for example, Hyginus reports (Const. 205L), that the fertility of the land determined the tax rate. In Egypt, there were several different categories of land and a variety of attested rates (Wallace, 1938: 1–10). For Roman Palestine, Keddie (2019: 150) notes that an adult’s “sum total of taxation” would vary depending on whether they were engaged in agriculture, how they were engaged in agriculture (i.e., as landowner or some type of tenant), the extent to which they engaged in commerce, their gender, and where they lived. Customs dues (portoria) also varied from place to place and depending on the nature of the goods. The Monumentum Ephesenum specifies a general 2.5 percent duty (11), but 5 percent for murex fish (20), and perhaps a flat fee for enslaved individuals (12). Some goods, however, were exempt, such as things being transported for religious purposes (58).40 Most provinces seem to have shared Asia’s 2.5 percent rate, but lower and higher rates are known, and there was a 25 percent duty on goods entering the empire in the east (De Romanis, 2020: 288–91). There were also municipal duties to worry about (France, 2017), not to mention the question of how goods were valued for tax purposes.
A particularly important aspect of the variation in Roman taxes was the differential treatment of individuals and communities. Peoples and cities could be punished with additional taxes or receive preferential treatment. Dio Cassius (Hist. rom. 54.7.5) relates that in 20 BCE Augustus ordered some communities in Asia and Bithynia to pay more than their allotted tribute. The tax imposed on Jews after the First Revolt is perhaps the best-known instance of the Romans placing an additional tax burden on a particular group of subjects. By contrast, Volubilis received a ten-year exemption under Claudius.41 Nero gave the people of Ilium immunity from taxation, apparently because of their legendary connection to Rome and the Julian family (Ner. 12.58). Citizenship also conferred tax privileges. In Egypt, for example, most adult males would pay tributum capitis, but not Roman citizens or the citizens of Alexandria and their slaves, as well as some Egyptian priests (Wallace, 1938: 116ff.; Capponi, 2005: 138). Tacitus (Ann. 13.51) says that soldiers were exempt from taxes except when they were transporting commercial goods. Roman citizens were exempt from some taxes, but liable for others that provincial noncitizens did not have to pay.42
Beyond the special privileges granted to certain groups of people and communities fortunate enough to win the favor of the emperor, it is likely that, since local elites did much of the tax collection on behalf of Rome, those without power or connections paid more than their fair share.43 Scheidel is undoubtedly right to describe Roman taxation as “openly unfair” (2015: 253), but flagrantly unfair might be even better. The cruelty may have often been the point when the taxpayers were not Roman citizens.
The opaqueness of the regulations coupled with the inconsistent and unfair nature of the collection system suggest that a defining feature of Roman taxation from the perspective of the taxpayer was its unpredictability. Would the emperor raise, lower, or abolish particular taxes?44 Would he demand aurum coronarium for some reason and, if so, how would one’s community go about collecting it?45 Would arrears be canceled or used to prosecute those who had fallen behind in their payments?46 When would a census revise the tax rolls?47 Would requests for relief be granted?48 How would particular collectors go about the process of collection? How closely would the imperial bureaucracy supervise the collectors? Would the process itself change? Would Roman soldiers or magistrates pass through one’s city or territory and, if they did, how would they behave? It would be hard, at least for nonelites, to be confident about any interaction with tax collectors, or to know in advance what they might be expected to pay in money, kind, or labor. This uncertainty would have generated considerable amounts of anxiety and resentment even before we factor in the resentment of those forced to pay taxes to their foreign overlords.
For some, the payment of taxes was a mark of servitude (Tertullian, Apol. 13.6) in addition to a financial burden; however, no one liked being taxed, not even Roman citizens in Italy, who enjoyed considerable privileges and were the clearest beneficiaries of empire. In 58 CE, in response to complaints about the publicani, Nero apparently put forward the idea of ending all indirect taxation, which he thought would constitute the most beautiful gift for mortals (pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium).49 His advisors eventually talked him out of it, and he settled for a less radical set of reforms and reductions designed to limit the abuses of the tax collectors (Ann. 13.50–51). Nero and the Roman public shared the same low opinion of tax collectors that was apparently current in first-century CE Judea on the cusp of revolt. To judge by all the tax collectors associating with Jesus in the Synoptic Gospels, even some of them had misgivings about their profession.50
If we want to understand the role of taxation in the lives of Roman subjects, which is part of the mission of the Early Christianity and the Ancient Economy research project, the experience of taxpayers—something for which we have abundant evidence—is the most important question to investigate. We can consider some effects of the tax system without knowing precisely how much was paid. Behavioral Economics suggests that the manner in which taxes are extracted matters quite a bit.51 The process, the conduct of the people implementing that process, the meanings attached to the act of payment, the looming consequences of a failure to comply, and the perceived “return” (in terms of government services) all contribute to the psychological impact of taxation.52 The US system of payroll deductions coupled with refunds of excess payments after the filing of tax returns can transform an overpayment of taxes into an apparent bonus. The Roman system had no such feature.